Alexander I ალექსანდრე I
King of Kings of Georgia
A fresco of the royal person from the Nabakhtevi monastery in Georgia. An inscription in the Georgian asomtavruli script identifies him as "Alexander, King of Kings".
King of Georgia
Reign	1412-1442
Predecessor	Constantine I
Successor	Vakhtang IV
Spouse	Dulandukht Orbelian Tamar of Imereti
Issue
Vakhtang IV Demetre III of Imereti George VIII Patriarch David Zaal Bagrationi, Empress of Trebizond
Full name
Alexander I the Great Aleksandre I Didi Athanasius (monastery name)
Dynasty	Bagrationi
Father	Constantine I of Georgia
Mother	Natia Amirejibi
Born	1386
Died	between August 26, 1445 and March 7, 1446
Burial	Svetitskhoveli Cathedral, Mtskheta
Religion	Georgian Orthodox Church

Alexander I, “the Great” (Georgian: ალექსანდრე I დიდი, Alexandre I Didi) (1386 – between August 26, 1445 and March 7, 1446), of the Bagrationi house, was king of Georgia from 1412 to 1442. Despite his efforts to restore the country from the ruins left by the Turco-Mongol warlord Timur Leng’s invasions, Georgia never recovered and faced the inevitable fragmentation that was followed by a long period of stagnation. In 1442, he abdicated the throne and retired to a monastery.

Life[link]

Alexander was the eldest son of Constantine I of Georgia and his wife Natia, daughter of the Georgian diplomat prince Kutsna Amirejibi. He was brought up by his grandmother (Natia’s mother) Rusa (died 1413), an educated and religious noblewoman, who greatly influenced the future king’s preoccupations and his enthusiasm for religious building.

With his ascension to the throne (1412), Alexander moved to western Georgia and mediated a peace between his vassals, the rival princes of Mingrelia and Abkhazia. Then he, in 1414, met the rebellious prince Atabeg Ivane Jakeli of Samtskhe on battlefield and forced him into submission. Having dealt with these powerful feudal lords, he, aided by Catholicos Patriarch Shio II, began a program the restoration of major Georgian fortresses and churches. He imposed a temporary building tax on his subjects from 1425 to 1440, but despite the king’s efforts many towns and villages, once flourished, were left in ruin and overgrown by forest.

In 1431, he re-conquered Lorri, a Georgian marchland occupied by the Kara Koyunlu Turkoman tribesmen of Persia who had frequently raided the southern Georgian marches from there and had even sacked Akhaltsikhe in 1416.^[1] Around 1434/5, Alexander encouraged the Armenian prince Beshken II Orbelian to attack the Kara Koyunlu clansmen in Syunik (Siunia) and, for his victory, granted him Lorri under terms of vassalage. In 1440, Alexander refused to pay tribute to Jahan Shah of the Kara Kouynlu. In March, Jahan Shah surged into Georgia with 20,000 troops, destroyed the city of Samshvilde and sacked the capital city Tbilisi. He massacred thousands of Christians, put heavy indemnity on Georgia, and returned to Tabriz.

In order to reduce the power of frequently rebellious aristocracy, he opposed them by appointing his sons – Vakhtang, Demetre, and George – as his co-rulers in Kakheti, Imereti and Kartli, respectively. This, however, proved to be even dangerous to the kingdom’s integrity and the fragile unity kept by Alexander would soon disappear under his sons. For this reason, Alexander the Great is frequently claimed to have disintegrated Georgia and said not to deserve his epithet "the Great" his people bestowed on him.^[2] This appellation dates almost from his own day, however, and as the modern Georgian historian Ivane Javakhishvili presumes, might have been related to the large-scale restoration projects launched by the king and his initial success in the struggle with the Turkmen nomads.^[3]

As worldly problems overwhelmed his kingdom, Alexander abdicated the throne in 1442 and retired to a monastery under the name of Athanasius.

Marriages and children[link]

He married c. 1411 Dulandukht, daughter of Beshken II Orbelian, by whom he had two sons:

• Vakhtang IV, King of Georgia
• Demetre (1413–1452), co-ruler in Imereti; father of Constantine II

Alexander’s second marriage with Tamar (died 1455), daughter of prince Alexander I of Imereti, took place around 1414. Their children were:

• George VIII, the last king of a united Georgia and the first king of independent Kakheti
• David (1417–1471), Catholicos Patriarch of Georgia
• Zaal (1425 – c. 1442)
• Bagrationi (1415 – c. 1438) who married, 1425, the emperor John IV of Trebizond

Notes[link]

References[link]

1. Ivane Javakhishvili, The History of the Georgian Nation, vol. 3 (1982), Tbilisi State University Press (In Georgian)
2. Ronald Grigor Suny, The Making of the Georgian Nation: 2nd edition (December 1994), Indiana University Press, ISBN 0-253-20915-3
3. T'oma Metsobeli's History of Tamerlane and His Successors
4. Kings of Georgia at the Royal Ark website

See also[link]

• History of Georgia

Alexander I
Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias
Reign	24 March 1801 – 1 December 1825
Coronation	15 September 1801
Predecessor	Paul I
Successor	Nicholas I
Consort	Louise of Baden
Full name
Alexander Pavlovich Romanov
House	House of Holstein-Gottorp-Romanov
Father	Paul I
Mother	Sophie Dorothea of Württemberg
Born	(1777-12-23)23 December 1777 Saint Petersburg
Died	1 December 1825(1825-12-01) (aged 47) Taganrog
Burial	Peter and Paul Cathedral
Signature
Religion	Eastern Orthodox

Alexander I of Russia (Russian: Александр I Павлович, Aleksandr I Pavlovich) (23 December [O.S. 12 December] 1777 – 1 December [O.S. 19 November] 1825),^[1] (Russian: Александр Благословенный, Aleksandr Blagoslovennyi, meaning Alexander the Blessed) served as Emperor of Russia from 23 March 1801 to 1 December 1825 and the first Russian King of Poland from 1815 to 1825. He was also the first Russian Grand Duke of Finland and Lithuania.

