The Chauci (German: Chauken, and identical or similar in other regional modern languages) were an ancient Germanic tribe living in the low-lying region between the Rivers Ems and Elbe, on both sides of the Weser and ranging as far inland as the upper Weser. Along the coast they lived on artificial hills called terpen, built high enough to remain dry during the highest tide. A dense population of Chauci lived further inland, and they are presumed to have lived in a manner similar to the lives of the other Germanic peoples of the region.

Their ultimate origins are not well understood. In the Germanic pre-Migration Period (i.e., before c. 300 AD) the Chauci and the related Frisians, Saxons, and Angles inhabited the Continental European coast from the Zuyder Zee to south Jutland.^[1] All of these peoples shared a common material culture, and so cannot be defined archaeologically.^[2] The Chauci originally centered on the Weser and Elbe, but in c. AD 58 they expanded westward to the River Ems by expelling the neighboring Ampsivarii,^[3][4] whereby they gained a border with the Frisians to the west. The Romans referred to the Chauci living between the Weser and Elbe as the 'Greater Chauci' and those living between the Ems and Weser as the 'Lesser Chauci'.^[5]

The Chauci entered the historical record in descriptions of them by classical Roman sources late in the 1st century BC in the context of Roman military campaigns and sea raiding. For the next 200 years the Chauci provided Roman auxiliaries through treaty obligations, but they also appear in their own right in concert with other Germanic tribes, opposing the Romans. Accounts of wars therefore mention the Chauci on both sides of the conflict, though the actions of troops under treaty obligation were separate from the policies of the tribe.

The Chauci lost their separate identity in the 3rd century when they merged with the Saxons,^[6] after which time they were considered to be Saxons. The circumstances of the merger are an unsettled issue of scholarly research.

Society and Life[link]

The Germans of the region were not strongly hierarchical. This had been noted by Tacitus, for example when he mentioned the names of two kings of the 1st century Frisians and added that they were kings "as far as the Germans are under kings".^[7] Haywood (Dark Age Naval Power, 1999) says the Chauci were originally neither highly centralised nor highly stratified, though they became more so after 100 AD.^[8] Yorke (The Conversion of Britain c.600–800, 2006), speaking of the 5th century, describes the 'Continental Saxons' (which then included the Chauci) as having powerful local families and a dominant military leader.^[9]

Writing in AD 79, Pliny the Elder said that the Germanic tribes were members of separate groups of people, suggesting a distinction among them. He said that the Chauci, Cimbri and Teutoni—the people from the River Ems through Jutland and for some distance inland—were members of a group called Ingaevones (a "Cimbri" people were also given as members of a different group, and this is likely a different people).^[10]

Tacitus, writing in AD 98, described the inland, non-coastal Chauci homeland as immense, densely populated, and well-stocked with horses. He was effusive in his praise of their character as a people, saying that they were the noblest of the Germans, preferring justice to violence, being neither aggressive nor predatory, but militarily capable and always prepared for war if the need arose.^[11]

Terpen on hallig Hooge

Pliny (AD 23–79) had visited the coastal region and described the Chauci who lived there. He said that they were "wretched natives" living on a barren coast in small cottages (or huts) on hilltops, or on mounds of turf built high enough to stay dry during the highest tide (i.e., terpen). They fished for food, and unlike their neighbors (i.e., those living inland, away from the coast) they had no cattle, and had nothing to drink except rainwater caught in ditches. They used a type of dried mud (i.e., "surface peat") as fuel for cooking and heating. He also mentioned their spirit of independence, saying that even though they had nothing of value, they would deeply resent any attempt to conquer them.^[12]

Classical Roman history[link]

The record is incomplete. The bulk of historical information about the Chauci is from the Annals of Tacitus, written in 117. Many parts of his works have not survived, including an entire section covering the years AD 38–46, as well as the years after AD 69.

The earliest mention of the Chauci is from 12 BC and suggests that they were assisting other Germanic tribes in a war against the Romans. Drusus campaigned against those Germans along the lower Rhine, and after devastating the lands west and north of the Rhine he won over (or defeated or intimidated) the Frisians. He was in the process of attacking the Chauci when his vessels were trapped by an ebb tide. Drusus gave up the attack and withdrew.^[13]

Aftermath of Teutoburg Forest, c. 15[link]

The Germans under Arminius had destroyed 3 Roman legions under Varus at the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest in AD 9. The Romans recoiled at first but then Germanicus initiated destructive campaigns against those Germans whom the Romans blamed for their defeat. The Chauci were not among them, and were said to have promised aid, and were associated with the Romans in "military fellowship".^[14] However, in defeating Arminius' own tribe (the Cherusci) the Romans were unable to capture or kill Arminius, who escaped. There were Chauci among the Roman auxiliaries, and they were rumored to have allowed the escape.^[15] In one of the campaigns a Roman fleet (probably riverine, not ocean-going) was broken up by a storm, causing many casualties. Germanicus himself managed to survive by reaching the lands of the Chauci, who provided him with a safe haven.^[16]

A parenthetical note concerns the Ampsivarii. They had not supported the German cause led by Arminius in 9 AD and had been ostracized as a result. The Chauci had suffered no such disaffection from the other Germanic tribes in the aftermath of Teutoburg Forest, nor had they alienated the Romans. Many years later, c. AD 58, the Chauci seized an opportunity to expel the Ampsivarii and occupy their lands at the mouth of the River Ems, whereby they gained a border with the Frisians to the west.^[17]

Roman war against Gannascus, c. 47[link]

In AD 47 (and perhaps for some time earlier), the Chauci along with the Frisians were led by a certain Gannascus of the Canninefates. They raided along the then-wealthy coast of Gallia Belgica (i.e., the land south of the Rhine and north of the Rivers Marne and Seine), and the Chauci made inroads into the region that would later become the Roman province of Germania Inferior (which mostly consisted of the modern southern Netherlands).^[18]

Reconstruction of a fluvial boat of the Classis Germanica (Rhine flotilla) in the 1st century AD.

