In international relations, the term smart power refers to the combination of hard power and soft power strategies. It is defined by the Center for Strategic and International Studies as "an approach that underscores the necessity of a strong military, but also invests heavily in alliances, partnerships, and institutions of all levels to expand American influence and establish legitimacy of American action."^[1]

Joseph Nye, former Assistant Secretary of Defense under the Clinton Administration and author of several books on smart power strategy, suggests that the most effective strategies in foreign policy today require a mix of hard and soft power resources. Employing only hard power or only soft power in a given situation will usually prove inadequate.^[2] Nye utilizes the example of terrorism, arguing that combatting terrorism demands smart power strategy. He advises that simply utilizing soft power resources to change the hearts and minds of the Taliban government would be ineffective and requires a hard power component. In developing relationships with the mainstream Muslim world, however, soft power resources are necessary and the use of hard power would have damaging effects.

According to Chester A. Crocker, smart power "involves the strategic use of diplomacy, persuasion, capacity building, and the projection of power and influence in ways that are cost-effective and have political and social legitimacy" – essentially the engagement of both military force and all forms of diplomacy.^[3]

Origin[link]

The origin of the term "smart power" is under debate and has been attributed to both Suzanne Nossel and Joseph Nye.

Suzanne Nossel, Deputy to Ambassador Holbrooke at the United Nations during the Clinton administration, is credited with coining the term in an article in Foreign Affairs entitled, "Smart Power: Reclaiming Liberal Internationalism", in 2004.^[4]

Joseph Nye, however, claims that smart power is a term he introduced in 2003 “to counter the misperception that soft power alone can produce effective foreign policy.”^[5] He created the term to name an alternative to the hard power-driven foreign policy of the Bush administration. Nye notes that smart power strategy denotes the ability to combine hard and soft power depending on whether hard or soft power would be more effective in a given situation. He states that many situations require soft power; however, in stopping North Korea’s nuclear weapons program, for instance, hard power might be more effective than soft power.^[6] In the words of the Financial Times, “to win the peace, therefore, the US will have to show as much skill in exercising soft power as it has in using hard power to win the war.”.^[7] Smart power addresses multilateralism and enhances foreign policy.

History of Smart Power in the United States[link]

The "term" smart power emerged in the past decade, but the "concept" of smart power has much earlier roots in the history of the United States and is a popular notion in international relations today.

1901: President Theodore Roosevelt proclaims: “Speak softly and carry a big stick.”

1961: The United States begins implementing soft power programs, such as American broadcasting into the Soviet bloc, to combat Soviet Union.

1991: The end of the Cold War was marked by the collapse of the Berlin Wall, which fell as a result of a combination of hard and soft power. Throughout the Cold War, hard power was used to deter Soviet aggression and soft power was used to erode faith in Communism. Joseph Nye said: “When the Berlin Wall finally collapsed, it was destroyed not by artillery barrage but by hammers and bulldozers wielded by those who had lost faith in communism.”^[8]

2004: Joseph S. Nye introduces the term “smart power” in his book, "Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics". “Smart power is neither hard nor soft. It is both,” he writes.^[9] In an article in "Foreign Affairs", analyst Suzanne Nossel uses the term “smart power". For Nossel, “Smart power means knowing that the United States' own hand is not always its best tool: U.S. interests are furthered by enlisting others on behalf of U.S. goals."^[10]

2007: In light of 9/11 and the war in Iraq, the Bush administration was criticized for placing too much emphasis on a hard power strategy. To counter this hard power strategy, the Center for Strategic and International Studies released the "Commission on Smart Power" to introduce the concept of smart power into discussion on which principles should guide the future of U.S. foreign policy in light of 9/11 and the war in Iraq.^[11] The report identifies five critical areas of focus for the U.S.: Alliances, Global Development, Public Diplomacy, Economic Integration, and Technology and Innovation.^[12] According to the report, these five goals constitute smart foreign policy and will help the United States achieve the goal of “American preeminence as an agent of good.”^[13]

2009: The Center for Strategic and International Studies, released a second report, "Investing in a New Multilateralism", to address the concept of smart power in international releases. This report addressed the United Nations as an instrument of U.S. smart power. By collaborating with the UN, the U.S. can lead the way in reinvigorating multilateralism within in the international community in the 21st century.^[14]

2009: Under the Obama administration, smart power became a core principle of his foreign policy strategy. It was popularized by Hilary Clinton during her Senate confirmation hearing on January 13, 2009 for the position of Secretary of State. Both Suzanne Nossel and Joseph Nye were supportive of Clinton’s encouragement of smart power, since it would popularize the use of smart power in U.S. foreign policy.^[15]