He was born in Saint Petersburg to Grand Duke Paul Petrovich, later Emperor Paul I, and Maria Feodorovna, daughter of the Duke of Württemberg. Alexander was the eldest of four brothers. He succeeded to the throne after his father was murdered, and ruled Russia during the chaotic period of the Napoleonic Wars. In the first half of his reign Alexander tried to introduce liberal reforms, while in the second half his conduct became much more arbitrary, which led to the revocation of many earlier reforms. In foreign policy Alexander gained some successes, mainly by his diplomatic skills and by winning several military campaigns. In particular, Russia acquired Finland and part of Poland under his rule. His sudden death in Taganrog, under allegedly suspicious circumstances, gave rise to rumors that Alexander in fact did not die in 1825, but instead chose to "disappear", living the rest of his life in anonymity.

Early life[link]

Alexander and his younger brother Constantine were raised by their grandmother, Catherine the Great.^[2] Some sources^[which?] allege that she planned to remove her son (Alexander's father) Paul I from the succession altogether. Both she and his father tried to use Alexander for their own purposes, and he was torn emotionally between them. This taught Alexander very early on how to manipulate those who loved him,^{[citation needed]} and he became like a chameleon, changing his views and personality depending on whom he was with at the time. From the free-thinking atmosphere of the court of Catherine and his Swiss tutor, Frédéric-César de La Harpe, he imbibed the principles of Rousseau's gospel of humanity. But from his military governor, Nikolay Saltykov, he imbibed the traditions of Russian autocracy.^[3] Andrey Afanasyevich Samborsky, whom his grandmother chose for his religious instruction, was an atypical, unbearded Orthodox priest. Samborsky had long lived in England and taught Alexander (and Constantine) excellent English, very uncommon for potential Russian autocrats at the time. Young Alexander sympathised with French and Polish revolutionaries,^{[citation needed]} while his father inspired him with his own passion of military parade, and taught him to combine a theoretical love of mankind with a practical contempt for humanity. These contradictory tendencies remained with him throughout his life,^[3] as demonstrated by the dualism in his domestic and foreign policy.

On 9 October 1793, when Alexander was still 15 years old, he married 14-year-old Louise of Baden, who took the name Elizabeth Alexeievna.^[4] Meanwhile, the death of Catherine in November 1796, before she could appoint Alexander as her successor, brought his father, Paul I, to the throne. Paul's attempts at reform were met with hostility and many of his closest advisers, as well as Alexander, were against his proposed changes. Some of Russia's most powerful noblemen began to plot Paul's assassination.

Indeed, Paul's premonitions of assassination were well-founded. His attempts to force the nobility to adopt a code of chivalry alienated many of his trusted advisors. The Emperor also discovered outrageous machinations and corruption in the Russian treasury. Although he repealed Catherine's law which allowed the corporal punishment of the free classes and directed reforms which resulted in greater rights for the peasantry, and better treatment for serfs on agricultural estates, most of his policies were viewed as a great annoyance to the noble class and induced his enemies to work out a plan of action.

A conspiracy was organized, some months before it was executed, by Counts Peter Ludwig von der Pahlen, Nikita Petrovich Panin, and the half-Spanish, half-Neapolitan adventurer Admiral Ribas. The death of Ribas delayed the execution. On the night of the 23 March [O.S. 11 March] 1801, Paul was murdered in his bedroom in the newly built St Michael's Castle by a band of dismissed officers headed by General Bennigsen, a Hanoverian in the Russian service, and General Yashvil, a Georgian. They charged into his bedroom, flushed with drink after supping together, and found Paul hiding behind some drapes in the corner.[49] The conspirators pulled him out, forced him to the table, and tried to compel him to sign his abdication. Paul offered some resistance, and one of the assassins struck him with a sword, after which he was strangled and trampled to death. He was succeeded by his son, the 23-year-old Alexander I, who was actually in the palace, and to whom General Nicholas Zubov, one of the assassins, announced his accession, accompanied by the admonition, "Time to grow up! Go and rule!". Historians still debate Alexander’s role in his father's murder. The most common opinion is that he was let into the conspirators' secret and was willing to take the throne but insisted that his father should not be killed. Alexander's having become Tsar through a crime that cost his father's life would give him a strong sense of remorse and shame.^{[citation needed]}

Succession to the throne[link]

Alexander I succeeded to the throne on 24 March 1801,^[5] and was crowned in the Kremlin on 15 September of that year.

Domestic Policy[link]

At first, the Orthodox Church exercised little influence on the Emperor’s life. The young tsar was determined to reform the outdated, centralised systems of government that Russia relied upon.^{[citation needed]} While retaining for a time the old ministers who had served and overthrown Emperor Paul, one of the first acts of his reign was to appoint the Private Committee, comprising young and enthusiastic friends of his own—Victor Kochubey, Nikolay Novosiltsev, Pavel Stroganov and Adam Jerzy Czartoryski—to draw up a plan of domestic reform, which was supposed to result in the establishment of a constitutional monarchy in accordance with the teachings of the Age of Enlightenment.^[4]

In a few years the liberal Mikhail Speransky became one of the Tsar’s closest advisors, and drew up many plans for elaborate reforms.^[3] By the Government reform of Alexander I the old Collegia were abolished and new Ministries created in their place, having at their head ministers responsible to the Crown.^{[citation needed]} A Council of Ministers under the chairmanship of the Sovereign dealt with all interdepartmental matters.^[3]

The State Council was created in order to improve technique of legislation. It was intended to become the Second Chamber of representative legislature.^{[citation needed]}

The Governing Senate was reorganized as the Supreme Court of the Empire.^{[citation needed]} The codification of the laws initiated in 1801 was never carried out during his reign.^[3]

Also Alexander wanted to resolve another crucial issue in Russia—the future of the serfs,^[3] although this was not achieved until 1861 (during the reign of his nephew Alexander II). New law allowed all classes (the serfs excepted) to own land, the privilege that was previously confined to the nobility.^{[citation needed]}

Universities of Dorpat (Tartu), Vilna (Vilnius), Kazan and Kharkov were newly founded or reconstructed.^[3]

After 1815 the military settlements (farms worked by soldiers and their families under military control) were introduced, with the idea of making the army, or part of it, self supporting economically and for providing it with recruits.^{[citation needed]}

Napoleonic wars[link]

Imperial Monogram

Views held by his contemporaries[link]

