Pratibha Devi Singh Patil
President of India
Incumbent
Assumed office 25 July 2007
Prime Minister	Manmohan Singh
Vice President	Mohammad Hamid Ansari
Preceded by	A. P. J. Abdul Kalam
Governor of Rajasthan
In office 8 November 2004 – 23 July 2007
Chief Minister	Vasundhara Raje
Preceded by	Madan Lal Khurana
Succeeded by	Akhlaqur Rahman Kidwai
Personal details
Born	(1934-12-19) 19 December 1934 (age 77) Nadgaon, Bombay Presidency, British India (now in Maharashtra, India)
Political party	Indian National Congress
Spouse(s)	Devisingh Ransingh Shekhawat
Alma mater	Mooljee Jetha College, Jalgaon Government Law College, Mumbai
Profession	Lawyer
Religion	Hindu

Pratibha Devisingh Patil ( pronunciation (help·info)) (born 19 December 1934) is the 12th President of the Republic of India and first woman to hold the office.^[1] She was sworn in as President of India on 25 July 2007, succeeding Dr. A.P.J. Abdul Kalam and after defeating her rival Bhairon Singh Shekhawat.^[2][3] She is a member of the Indian National Congress (INC), was nominated for the presidency by the ruling United Progressive Alliance and Indian Left.

Early life[link]

Pratibha Devisingh Patil was born in Jalgaon District, Maharashtra. She received her early education from RR Vidyalaya, Jalgaon.^{[citation needed]}. She completed her Masters in Political Science and Economics at the Moolji Jaitha College, Jalgaon. She obtained her Bachelor of Law degree from Government Law College, Mumbai.^[1]

Career[link]

Pratibha Patil started her professional career^[when?] as a lawyer at the Jalgaon District Court.

She was elected for the Jalgaon Assembly constituency in February 1962 when aged 27.^[4] She was elected four times consecutively for Muktainagar (formerly Edlabad), Maharashtra, as a member of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly between 1967 and 1985.^[1] Thereafter, she served as a Member of Parliament in the Rajya Sabha from 1985 to 1990. In 1991 she was elected as a Member of Parliament in the tenth Lok Sabha, representing the Amravati constituency and stayed in the role until 1996.^[1]

She was the 24th Governor of Rajasthan between 2004–2007,^[1] and the first woman to hold that office.^[5]

Presidential Election 2007[link]

On 14 June 2007, United Progressive Alliance (UPA), the ruling alliance of political parties in India headed by the Indian National Congress, and the Indian left nominated her as their candidate for the Presidential Election to be held in July that year.^[6] She emerged as a compromise candidate after the Left parties would not agree to the nomination of former Home Minister Shivraj Patil. UPA chairwoman Sonia Gandhi proposed her: her loyalty to the Nehru-Gandhi family was widely perceived to be a major factor in her nomination.^[7] With the possibility that she might become the first female President of India, Sonia Gandhi described her nomination as a "historic occasion".^{[citation needed]}

Before leaving Jaipur for New Delhi, she thanked Gandhi for choosing her and said that her first job as president would be to make the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) started by UPA a success.^[8] In Delhi she asserted that she would not be a rubber stamp president.^[7]

She faced Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, the NDA candidate,^[9] The Leader of the Opposition, L K Advani, unsuccessfully sought the intervention of Election Commission of India to force Patil to declare her assets,^{[clarification needed][10]} citing allegations of misconduct. Advani said that people contesting elections are required to disclose their assets per the Election Commission rules, which Patil had not done.^[11]

Shiv Sena, an important NDA ally, declared its support of Patil on the grounds that she would be the first Maharashtrian to hold the office.^[12] The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) opposed her candidature for president.^[13] While it tried to build a strong moral opposition to her nomination, it was advised not to challenge the nomination on legal grounds in order to preserve the dignity of the President of India, adding to the presidential immunity that the President of India enjoys during his/her tenure.^{[citation needed]}

Presidency[link]

Presidential styles of Pratibha Patil
Reference style	Her Excellency Pratibha Patil, President of the Republic of India
Spoken style	President Patil
Alternative style	Madame President

She won the presidential election held on 19 July 2007 defeating her nearest rival Bhairon Singh Shekhawat by over 300,000 votes. She took office as India's first woman president on 25 July 2007.