We must use what has been called smart power---the full range of tools at our disposal---diplomatic, economic, military, political, legal, and cultural---picking the right tool, or combination of tools, for each situation. With smart power, diplomacy will be the vanguard of foreign policy.^[16]

2010: The "First Quadrennial Diplomacy and Development Review (QDDR)" entitled, "Leading through Civilian Power", called for the implementation of a smart power strategy through civilian leadership.^[17]

2011: Obama’s "2011 May Speech on the Middle East and North Africa" called for a smart power strategy, incorporating development, in addition to defense and diplomacy, as the third pillar of his foreign policy doctrine.^[18]

Challenges in the Application of Smart Power[link]

According to "Dealing with Today’s Asymmetric Threat to U.S. and Global Security", a symposium sponsored by CACI, an effective smart power strategy faces multiple challenges in transitioning from smart power as a theory to smart power in practice. Applying smart power today requires great difficulty, since it operates in an environment of asymmetric threats, ranging from cybersecurity to terrorism. These threats exist in a dynamic international environment, adding yet another challenge to the application of smart power strategy. In order to effectively address asymmetric threats arising in a dynamic international environment, the symposium suggests addressing the following factors: rule of law, organizational roadblocks, financing smart power, and strategic communications.^[19]

Rule of Law

In order to implement smart power approaches on both a domestic and international level, the United States must develop a legal framework for the use of smart power capabilities. Developing a legal foundation for smart power, however, demands a clear concept of these asymmetric threats, which is often difficult. The cyber domain, for instance, presents an extremely nebulous concept. Hence, the challenge will be conceptualizing asymmetric threats before formulating a legal framework.^[20]

Organizational Roadblocks

The inability to promote smart power approaches because of organizational failures within agencies presents another obstacle to successful smart power implementation. Agencies often lack either the appropriate authority or resources to employ smart power. The only way to give smart power long-term sustainability is to address these organizational failures and promote the coordination and accessibility of hard and soft power resources.^[21]

Financing Smart Power

With the ongoing financial crisis, the dire need for financial resources presents a critical obstacle to the implementation of smart power. According to Secretary Gates, “there is a need for a dramatic increase in spending on the civilian instruments of national security---diplomacy, strategic communications, foreign assistance, civic action, and economic reconstruction and development.” In order to successfully implement smart power, the U.S. budget needs to be rebalanced so that non-military foreign affairs programs receive more funding. Sacrificing defense spending will, however, be met with stalwart resistance.^[22]

Strategic Communications

“Asymmetries of perception,” according to the report, are a major obstacle to strategic communications. A long-term smart power strategy will mitigate negative perceptions by discussing the nature of these threats and making a case for action using smart power strategy. The report states that the central theme of our strategic communications campaign should be education of our nation in our values as a democratic nation and in the nature of the threats our nation faces today.^[23]

United Nations as an Instrument of Smart Power[link]

Of all the tools at the disposal of smart power strategists in the United States, experts suggest that the U.N. is the most critical. The Center for Strategic and International Studies issued a report, Investing in a New Multilateralism, in January 2009 to outline the role of the United Nations as an instrument of U.S. smart power strategy.^[24] The report suggests that in an increasingly multipolar world, the UN cannot be discarded as outdated and must be regarded as an essential tool to thinking strategically about the new multilateralism that our nation faces.^[25] An effective smart power strategy will align the interests of the U.S. and the UN, thereby effectively addressing threats to peace and security, climate change, global health, and humanitarian operations.^[26]

Global Perspectives on Smart Power[link]

U.S.-China Relations

As announced by Secretary of State Hilary Clinton in November 2011, the United States will begin to shift its attention to the Asia-Pacific region, making the strategic relationship between the U.S. and China of supreme importance in determining the future of international affairs in the region. The Center for Strategic and International Studies, in “Smart Power in U.S.-China Relations,” offers recommendations for building a cooperative strategic relationship between the U.S. and China through smart power strategy.^[27] Rather than relying on unilateral action, the U.S. and China should combine their smart power resources to promote the global good and enhance the peace and security of the region. The report recommends the following policy objectives: implement an aggressive engagement agenda, launch an action agenda on energy and climate, and institute a new dialogue on finance and economics. Overall, the report suggests that U.S.-Sino relations should be pursued without the black-and-white view of China as either benign or hostile, but rather, as a partner necessary in serving the interests of the U.S. and the region while promoting the global good.