Autocrat and "Jacobin",^[3] man of the world and mystic, he appeared to his contemporaries as a riddle which each read according to his own temperament. Napoleon Bonaparte thought him a "shifty Byzantine",^[3] and called him the Talma of the North, as ready to play any conspicuous part. To Metternich he was a madman to be humoured. Castlereagh, writing of him to Lord Liverpool, gives him credit for "grand qualities", but adds that he is "suspicious and undecided";^[3] and to Jefferson a man of estimable character, disposed to do good, and expected to diffuse through the mass of the Russian people "a sense of their natural rights."^[6]

Alliances with other powers[link]

Upon his accession, Alexander reversed the policy of his father, Paul, denounced the League of Armed Neutrality, and made peace with Britain (April 1801). At the same time he opened negotiations with Francis II of the Holy Roman Empire. Soon afterwards at Memel he entered into a close alliance with Prussia, not as he boasted from motives of policy, but in the spirit of true chivalry, out of friendship for the young King Frederick William III and his beautiful wife Louise of Mecklenburg-Strelitz.^[7]

The development of this alliance was interrupted by the short-lived peace of October 1801; and for a while it seemed as though France and Russia might come to an understanding. Carried away by the enthusiasm of La Harpe, who had returned to Russia from Paris, Alexander began openly to proclaim his admiration for French institutions and for the person of Napoleon Bonaparte. Soon, however, came a change. La Harpe, after a new visit to Paris, presented to the Tsar his Reflections on the True Nature of the Consul for Life, which, as Alexander said, tore the veil from his eyes, and revealed Bonaparte "as not a true patriot",^[7] but only as "the most famous tyrant the world has produced".^[7] Alexander's disillusionment was completed by the murder of the duc d'Enghien. The Russian court went into mourning for the last member of the House of Condé, and diplomatic relations with France were broken off.^[7]

Opposition to Napoleon[link]

In opposing Napoleon I, "the oppressor of Europe and the disturber of the world's peace," Alexander in fact already believed himself to be fulfilling a divine mission. In his instructions to Novosiltsov, his special envoy in London, the Tsar elaborated the motives of his policy in language which appealed as little to the common sense of the prime minister, Pitt, as did later the treaty of the Holy Alliance to that of the foreign minister, Castlereagh. Yet the document is of great interest, as in it we find formulated for the first time in an official dispatch the ideals of international policy which were to play so conspicuous a part in the affairs of the world at the close of the revolutionary epoch, and issued at the end of the 19th century in the Rescript of Nicholas II and the conference of the Hague.^[8] Alexander argued that the outcome of the war was not to be only the liberation of France, but the universal triumph of "the sacred rights of humanity".^[7] To attain this it would be necessary "after having attached the nations to their government by making these incapable of acting save in the greatest interests of their subjects, to fix the relations of the states amongst each other on more precise rules, and such as it is to their interest to respect".^[7]

A general treaty was to become the basis of the relations of the states forming "the European Confederation";^[7] and this, though "it was no question of realising the dream of universal peace, would attain some of its results if, at the conclusion of the general war, it were possible to establish on clear principles the prescriptions of the rights of nations".^[7] "Why could not one submit to it", the Tsar continued, "the positive rights of nations, assure the privilege of neutrality, insert the obligation of never beginning war until all the resources which the mediation of a third party could offer have been exhausted, having by this means brought to light the respective grievances, and tried to remove them? It is on such principles as these that one could proceed to a general pacification, and give birth to a league of which the stipulations would form, so to speak, a new code of the law of nations, which, sanctioned by the greater part of the nations of Europe, would without difficulty become the immutable rule of the cabinets, while those who should try to infringe it would risk bringing upon themselves the forces of the new union".^[9]

1807 loss to French forces[link]

Equestrian portrait of Alexander I (1812)

Meanwhile Napoleon, a little deterred by the Russian autocrat's youthful ideology, never gave up hope of detaching him from the coalition. He had no sooner entered Vienna in triumph than he opened negotiations with Alexander; he resumed them after the Battle of Austerlitz (2 December). Russia and France, he urged, were "geographical allies";^[7] there was, and could be, between them no true conflict of interests; together they might rule the world. But Alexander was still determined "to persist in the system of disinterestedness in respect of all the states of Europe which he had thus far followed",^[7] and he again allied himself with the Kingdom of Prussia. The campaign of Jena and the battle of Eylau followed; and Napoleon, though still intent on the Russian alliance, stirred up Poles, Turks and Persians to break the obstinacy of the Tsar. A party too in Russia itself, headed by the Tsar's brother Constantine Pavlovich, was clamorous for peace; but Alexander, after a vain attempt to form a new coalition, summoned the Russian nation to a holy war against Napoleon as the enemy of the Orthodox faith. The outcome was the rout of Friedland (13/14 June 1807). Napoleon saw his chance and seized it. Instead of making heavy terms, he offered to the chastened autocrat his alliance, and a partnership in his glory.^[7]

The two Emperors met at Tilsit on 25 June 1807. Alexander, dazzled by Napoleon's genius and overwhelmed by his apparent generosity, was completely won over. Napoleon knew well how to appeal to the exuberant imagination of his new-found friend. He would divide with Alexander the Empire of the world; as a first step he would leave him in possession of the Danubian principalities and give him a free hand to deal with Finland; and, afterwards, the Emperors of the East and West, when the time should be ripe, would drive the Turks from Europe and march across Asia to the conquest of India, a realization of which was finally achieved by the British a few years later, and would change the course of modern history. Nevertheless, a programme so stupendous awoke in Alexander's impressionable mind an ambition to which he had hitherto been a stranger. The interests of Europe as a whole were utterly forgotten. "What is Europe?" he exclaimed to the French ambassador. "Where is it, if it is not you and we?"^[10]

Prussia[link]