This section requires expansion.

Philanthropy[link]

Along with her husband, she set up Vidya Bharati Shikshan Prasarak Mandal, an educational institute which runs a chain of schools and colleges in Amravati, Jalgaon and Mumbai.^[14] She also set up Shram Sadhana Trust, which runs hostels for working women in New Delhi, Mumbai and Pune; and an engineering college in Jalgaon.^[14] She also founded a cooperative sugar factory known as Sant Muktabai Sahakari Sakhar Karkhana, Mukta Nager and a cooperative bank named after herself as Pratibha Mahila Sahakari Bank. The bank ceased trading in February 2003 due to having its license revoked as a consequence of financial irregularities.^[15]

Divine indication[link]

Patil claims to have spoken to the spirit of the deceased leader Baba Lekhraj^[16] at the Brahmakumari's headquarters in Mount Abu, Rajasthan.^[16]

"Dadiji ke shareer mein baba aye... Maine unse baat ki" (Baba entered Devi’s body and he communicated to me through her).^[17] Reporters began to report on the message she received of a "divine indication" of great responsibility coming her way.^[18]

Controversies[link]

Pratibha Patil's term as the President of India was marred by various controversies.^[19]

An allegation was also made that Patil had protected her brother, who had been named in connection with the Vishram Patil murder case,^{[20][clarification needed]} while another alleged that as a Member of Parliament for Amravati between 1991 and 1996 Patil diverted Rs 36 lakh (Rs 3.6 million) from her MPLADS fund to a trust run by her husband Devisingh Shekhawat. This was in violation of Government rules which barred MPs from providing funds to organisations run by their relatives.^[21] The parliamentary affairs minister denied any wrongdoing on Patil's part, and noted that the funds utilized under MPLADS are audited by the Comptroller and Auditor General of India^[22] In addition, some of her past pronouncements were criticized, including one made on 10 December 1975, when she was the Health Minister of Maharashtra and advocated in the Legislative Assembly of Maharashtra that people with hereditary diseases should be compulsorily sterilised.^{[23][clarification needed]}

Positions held[link]

Pratibha Patil in North-east India.

See also[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Pratibha Patil

• Devisingh Ransingh Shekhawat
• Indian presidential election, 2007
• Pratibha Mahila Sahakari Bank
• Sant Muktabai Sahakari Sakhar Karkhana

References[link]

External links[link]

• profile at Indian Government website

v t e Presidents of India Prasad Radhakrishnan Hussain Giri Ahmed Reddy Singh Venkatraman Sharma Narayanan Kalam Patil

Arun Shourie
Arun Shourie at Horasis Global India Business Meeting 2009[1]
Personal details
Born	(1941-11-02) 2 November 1941 (age 70) Jalandhar, India
Political party	Bharatiya Janata Party
Spouse(s)	Anita
Alma mater	St. Stephen's College, Delhi Syracuse University
Occupation	Politician
Profession	Journalist & World Bank Economist

Arun Shourie (अरूण शौरी) (born 2 November 1941) is an Indian journalist, author and politician. He served as an economist with the World Bank (1968–72 and 1975–77), a consultant to the Planning Commission, India, editor of the Indian Express and Times of India and a minister in the government of India (1998–2004).^[2] He was awarded the Ramon Magsaysay Award in 1984. He is an agnostic^[3].