U.S-Turkish Relations

The Obama administration continually stresses the importance of smart power strategy in relations with the Middle East and especially Turkey due to its increasing leadership role as a regional soft power.^[28] As not only an Islamic democratic nation but also the only Muslim member of NATO, Turkey’s leverage in the region could inspire other nations to follow in its footsteps. By establishing a cooperative relationship with Turkey and working to clarify misunderstandings through smart power, Turkey could eventually become the bridge between the East and the West. A smart power approach to U.S.-Turkish relations will expand the leadership role of Turkey in the region and increases its strategic importance to NATO.

Debate Surrounding Smart Power[link]

Transformalist Diplomacy versus Smart Power Strategy

Condoleeza Rice, Bush’s Secretary of State, coined the term “transformalist diplomacy” to denote Bush’s policy to promote democracy through a hard power driven strategy.^[29] “Transformalist diplomacy” stands at odds with “smart power,” which utilizes hard and soft power resources based on the situation. The Obama administration’s foreign policy is based on smart power strategy, attempting to strike a balance between defense and diplomacy.

Smart power as an instrument of American imperialism

In an interview with the Boston Globe, interviewer Anna Mundow, questioned Joseph Nye over the criticism that smart power is the friendly face of American imperialism.^[30] By the same token, the Bush doctrine has also been criticized for being “imperialistic,” by focusing on American power over partnerships with the rest of the world. Joseph Nye defends smart power by noting that criticism often stems from a misunderstanding of the smart power theory. Nye himself designed the theory to apply to any nation of any size, not just the United States. It was meant to be a more sophisticated method of thinking about power in the context of the information age and post-9/11 world.19 President Obama defined his vision for U.S. leadership as “not in the spirit of a patron but the spirit of a partner.”^[31]

Ineffective Use of Smart Power

Ken Adelman, in an article entitled “Not-So-Smart Power,” argues that there is no correlation between U.S. aid and the ability of America to positively influence events abroad.^[32] He points out that the nations who receive the most foreign aid, such as Egypt and Pakistan, are no more in tune with American values than those who receive less or no U.S. foreign aid. Overall, he criticizes the instruments of smart power, such as foreign aid and exchange programs, for being ineffective in achieving our national interests.

Questioning Old Institutions and Alliances

In the application of smart power in U.S. strategy, Ted Galen Carpenter, author of the work Smart Power', criticizes U.S. foreign policy for failing to question outdated alliances, such as NATO.^[33] Carpenter articulated his disapproval of interventionist foreign policy, saying, "America does not need to be — and should not aspire to be — a combination global policeman and global social worker." Rather than utilizing antiquated institutions, the U.S. should rethink certain alliances in arriving at a new vision for the future of American foreign policy. Carpenter fears that America's domestic interests will be sacrificed in favor of global interests through smart power. Essentially, interventionist foreign policies advocated by U.S. smart power strategies undercut domestic liberties.

See also[link]

• Cultural diplomacy
• Engagement (diplomacy)
• Public Diplomacy
• Soft Power
• Progressive realism
• Joseph S. Nye

External links[link]

• Soft Power, Smart Power and Intelligent Power A lecture in honor of Joseph Nye

References[link]

Joseph Nye

Born	(1937-01-19) January 19, 1937 (age 75) South Orange, New Jersey
Era	International relations theory
Region	Western Philosophers
School	Neoliberal institutionalism
Main interests	International security, interdependence, globalization
Notable ideas	Soft power/hard power/smart power, complex interdependence
Influenced by Stanley Hoffmann

Joseph Samuel Nye, Jr. (born January 19, 1937) is the co-founder, along with Robert Keohane, of the international relations theory neoliberalism, developed in their 1977 book Power and Interdependence. Together with Keohane, he developed the concepts of asymmetrical and complex interdependence. They also explored transnational relations and world politics in an edited volume in the 1970s. More recently, he pioneered the theory of soft power. His notion of "smart power" became popular with the use of this phrase by members of the Clinton administration, and more recently the Obama Administration.^[1] Nye is currently University Distinguished Service Professor at Harvard University, and previously served as dean of Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government. He also serves as a Guiding Coalition member for the Project on National Security Reform.