The brilliance of these new visions did not, however, blind Alexander to the obligations of friendship; and he refused to retain the Danubian principalities as the price for suffering a further dismemberment of Prussia. "We have made loyal war", he said, "we must make a loyal peace".^[7] It was not long before the first enthusiasm of Tilsit began to wane. The French remained in Prussia, the Russians on the Danube; and each accused the other of breach of faith. Meanwhile, however, the personal relations of Alexander and Napoleon were of the most cordial character; and it was hoped that a fresh meeting might adjust all differences between them. The meeting took place at Erfurt in October 1808 and resulted in a treaty which defined the common policy of the two Emperors. But Alexander's relations with Napoleon nonetheless suffered a change. He realised that in Napoleon sentiment never got the better of reason, that as a matter of fact he had never intended his proposed "grand enterprise" seriously, and had only used it to preoccupy the mind of the Tsar while he consolidated his own power in Central Europe. From this moment the French alliance was for Alexander also not a fraternal agreement to rule the world, but an affair of pure policy. He used it, in the first instance, to remove "the geographical enemy" from the gates of Saint Petersburg by wresting Finland from Sweden (1809); and he hoped by means of it to make the Danube the southern frontier of Russia.^[7]

Franco-Russian alliance[link]

Events were in fact rapidly tending to the rupture of the Franco-Russian alliance. Alexander, indeed, assisted Napoleon in the war of 1809, but he declared plainly that he would not allow the Austrian Empire to be crushed out of existence; and Napoleon complained bitterly of the inactivity of the Russian troops during the campaign. The Tsar in his turn protested against Napoleon's encouragement of the Poles. In the matter of the French alliance he knew himself to be practically isolated in Russia, and he declared that he could not sacrifice the interest of his people and empire to his affection for Napoleon. "I don't want anything for myself", he said to the French ambassador, "therefore the world is not large enough to come to an understanding on the affairs of Poland, if it is a question of its restoration".^[11]

The Treaty of Vienna, which added largely to the Duchy of Warsaw, he complained had "ill requited him for his loyalty", and he was only mollified for the time by Napoleon's public declaration that he had no intention of restoring Poland, and by a convention, signed on the 4 January 1810 but not ratified, abolishing the Polish name and orders of chivalry.^[12]

But if Alexander suspected Napoleon, Napoleon was no less suspicious of Alexander; and, partly to test his sincerity, he sent an almost peremptory request for the hand of the grand-duchess Anna Pavlovna, the tsar's youngest sister. After some little delay Alexander returned a polite refusal, on the plea of the princess's tender age and the objection of the dowager empress to the marriage. Napoleon's answer was to refuse to ratify the convention of the 4th of January, and to announce his engagement to the archduchess Marie Louise in such a way as to lead Alexander to suppose that the two marriage treaties had been negotiated simultaneously. From this time the relation between the two emperors gradually became more and more strained.^[12]

The annexation of Oldenburg, of which the Duke of Oldenburg (3 January 1754 – 2 July 1823) was the Tsar's uncle, by France in December 1810, added another to the personal grievances of Alexander against Napoleon; while the ruinous reaction of "the continental system" on Russian trade made it impossible for the Tsar to maintain a policy which was Napoleon's chief motive for the alliance.^[12]

Alexander kept Russia neutral as possible in the ongoing French war with Britain, and allowed Russians to secretly continue to trade with Britain and did not enforce the blockade required by Continental System.^[13] In 1810 he withdrew Russia from the Continental System and trade between Britain and Russia grew.^[14]

Franco-Russian relations became progressively worse after 1810. By 1811, it became clear that Napoleon was not keeping to his side of the terms of the Treaty of Tilsit. He had promised assistance to Russia in its war against Turkey, but as the campaign went on, France offered no support at all.^[13]

With war imminent between France and Russia, Alexander started to prepare the ground diplomatically. In April 1812 Russia and Sweden signed an agreement for mutual defence. A month later Alexander secured his southern flank by Treaty of Bucharest (1812) which formally ended the war against Turkey.^[14] His diplomats managed to extract promises from Prussia and Austria that should Napoleon invade Russia, the former would help as little a possible and that the latter would give no aid at all.

Militarily Mikhail Speransky had managed to improve the standard of the Russian land forces above that before the start of the 1807 campaign, and on the advise, primarily from his sister and Count Aleksey Arakcheyev, unlike 1807 Alexander did not take operational control but delegated it to his generals, Prince Michael Barclay de Tolly, Prince Pyotr Bagration and Mikhail Kutuzov.^[14]

French invasion[link]

In the summer of 1812 with Napoleon's invasion of Russia. Yet, even after the French had passed the frontier, Alexander still protested that his personal sentiments towards the Emperor were unaltered; "but", he added, "God Himself cannot undo the past". It was the occupation of Moscow and the desecration of the Kremlin, the sacred centre of Holy Russia, that changed his sentiment for Napoleon into passionate hatred. In vain the French Emperor, within eight days of his entry into Moscow, wrote to the Tsar a letter, which was one long cry of distress, revealing the desperate straits of the Grand Army, and appealed to "any remnant of his former sentiments". Alexander returned no answer to these "fanfaronnades". "No more peace with Napoleon!" he cried, "He or I, I or He: we cannot longer reign together!".^[15]

The campaign of 1812 was the turning-point of Alexander's life; and its horrors, for which his sensitive nature felt much of the responsibility, overset still more a mind never too well balanced. At the burning of Moscow, he declared afterwards, his own soul had found illumination, and he had realized once for all the divine revelation to him of his mission as the peacemaker of Europe.^[12]

Postbellum[link]

Peace of Paris and the Congress of Vienna[link]

Alexander tried to calm the unrest of his conscience by correspondence with the leaders of the evangelical revival on the continent, and sought for omens and supernatural guidance in texts and passages of scripture. It was not, however, according to his own account, till he met the Baroness de Krüdener—a religious adventuress who made the conversion of princes her special mission—at Basel, in the autumn of 1813, that his soul found peace. From this time a mystic pietism became the avowed force of his political, as of his private actions. Madame de Krüdener, and her colleague, the evangelist Henri-Louis Empaytaz, became the confidants of the emperor's most secret thoughts; and during the campaign that ended in the occupation of Paris the imperial prayer-meetings were the oracle on whose revelations hung the fate of the world.^[12]