Early life[link]

Arun Shourie was born in Jalandar, India then Occupied by British Imperialists. He studied at Modern School, Barakhamba and St. Stephen's in Delhi. He obtained his doctorate in Economics from the Maxwell School of Syracuse University in the United States.^[4]

Career[link]

In a series of exposés, many of which he wrote himself, Shourie and the Indian Express, where he became Executive Editor in January 1979, uncovered corruption in the highest echelons of the government and exposed several major scandals, including what has been dubbed “India’s Watergate.”^[5] Shourie started a one-man crusade in 1981 against Abdul Rehman Antulay, the then Chief Minister of Maharashtra State, who allegedly extorted millions of dollars from businesses dependent on state resources and put the money in a private trust named after Indira Gandhi. The story caused the eventual resignation of the chief minister and great embarrassment to Gandhi and her ruling Congress Party.^[6]

Shourie's exposés resulted in a prolonged labour dispute at the Mumbai offices of the Indian Express, where a labour organizer with ties to Antulay encouraged workers to strike for a minimum wage double than what was paid at any other newspaper in India. It also resulted in a government crackdown that included a host of legal cases launched against the Indian Express by various agencies. In 1982, the paper's owner Ramnath Goenka fired Shourie as a result of continued government pressure.^[7]

Between 1982 and 1986, Shourie wrote for various newspapers and magazines, at the same time as being General Secretary of the People's Union for Civil Liberties. He was appointed executive editor of the Times of India in 1986 but was lured back to the Indian Express by Goenka in 1987. Shourie launched an attack on then prime minister Rajiv Gandhi over the Bofors howitzer gun purchase scandal. This contributed to Rajiv Gandhi's defeat in the subsequent parliamentary elections.

Among the many battles Shourie fought for press freedom, perhaps the most famous was his crusade against the government’s proposal in 1988 to introduce a defamation bill. It was widely perceived that the bill had been introduced with unusual speed in the Parliament in an attempt to muzzle the Indian Express, and the entire media community joined Shourie and the Indian Express in condemning the move.

At one stage, there were 300 cases filed by the government against the Indian Express, and credit supply from banks was cut off. Shourie, however, continued his battle against government corruption until 1990, when differences on editorial policy forced him to resign from the Indian Express. The differences involved Shourie's opposition to the implementation of the Mandal Commission Report, that sought reservations in government jobs for Other Backward Classes (OBC), which were initiated by then Prime Minister V.P. Singh's government. After that, he devoted his energy to writing books and regular columns, which appeared in different languages in 30 newspapers across India. In 2000, he was named as one of the International Press Institute's 50 World Press Freedom Heroes of the past 50 years.^[8]

Shourie is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). He has been a member of the Rajya Sabha and also held the office of the Minister of Disinvestment, Communication and Information Technology in the Government of India under Atal Bihari Vajpayee's prime ministership. As Disinvestment Minister, he led the sale of Maruti, VSNL, Hindustan Zinc among others. His position as Minister was a controversial one, but he and his secretary Pradip Baijal are much respected for kick-starting what people believe was a best-in-class process. In a poll of India’s top 100 CEOs in February 2004, he was ranked the most outstanding minister of Mr.Vajpayee’s government.^[9]

Shourie was one of the loudest voices opposing the nomination of Pratibha Patil as the President of India in 2007. Arun Shourie authored two articles published as a booklet titled 'Does This Tainted Person Deserve to Become President of India?' in which he discussed the highly questionable past of the Congress candidate. In a detailed interview with Karan Thapar, Shourie gave voluminous proofs accusing Pratibha Patil and her kin of embezzling funds from Pratibha Mahila Sahakari Bank,a bank which she had founded and was in charge of. Reserve Bank of India (RBI), revoked the licence of the bank in 2003 after it was found out that the bank had illegally waived interest on loans given to many of Pratibha Patil’s family members.^[10] Shourie also accused her of obstruction of justice and in a murder case against her brother G.N.Patil.