The 2011 TRIP survey of over 1700 international relations scholars ranks Joe Nye as the sixth most influential scholar in the field of international relations in the past twenty years.^[2]

In 2011, he was named by Foreign Policy magazine to its list of top global thinkers.^[3]

Life and career[link]

Education[link]

Nye graduated summa cum laude from Princeton University, where he was vice-president of the Colonial Club, a columnist for The Daily Princetonian, and a member of the American Whig–Cliosophic Society's Debate Panel.^[4] After studying Philosophy, Politics and Economics as a Rhodes Scholar in Exeter College at Oxford University, obtained his Ph.D. in political science from Harvard. He attended Morristown Prep (now the Morristown-Beard School) in Morristown, New Jersey and graduated in 1954.

Career[link]

Nye originally joined the Harvard faculty in 1964, serving as Director of the Center for International Affairs and as Associate Dean of Arts and Sciences. From 1977-1979, Nye was Deputy to the Undersecretary of State for Security Assistance, Science, and Technology and chaired the National Security Council Group on Nonproliferation of Nuclear Weapons.

In 1993 and 1994 he was chairman of the National Intelligence Council, which coordinates intelligence estimates for the President. Nye also served as Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs in the Clinton Administration, and was considered by many to be the preferred choice for National Security Advisor in the 2004 presidential campaign of John Kerry. He is widely recognized as one of the foremost liberal thinkers on foreign policy, and is seen by some as the counter to renowned Harvard conservative Samuel P. Huntington.

In 2005, Nye was voted one of the ten most influential scholars of international relations in the USA.^[5]

He is the co-chair of the Center for a New American Security Cyber Security Project,^[6] on the Advisory board of the USC Center on Public Diplomacy as well as on the International Editorial Board of the Cambridge Review of International Affairs, the editorial board of Foreign Policy, the Board of Directors of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Guiding Coalition of the Project on National Security Reform, the Advisory Board of Carolina for Kibera, and the Board of the Center for Strategic and International Studies. He has been awarded the Woodrow Wilson Prize by Princeton University and the Humphrey Prize by the American Political Science Association. In 2005 he was awarded the Honorary Patronage of the University Philosophical Society of Trinity College Dublin and in 2007 he was awarded an honorary degree by King's College London.

Nye has published many works in recent years, the most recent being The Future of Power (2011, ISBN 978-1-58648-891-8), Understanding International Conflicts, 7th ed (2009), The Powers to Lead (2008), The Power Game: A Washington Novel (2004), Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics (2004), and The Paradox of American Power (2002). Nye coined the term soft power in the late 1980s and it first came into widespread usage following a piece he wrote in Foreign Policy in the early 1990s. He is the chairman of the North American branch of the Trilateral Commission.^[7]

Personal[link]

Nye and his wife, Molly Harding Nye, have three adult sons.^[8]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Column archive at Project Syndicate
• Appearances on C-SPAN
• Joseph Nye on Charlie Rose
• Joseph Nye at TED Conferences
• Joseph Nye at the Internet Movie Database
• Works by or about Joseph Nye in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
• Conversations with History interview with Harry Krelsler at the UC Berkeley Institute of International Studies in April 1998
• 'Joseph Nye - Viet Nam 2010' Coffee is soft power of Vietnam
• 'Talking Power', interview in the Oxonian Review in March 2005
• 'Joseph Nye on Teaching America to be more British', interview with Theory Talks in May 2008
• 'How Soft is Smart?', interview on the US Presidential Election in Guernica Magazine in October 2008
• Nye's profile, he is Chairman of the North American Group of the Trilateral Commission
• Nye's profile at the Harvard Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, where he is a board member
• Nye's profile at Harvard University, where he is Distinguished Service Professor and Sultan of Oman Professor of International Relations
• Video (with mp3 available) of discussion with Nye and Daniel Drezner on Bloggingheads.tv
• Audio: Joseph Nye in conversation on the BBC World Service discussion programme The Forum
• Soft Power, Smart Power and Intelligent Power A lecture in honor of Joseph Nye
• Interview in The Global Scholar Knowledge Initiative (GSKI)

Look up willpower in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

Willpower may refer to:

• Self discipline, training and control of oneself and one's conduct, usually for personal improvement
• Self control, the ability of a person to exert his/her will over the inhibitions of their body or self
• Will (philosophy), a philosophical concept
• Will to power, a philosophical concept by Friedrich Nietzsche
• Will Power, an Australian racing driver
• #willpower, an album by will.i.am.
• Willpower: rediscovering the greatest human strength. A book by psychologist Roy F. Baumeister

This disambiguation page lists articles associated with the same title. If an internal link led you here, you may wish to change the link to point directly to the intended article.