Polish General`s Uniform of Emperor Alexander I

Such was Alexander's mood when the downfall of Napoleon left him the most powerful sovereign in Europe. With the memory of the treaty of Tilsit still fresh in men's minds, it was not unnatural that to cynical men of the world like Klemens Wenzel von Metternich he merely seemed to be disguising "under the language of evangelical abnegation" vast and perilous schemes of ambition.^[12] The puzzled powers were, in fact, the more inclined to be suspicious in view of other, and seemingly inconsistent, tendencies of the emperor, which yet seemed all to point to a like disquieting conclusion. For Madame de Krüdener was not the only influence behind the throne; and, though Alexander had declared war against the Revolution, La Harpe (his erstwhile tutor) was once more at his elbow, and the catchwords of the gospel of humanity were still on his lips. The very proclamations which denounced Napoleon as "the genius of evil", denounced him in the name of "liberty," and of "enlightenment".^[12] A monstrous intrigue was suspected for the alliance of the eastern autocrat with the Jacobinism of all Europe, which would have issued in the submission of an all-powerful Russia for an all-powerful France. At the Congress of Vienna Alexander's attitude accentuated this distrust. Castlereagh, whose single-minded aim was the restoration of "a just equilibrium" in Europe, reproached the Tsar to his face for a "conscience" which suffered him to imperil the concert of the powers by keeping his hold on Poland in violation of his treaty obligation.^[16]

Liberal political views[link]

Once a supporter of limited liberalism, as seen in his approval of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Poland in 1815,^{[citation needed]} from the end of the year 1818 Alexander's views began to change. A revolutionary conspiracy among the officers of the guard, and a foolish plot to kidnap him on his way to the Congress of Aix-la-Chapelle, are said to have shaken the foundations of his Liberalism. At Aix he came for the first time into intimate contact with Metternich. From this time dates the ascendancy of Metternich over the mind of the Russian Emperor and in the councils of Europe. It was, however, no case of sudden conversion. Though alarmed by the revolutionary agitation in Germany, which culminated in the murder of his agent, the dramatist August von Kotzebue (23 March 1819), Alexander approved of Castlereagh's protest against Metternich's policy of "the governments contracting an alliance against the peoples", as formulated in the Carlsbad Decrees of July 1819, and deprecated any intervention of Europe to support "a league of which the sole object is the absurd pretensions of "absolute power".^[17]

He still declared his belief in "free institutions, though not in such as age forced from feebleness, nor contracts ordered by popular leaders from their sovereigns, nor constitutions granted in difficult circumstances to tide over a crisis. "Liberty", he maintained, "should be confined within just limits. And the limits of liberty are the principles of order".^[18]

It was the apparent triumph of the principles of disorder in the revolutions of Naples and Piedmont, combined with increasingly disquieting symptoms of discontent in France, Germany, and among his own people, that completed Alexander's conversion. In the seclusion of the little town of Troppau, where in October 1820 the powers met in conference, Metternich found an opportunity for cementing his influence over Alexander, which had been wanting amid the turmoil and feminine intrigues of Vienna and Aix. Here, in confidence begotten of friendly chats over afternoon tea, the disillusioned autocrat confessed his mistake. "You have nothing to regret," he said sadly to the exultant chancellor, "but I have!".^[19]

The issue was momentous. In January Alexander had still upheld the ideal of a free confederation of the European states, symbolised by the Holy Alliance, against the policy of a dictatorship of the great powers, symbolised by the Quadruple Treaty; he had still protested against the claims of collective Europe to interfere in the internal concerns of the sovereign states. On 19 November he signed the Troppau Protocol, which consecrated the principle of intervention and wrecked the harmony of the concert.^[4]

Revolt of the Greeks[link]

At the Congress of Laibach, whither in the spring of 1821 the congress had been adjourned, Alexander first heard of the Revolt of the Greeks. From this time until his death his mind was torn between his anxiety to realise his dream of a confederation of Europe and his traditional mission as leader of the Orthodox crusade against the Ottoman Empire. At first, under the careful nursing of Metternich, the former motive prevailed.^[7]

He struck the name of Alexander Ypsilanti from the Russian army list, and directed his foreign minister, Ioannis Kapodistrias or Giovanni, Count Capo d'Istria, himself a Greek, to disavow all sympathy of Russia with his enterprise; and, next year, a deputation of the Morea the Congress of Verona was turned back by his orders on the road.^[7]

He made some effort to reconcile the principles at conflict in his mind. He offered to surrender the claim, successfully asserted when the Ottoman Sultan Mahmud II had been excluded from the Holy Alliance and the affairs of the Ottoman empire from the deliberations of Vienna, that the affairs of the East were the "domestic concerns of Russia," and to march into the Ottoman Empire, as Austria had marched into Naples, "as the mandatory of Europe".^[7]

Metternich's opposition to this, illogical, but natural from the Austrian point of view, first opened his eyes to the true character of Austria's attitude towards his ideals. Once more in Russia, far from the fascination of Metternich's personality, the immemorial spirit of his people drew him back into itself.^[7]

Private life[link]

On 9 October 1793, Alexander married Louise of Baden, known as Elisabeth Alexeyevna after her conversion to the Orthodox Church. He later told his friend Frederick William III that the marriage, a political match devised by his grandmother, Catherine the Great, regrettably proved to be a misfortune for him and his wife.^[4] Their two children of the marriage died young.^{[citation needed]} Their common sorrow drew husband and wife closer together. Towards the close of his life their reconciliation was completed by the wise charity of the Empress in sympathising deeply with him over the death of his beloved daughter Sophia Naryshkina, the daughter of his mistress Princess Maria Naryshkina.^[4]

Issue[link]

Mysterious death[link]

Death of Alexander I in Taganrog (19th century lithograph.

Alexander I Palace in Taganrog, where the Russian Emperor died in 1825.