After the defeat of BJP in 2009 General Elections, Arun Shourie was one of the voices, besides Yashwant Sinha and Jaswant Singh, within the BJP demanding introspection and accountability. Matters came to a flashpoint after the expulsion of senior BJP leader Jaswant Singh because of his book praising Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Shourie defended Jaswant Singh in his articles in the Indian Express and accused the former BJP Party President Rajnath Singh of high handedness using such choice phrases as "Humpty Dumpty" and "Alice in Blunderland".^[11]

Personal life[link]

Shourie is married to Anita Shourie, and they have one son.^[3]

Publications[link]

Arun Shourie has written about 26 books. He is known for his well-researched and thought-provoking writings.^{[citation needed]} His writings have gained him a considerable following around the country, as well as several national and international honours. Among these are the Padma Bhushan, the Magsaysay Award, the Dadabhai Naoroji Award, the Astor Award, the K.S. Hegde Award and the International Editor of the Year Award and The Freedom to Publish Award.^[12]

• In Does He Know a Mother's Heart? Arun Shourie discusses the perennial question that has grappled mankind since eternity: "If there is a kind,compassionate, all-knowing God, how can there be extreme suffering in this world?". Shourie analyses various religious scriptures in his quest for the answer to this question. The book is also a personal narrative of a father whose son was diagnosed with cerebral palsy as a child (Shourie's son Aditya is now 34 years old), and of a husband whose wife is a Parkinson's Disease patient. The personal narrative is particularly heart wrenching.^{[citation needed]}
• In We Must Have No Price, which is a collection of his articles published earlier in The Indian Express, and of his speeches in the Rajya Sabha and several lectures that he delivered at IIT Kanpur and elsewhere, Shourie presses for reforms in the higher education sector, in the economic sector and in political parties (specifically BJP, the party to which he belongs).
• In his book Worshipping False Gods, Shourie criticized B.R. Ambedkar, the leader of Dalits, for alleged complicity with the British and lust for power and wealth. For this book, Shourie was criticized all over India. In pune his face was blackened by Dalit peoples for criticizing Ambedkar in his book.
• In A Secular Agenda (1997, ISBN 81-900199-3-7), Shourie discusses various problems faced by India due to minority appeasement and pseudo-secularism practiced by the Indian politicians.^[13] The book starts with a discourse on the definition of a nation. He cites examples of other nations in Europe to counter the arguments of people who do not consider India as one nation due to its different languages and religions. He argues for a Uniform Civil Code in the book^[13] and the abolition of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution. He also discusses the problem related to infiltration from Bangladesh and the inability of the Indian government to solve it.
• Eminent Historians: Their Technology, Their Line, Their Fraud (1998, ISBN 81-900199-8-8) discusses the NCERT controversy in Indian politics and attacks Marxist historiography. Shourie asserts that Marxist historians have controlled and misused important institutions like the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR), the National Council of Educational Research Training (NCERT) and a large part of academia and the media. He criticizes well-known historians like Romila Thapar and Irfan Habib. Shourie argues that Marxist historians have white-washed the records of rulers like Mahmud of Ghazni and Aurangzeb. Shourie presents examples to further his argument of how many of these text books describe in great detail foreign personalities like Karl Marx or Joseph Stalin, while they often barely mention important figures of India or of the Indian states. Shourie writes that this is in contrast to Russian Marxist text books. The standard Soviet work A History of India (1973) is according to Shourie much more objective and truthful than the history books written by the Indian Marxists.
• In Falling Over Backwards: An essay against Reservations and against Judicial populism, Shourie examines the history of reservations as to why they were originally introduced, the relevant sections in the Indian Constitution and the reasoning behind the exact words used. He then cites the rulings of courts to emphasise on the degeneration of judiciary from an upholder of the original values to openly flouting them. He examines how the Constitution was generously interpreted by consecutive court rulings to arrive at conclusions completely opposite to what the Constitution makers originally intended. He cites exact rulings and judgements to make his point. He then proceeds to discuss the introduction of reservations in promotions, the Rooster System, the arrival at the 50% limit and the subsequent flouting of it. Next, he proceeds to the logic behind the Mandal recommendations and the basis on which the same were made. He then examines the base of the commissions rulings, i.e., the 1931 census (the last time caste-based census was held in India), and showcases how the findings, ambiguous to begin with by the census takers' own admissions, was conveniently used by the commission. In the final part of the book, Shourie examines the effects of reservations in bureaucracy and elsewhere, citing specific examples and cases to highlight the absurdness that has set in and its adverse effect on the institutions. He discusses the future that the trend portends, and makes ominous predictions if the slide is not stopped. Shourie ends by quoting Nehru's remarks on reservations 'This way lies not folly, but disaster.'
• Governance and the sclerosis that has set in: Arun Shourie discusses the rot prevalent in the bureaucracy and the inordinate delay that accompanies every task. Various cases are cited along with their timeline and their motion through the various channels bringing home the inefficiency of the structure. Shourie also discusses certain incidents involving his stint as the Disinvestment minister in the Vajpayee government. Lack of efficacy of various state governments, PSUs and departments is also discussed. Shourie suggests doing away with obsolete legislation and simplifying the processes.
• The World of Fatwas or the Sharia in Action: Shourie discusses the concept of fatwas, the premises surrounding the sharia code of laws, its universality and how it is being used as a tool to keep the Muslim masses in a state of agitated isolation. He exposes the secular view of Islam's institutions and its ulemas in India as being incomplete and shrouded in hypocrisy. He discusses the need of a concerted program of reform headed by Muslim Liberals to vitiate the deleterious effects of the all-pervading power of the ulema. He also touches upon some contemporary issues such as the Shah Bano case and dissects the response of the fundamentalists as being symptomatic of the view of women as second class citizens propagated by the Quran and the Hadis. The book also focusses on the conflict between the world view advocated by the fatwas and that of modern science.