Tsar Alexander I became increasingly suspicious of those around him, especially after an attempt was made to kidnap him when he was on his way to the conference in Aachen, Germany.^{[citation needed]}

In the autumn of 1825 the Emperor undertook a voyage to the south of Russia due to the increasing illness of his wife. During his trip he himself caught a cold which developed into typhus from which he died in the southern city of Taganrog on 19 November (O.S.)/ 1 December 1825. His wife died a few months later as the emperor's body was transported to Saint Petersburg for the funeral. He was interred at the Sts. Peter and Paul Cathedral of the Peter and Paul Fortress in Saint Petersburg on 13 March 1826.^{[citation needed]}

The unexpected death of the Emperor of Russia far from the capital caused persistent rumors that his death and funeral were staged so he could spend the rest of his life in solitude. It was variously rumored that a soldier had been buried as Alexander, or that the grave was empty, or that the British ambassador at the Russian court had seen Alexander boarding a ship. Some say the former emperor became a monk in either Pochaev Lavra or Kievo-Pecherskaya Lavra or elsewhere. Many people, including some historians, have theorized that a mysterious hermit, Feodor Kuzmich, (or Kozmich) who emerged in Siberia in 1836, died in the vicinity of Tomsk in 1864 and was eventually glorified as a saint of the Orthodox Church, was Alexander I under an assumed identity. While there are testimonies that "Feodor Kozmich" in his earlier life might have belonged to a higher level of society, claims that he was Alexander I were never established beyond reasonable doubt though 19th century scholars began to give some credence to this theory after Cossack mercenary Colonel Daniel Tira's personal journal was discovered which contained a reference stating that plainclothes mercenary guards were hired to covertly protect "a common individual, hiding from the perils of power".^[21] Since this claim could never be substantiated nor traced to Alexander, it was later disregarded by most scholars.

The immediate aftermath of Alexander's death was also marked by confusion regarding the order of succession and by the attempt of military coup-d'etat by liberal-minded officers. The heir presumptive, Tsesarevich and Grand Duke Constantine Pavlovich of Russia had renounced his rights of succession in 1822, but this act was not publicly announced, nor known to anybody besides a few people within the tsar's family. For this reason, on 27 November (O.S.) 1825 the population, including Constantine's younger brother Nicholas, swore allegiance to Constantine. After the true order of succession was disclosed to the imperial family and general public, Nicholas ordered that the allegiance to him to be sworn on 14 December (O.S.) 1825. Seizing the opportunity, the Decembrists revolted, allegedly to defend Constantine's rights to the throne, but in fact in order to initiate the change of regime in Russia. Nicholas brutally suppressed the rebellion and sent the ringleaders to the gallows and Siberia.^{[citation needed]}

Some confidantes of Alexander I reported that in the last years the Emperor was aware that the secret societies of future Decembrists were plotting the revolt, but chose not to act against them, remarking that these officers were sharing "the delusions of his own youth." Historians believe that these secret societies appeared after the Russian officers returned from their Napoleonic campaigns in Europe in 1815.^{[citation needed]}

Other[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Александр I Павлович

Wikisource has original works written by or about: Alexander I of Russia

Alexander I was the godfather of future Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom who was christened Alexandrina Victoria in honour of the tsar.

Alexander I was the namesake for the Alexanderplatz in Berlin, Germany.

Ancestry[link]

notes[link]

References[link]

• Chapman, Tim (2001). Imperial Russia, 1801–1905 (illustrated, reprint ed.). Routledge. p. 29. ISBN 978-0-415-23110-7 
• Nolan, Cathal J. (2002). The Greenwood Encyclopedia of International Relations: S-Z. The Greenwood Encyclopedia of International Relations, Cathal. 4 (illustrated ed.). Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 1666. ISBN 978-0-313-32383-6 
• Schnitzler, Jean-Henri; Schnitzler, Johann Heinrich (1847). "Chapter I. Character of Alexander I". Secret History of the Court and Government of Russia Under the Emperors Alexander and Nicholas. R. Bentley. p. 37. http://books.google.com/books?id=EegDAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA37. 

Attribution

 This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Phillips, Walter Alison (1911). "Alexander I (tsar)". In Chisholm, Hugh. Encyclopædia Britannica. 1 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 556–559. 

Further reading[link]

• Ghervas, Stella (2008). Réinventer la tradition. Alexandre Stourdza et l'Europe de la Sainte-Alliance. Paris: Honoré Champion. ISBN 978-2-7453-1669-1. 
• Palmer, Alan (1974). Alexander I: Tsar of War and Peace. New York: Harper and Row. 

• Troyat, Henri (1981). Alexandre 1er. Flammarion. 

v t e Sovereigns of the Vladimir-Suzdal Principality, Grand Principality of Moscow, Tsardom of Russia and the Russian Empire Grand Princes Yuri Dolgorukiy Andrei I Bogolyubsky Mikhail of Vladimir Vsevolod the Big Nest Yuri II of Vladimir Konstantin of Rostov Yuri II of Vladimir Yaroslav II of Vladimir Sviatoslav III of Vladimir Andrey II of Vladimir Alexander Nevsky Yaroslav of Tver Vasily of Kostroma Dmitry of Pereslavl Andrey of Gorodets Mikhail of Tver Yuri of Moscow Dmitry the Terrible Eyes Alexander of Tver Ivan I Simeon the Proud Ivan II Dmitry Donskoy Vasily I Vasily II Ivan III the Great Vasily III Tsars Ivan IV the Terrible Simeon Bekbulatovich Ivan IV the Terrible Feodor I Boris Godunov Feodor II Dmitry II (False Dmitry I) Vasili IV Vladislaus (formally) Michael I Alexis Feodor III Ivan V and Peter I the Great (co-rulers) Peter I the Great Emperors and Empresses Peter I the Great Catherine I Peter II Anna Ivan VI Elizabeth Peter III Catherine II the Great Paul Alexander I Nicholas I Alexander II Alexander III Nicholas II Michael II

v t e Russian Tsareviches and Tsesareviches Tsardom of Russia (1547–1721) / Russian Empire (1721–1917) Ivan (1611–1614) Alexei (1690–1718) Paul (1762–1796) Alexander (1796–1801) Constantine (1801–1825) Alexander (1825–1855) Nicholas (1855–1865) Alexander (1865–1881) Nicholas (1881–1894) George (1894–1899) Michael (1899–1904) Alexei (1904–1917)

Alexander Y. Lebedev

Alexander Yevgenievich Lebedev (Russian: Александр Евгеньевич Лебедев, born 16 December 1959 in Moscow) is a Russian businessman, referred to as one of the Russian oligarchs.

In May 2008, he was listed by Forbes magazine as one of the richest Russians and as the 358th richest person in the world with an estimated fortune of $3.1 billion.^[1] He owns a third of airline Aeroflot, and is part owner of the Russian newspaper Novaya Gazeta^[2] and owner of four UK newspapers with son Evgeny Lebedev: the London Evening Standard, The Independent, the Independent on Sunday and the new i newspaper.

Early life and education[link]

Alexander Lebedev was born to a family which was part of the Moscow intelligentsia. His father, Evgeny Nikolaevich Lebedev, was a sportsperson - a member of the Soviet National Water polo team, and was later a Professor at Bauman Moscow Highest Technical School. Alexander's mother, Maria Sergeyevna, after graduating from Moscow Pedagogic Institute worked in a rural Sakhalin school, then taught English in a Moscow tertiary school.^[3]

In 1977, Alexander Lebedev entered the Department of Economics at Moscow State Institute of International Relations. After he graduated in 1982, Lebedev started work at the Institute of Economics of the World Socialist System doing research for his Kandidat (equal to Ph.D.) dissertation The problems of debt and the challenges of globalization. However he soon transferred to the First Chief Directorate (Foreign Intelligence) of KGB. He worked there and at its successor Foreign Intelligence Service until 1992.^[3] In London he had the diplomatic cover of an economics attaché. According to Lebedev's personal site his assignments included fighting capital flight from the Russian Federation.^[3] The Sunday Express stated that he “spent more time studying finance and the City than British secrets”.^[2]

Business career[link]

Lebedev with then President of Russia Vladimir Putin on 7 May 2002

Upon leaving the Russian intelligence community, Lebedev set up his first company, the Russian Investment-Finance Company. In 1995 this bought the National Reserve Bank, a small Russian bank which was in trouble at the time. The bank subsequently grew rapidly to become one of Russia's largest banks. It and the Alfa Bank were the only two out of the ten biggest Russian banks to survive the 1998 Russian financial crisis.^[4] Among the bank's assets are:

• 30% of the main Russian national airline Aeroflot (the largest private stock holder);
• 44% of the Ilyushin Finance Co, that owns a significant share of Russian aircraft-building industry;
• significant parts of Sberbank, Gazprom, RAO UES.

The bank is the core of the National Reserve Corporation, that according to Lebedev's personal site owns around US$2 billion of assets.^[3] Forbes estimates Lebedev's fortune higher as US$3.5 billion.^[1]

The National Reserve Corporation included the National Meat Company, National Mortgage Company (Национальная Ипотечная Компания), construction companies as well as interests in textiles, telecommunications, trams and trolleybuses, electrical power, chemical and tourist industries owning a large hotel network in the Crimea (Ukraine) and plan to create the National Reserve Park that will manage diverse tourist enterprises in Russia, Ukraine and France.

Lebedev used to own the Moscow Correspondent, but according to Channel 4's Dispatches programme, Lebedev closed it down "for political reasons after it published a spurious article about Vladimir Putin having an affair with an Olympic gymnast half his age." ^[5]

On 21 January 2009, Lebedev and his company Evening Press Corporation (UK), part of Lebedev Holdings, bought approximately a 75.1% of share in the Evening Standard newspaper for £1. The previous owners, the Daily Mail and General Trust, continue to hold 24.9% in the company in the new firm, named Evening Standard Ltd. Lebedev promised to not interfere with the editorial running of the paper. Lebedev commented that during his time as a spy in London, he used the Evening Standard to find information.^[6] Paul Dacre, the editor-in-chief of the Evening Standard at the time of the sale said: "It's a very sad day for the paper, it's a very sad day for the Rothermeres. We are very sorry that it leaked out, we had no control over that. Everyone's been working very hard and there's a lot of hope for the future of the Evening Standard."^[7]

In 2009 he entered into exclusive negotiations with Independent News & Media to buy the company's British national newspapers, The Independent and Independent on Sunday. Before the purchase was completed, his representatives offered the editorship of The Independent to Rod Liddle, former editor of BBC Radio's Today Programme.^{[citation needed]} The offer was withdrawn after Liddle became the subject of a campaign of intense hostility by critics. On 25 March 2010 Lebedev bought The Independent and Independent on Sunday for £1.^[8]

In September 2011 while appearing on a Russian television programme, he punched a fellow guest, billionaire property developer Sergei Polonsky (Сергей Юрьевич Полонский).^[9] Lebedev claimed afterwards that he had reacted to Polonsky's threat of violence towards him.^[10][11]

Political career[link]

In 2003, Lebedev stood as a candidate for elections to the Mayoralty of Moscow and the State Duma. He received 13% in the Mayoral elections, losing to Yuriy Luzhkov, but won a seat in the State Duma on the Rodina party list (he was actually number one on the Moscow regional list of the party). He remained in the Duma until 2007, when new elections were held. In the Duma, he initially moved from conservative "Rodina" to the pro-Government United Russia fraction,^[3] but after Rodina was merged into the larger socialist coalition Fair Russia, he made his return and now is one of the party leaders.

Lebedev was formerly the Vice-Chairman of Duma's committee on the Commonwealth of Independent States; the coordinator of Duma's group on interactions with Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the coordinator of the State Duma group dealing with the city.^[3]

Lebedev, together with the former President of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, is the owner of 49% of Novaya Gazeta, one of the most vocal newspapers critical of the current Russian Government.^[12]

After the assassination of a prominent Novaya Gazeta journalist Anna Politkovskaya Lebedev praised in print the talents of Politkovskaya and suggested her assassins were actually trying to target the good names of her opponents.^{[13][dead link]} He pledged 25 million Russian rubles (around US$1million) for the information leading to the arrest of the assassins.^[13]

Lebedev is a founder and the President of the National Investment Council, a non-political and non-Government organization working to improve the investment sentiments in Russia, protecting interests of the Russian business abroad and fighting the negative sentiments towards Russian business.^[3]

In September 2008, Russian politician Mikhail Gorbachev announced he was going to make a comeback to Russian politics along with Lebedev.^[14] Their party will be called the Independent Democratic Party of Russia.