Bibliography[link]

• Does He Know a Mother's Heart? [1]
• We Must Have No Price
• Are We Deceiving Ourselves Again [2]
• Where Will All This Take Us [3]
• The Parliamentary System
• Courts and their Judgements: Premises, Prerequisites, Consequences
• Eminent Historians: Their Technology, Their Line, Their Fraud
• Falling Over Backwards: An essay against Reservations and against Judicial populism
• Governance and the sclerosis that has set in [4]
• Harvesting Our Souls
• Hinduism: Essence and Consequence
• Indian Controversies
• Individuals, Institutions, Processes : How One may Strengthen the Other in India Today
• Institutions in the Janata Phase
• Missionaries in India [5]
• Arun Shourie and his Christian critics
• Mrs Gandhi's Second Reign
• Only Fatherland : Communists, 'Quit India,' and the Soviet Union
• Religion in Politics
• A Secular Agenda
• Symptoms of Fascism
• These Lethal, Inexorable Laws: Rajiv, His Men and His Regime
• The State As Charade: V.P. Singh, Chandra Shekhar and the Rest
• Will the Iron Fence Save a Tree Hollowed by Termites?
• Worshiping False Gods [6] [7]
• The World of Fatwas [8]

Co-author:

• with Sita Ram Goel, Harsh Narain, Jay Dubashi and Ram Swarup, Hindu Temples - What Happened to Them Vol. I, (A Preliminary Survey) (1990, ISBN 81-85990-49-2)
• with Sita Ram Goel, Koenraad Elst, Ram Swarup, Freedom of expression - Secular Theocracy Versus Liberal Democracy, Voice of India (1998).
• with Arun Jaitley, Swapan Dasgupta, Rama J Jois, Harsh Narain-The Ayodhya Reference:Suprema Court judgment and commentaries, Voice of India(1994)

IIT Kanpur[link]

Arun Shourie was nominated from Uttar Pradesh for his two successive tenures as Rajya Sabha Member of Parliament (1998–2004 and 2004–2010).In the year 2000, Shourie pledged the entire amount (Rs. 11.90 crore) of discretionary spending available to him under Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) to setting up of Bio-Sciences & Bio-engineering Department at the Indian Institute of Technology Kanpur. In 2005, he displayed his commitment to the cause by again pledging Rs. 11 crore for developing a separate and well-equipped building for Environmental Sciences and Environmental Engineering at the institute.^[14]

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Arun Shourie

• Image source
• A short collection of Shourie excerpts
• Interview with Karan Thapar for CNN IBN on the issue of the nuclear deal
• Interview with Karan Thapar for CNN IBN on the issue of reservations
• Interview at rediff.com