In March 2009, Lebedev announced that he would be running for mayor of Sochi, the city that will host the 2014 Winter Olympics,^[15] but a court ruling declared his candidacy invalid on April 13, 2009.^[16] The court ruling was a result of a complaint by another candidate, Vladimir Turukhanovsky, that Lebedev's campaign received three donations from minors that is forbidden by Russian electoral law. According to the chief of Lebedev's electoral campaign, Artyom Artyomov, the three teenagers were led to Sberbank by a staff member of the Sochi council, given 500 rubles each (approximately $20), and told to donate the money to Lebedev's campaign. Lebedev campaigners sent the money back the same day it was received but still it was found sufficient to disqualify Lebedev. Lebedev said that he intended to appeal the court's decision.^[17]

Charity[link]

Lebedev has a long history of supporting culture and charity, and created the organization named Charitable Reserve Fund (Благотворительный Резервный Фонд) to bring order to these activities. Among the organizations and projects he (or BRF) have sponsored are:^[3]

• Children Center for Hematology and Transplantology named after Raisa Gorbachyova in Saint Petersburg (General Sponsor of the construction)
• Burdenko military Hospital
• State Russian Museum
• Fomenko Theater
• Moscow Art Theatre
• Lesya Ukrainka Russian Theater in Kiev
• Museum of Mikhail Bulgakov in Kiev
• Restoration of the monument to Alexander Suvorov in Swiss Alps
• Monument Sorrow (Скорбящая) in London by sculptor Sergey Shcherbakov commemorating Soviet soldiers who died during World War II

In October, Lebedev met with Tom Stoppard, John Malkovich, and Kevin Spacey to discuss a new Chekhov festival in Crimea, Ukraine.

Lebedev was awarded the Saint Innokenty of Moscow Order by the Russian Orthodox Church and the Medal Dialogue of Cultures by UNESCO.

References[link]

External links[link]

• The spy who loves media, Ian Cobain, The Guardian, October 12, 2009
• Alexander Lebedev (June 10, 2005). "Beyond Khodorkovsky". Wall Street Journal. http://users1.wsj.com/lmda/do/checkLogin?mg=wsj-users1&url=http%3A%2F%2Fonline.wsj.com%2Farticle%2FSB111835620442555830.html%3Fmod%3Dopinion%25255Fmain%25255Ffeatured%25255Fstories%25255Fhs. Retrieved 2007-01-13. 
• Personal website (Russian)
• Biography (Russian)
• Interview to Radio Liberty (Russian)
• Sponsorship page (Russian)
• National Rezerve Bank (Russian)

Alexander Basilaia (Georgian: ალექსანდრე ბასილაია) (March 11, 1942 – October 3, 2009) was a Georgian composer and songwriter of popular music and film scores. He led the popular musical group Iveria since its founding in 1968 through the mainstream success in the 1970s and 1980s until his death of a long and severe disease in Germany in 2009. He held the titles of Honored Artist of Georgia and Honored Citizen of Tbilisi.^[1]

Basilaia was trained as a contrabassist at the Tbilisi State Conservatoire and became active at the Soviet Georgian scene in 1963. In 1968 he founded an ensemble (VIA) which was named Iveria after an ancient Georgian kingdom. Basilaia was a principal composer and an art manager for Iveria which quickly gained popularity for its fusion of pop, rock and jazz with traditional Georgian music and attained to Soviet-wide fame with its musicals The Wedding of Jays (1980) and The Argonauts (1982). Basilaia’s third and the last musical Pirosmani was successfully staged in both Georgia and Russia in 1996. Basilaia last work "Something has Ended" appeared shortly before the composer’s death in October 2009. He was buried at the Didube Pantheon in Tbilisi.^[2]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Alexander Basilaia. Georgian National Cinema database
• Alexander Basilaia at the Internet Movie Database

Lonnie Bradley Holley, sometimes known as The Sand Man (Born February 10, 1950 in Birmingham, Alabama), is an African American artist and art educator.

Holley began his artistic life in 1979 by carving tombstones for his sister's two children who died in a house fire. He used blocks of a soft sandstone-like by-product of metal casting which was discarded in piles by a foundry near his sister's house. He believes that divine intervention led him to the material and inspired his artwork.

Inspired to create, Holley made other carvings and assembled them in his yard along with various found objects. In 1981 he brought a few examples of his sandstone carvings to Birmingham Museum of Art director Richard Murray. The BMA displayed some of those pieces immediately and Murray introduced him to the organizers of the 1981 exhibition "More Than Land and Sky: Art from Appalachia" at the Smithsonian American Art Museum. Soon his work was being acquired by other institutions, such as the American Folk Art Museum in New York and the High Museum of Art in Atlanta. His work has also been displayed at the White House.

Holley also became a popular guest at children's art events, bringing blocks of the foundry stone for children to carve. He gets special pleasure from sharing his experience of learning to love oneself through creative activity.

By the mid-1980s his work had diversified to include paintings and recycled found-object sculptures. His yard and adjacent abandoned lots near his home became an immersive art environment that was celebrated by visitors from the art world, but threatened by scrap-metal scavengers and eventually, by the expansion of the Birmingham International Airport. In late 1996 Holley was notified that his hilltop property near the airport would be condemned. He rejected the airport authority's offer to buy the property at the market rate of $14,000, knowing that his site-specific installation had personal and artistic value he demanded $250,000. The dispute went to probate court and in 1997 a settlement was reached and the airport authority paid $165,700 to move Holley's family and work to a larger property in Harpersville, Alabama.

The appearance of the artist with dreadlocks in small-town Harpersville, accompanied with 5 of his 15 children and a truckload of artwork created from trash, did not please his new neighbors.

Holley's first major retrospective, Do We Think Too Much? I Don't Think We Can Ever Stop: Lonnie Holley, A Twenty-Five Year Survey, was organized by the Birmingham Museum of Art and travelled in 2003 to the Ikon Gallery in Birmingham, England. From May 2003 to May 2004, Holley created a "sprawling, sculptural environment" in the lower sculpture garden at the Birmingham Museum of Art as part of their "Perspectives" series of site-specific installations. The creation of the work was documented in the film "The Sandman's Garden" by Arthur Crenshaw and in photographs by Alice Faye "Sister" Love.

References[link]

• Dietz, Andrew (April 1, 2006 ) The Last Folk Hero: A True Story of Race and Art, Power and Profit. Atlanta: Ellis Lane Press. ISBN 0-9771968-0-1
• Birmingham Museum of Art (August 13, 2004) "Do We Think Too Much? I Don't Think We Can Ever Stop: Lonnie Holley, A Twenty-Five Year Survey" Exhibition announcement. [1] - accessed April 16, 2006
• Reeves, Jay (February 8, 1997) "Acclaimed folk artist losing fight against FAA and urban sprawl." Associated Press. [2] - accessed April 16, 2006