Corbulo was made the local Roman military commander. He successfully engaged the Germans on both land^[19] and water, occupied the Rhine with his triremes and sent his smaller vessels up the estuaries and canals. The Germanic flotilla was destroyed in a naval engagement, Gannascus was driven out, and Frisian territory was forcibly occupied.

A negotiation between the Romans and Gannascus was arranged under the auspices of the 'Greater Chauci', which the Romans used as an opportunity to assassinate their opponent. The Chauci were outraged by the act of bad faith, so the emperor Claudius forbade further attacks on the Germans in an effort to ease tensions, and the Romans withdrew to the Rhine.^[20]

Batavian Revolt, c. 69[link]

In AD 69 the Batavi and other tribes rose against Roman rule in the Revolt of the Batavi, becoming a general uprising by all the Germans in the region. Led by Civilis, they inflicted huge casualties on the Romans, including the destruction of a Roman fleet by a Germanic one off the North Sea coast.^[21] Led by Cerialis, the Romans gave as good as they had gotten, ultimately forcing a humiliating peace on the Batavi and stationing a legion on their territory.

Both the Chauci and the Frisians had auxiliaries serving under the Romans, and in a siege and assault by Civilis at Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensis (at modern Cologne), a cohort of Chauci and Frisians had been trapped and burned.^[22][23] The Chauci had supported Civilis in their own name, providing him with reinforcements.^[24]

Sea raiding[link]

The Chauci were one of the most prominent early Germanic sea raiders.^[25] They are probable participants in the Germanic flotilla that was destroyed by Drusus in 12 BC. They were raiding the coasts of Roman Belgica in AD 41,^[26] long before they participated in further raids of the same coasts under Gannascus in AD 47. It is likely that their raiding was endemic over the years, as the few surviving accounts probably do not reflect all occurrences. Tacitus describes the Chauci as 'peaceful' in his Germania (AD 98), but this is in a passage describing the non-coastal, inland Chauci,^[27] whereas sea raiders are necessarily a coastal people.

By the late 2nd century Chauci raiding was ongoing and more serious than before, continuing in the North Sea Channel until their last recorded raids c. 170–175.^[28] While there are no historical sources to inform us one way or the other, it is likely that the Chauci continued their raiding until they were replaced by Frankish and Saxon raiders in the 3rd century.^[29]

There is archaeological evidence of destruction by raiders between 170–200, ranging along the Continental coast down to the Bay of Biscay, to northwest Belgica (e.g., fire destruction at Amiens, Thérouanne, Vendeuil-Caply, Beauvais, Bavai, Tournai and Arras), to coastal Britain (e.g., fire destruction at the eastern Essex sites of Chelmsford, Billericay, Gestingthorpe, Braintree, Wickford, Kelvedon, Great Chesterford and Harlow). The perpetrators are unknown, but Chauci raiders are among the prime suspects.^[30]

The Romans responded with defensive measures. Caistor-by-Norwich, Chelmsford and Forum Hadriani (present day Voorburg) (the civitas of the Canninefates near The Hague) were all fortified c. 200, and the Romans began a defensive system of protection especially along the coasts of Britain and the Continent. This system would be continually maintained and improved upon, which the Romans would not have done unless there was a continuing threat to be addressed. The system would continue to evolve through the disappearance of Chauci raiders and their replacement by the Frankish and Saxon ones, up to the end of the 4th century. By then it would be known as the Saxon Shore, a name given it by the Notitia Dignitatum.^[31]

In literature[link]

Beowulf is an Old English heroic poem where the hero (Beowulf) engages in battles with antagonists. Set in long-ago Scandinavia, it makes frequent references to the peoples who are a part of the story, and efforts have been made to connect those peoples with peoples mentioned in ancient historical records. The "Hugas" of the poem are said to be a reference to the Chauci.^[32]

See also[link]

Ancient Germanic culture portal

• Ingaevones
• List of Germanic peoples

Notes[link]

References[link]

Battle of the Teutoburg Forest
Part of the Roman-Germanic wars
Cenotaph of Marcus Caelius, 1st centurion of XVIII, who "fell in the war of Varus" (bello Variano) Reconstructed inscription: "To Marcus Caelius, son of Titus, of the Lemonian district, from Bologna, first centurion of the eighteenth legion. 53½ years old. He fell in the Varian War. His bones may be interred here. Publius Caelius, son of Titus, of the Lemonian district, his brother, erected (this monument)."[1]
Date September, 9 CE. Exact date unknowable. Location Osnabrück County, Lower Saxony Result Decisive Germanic victory Roman Empire's strategic withdrawal from Magna Germania
Belligerents
Germanic tribes (Cherusci, Marsi, Chatti, Bructeri, Chauci and Sicambri).	Roman Empire
Commanders and leaders
Arminius	Publius Quinctilius Varus
Strength
Unknown, but estimates range from 12,000 - 32,000	20,000 - max. 36,000: 3 Roman legions (XVII, XVIII/XIIX, and XIX/XVIIII), 3 alae and 6 auxiliary cohorts
Casualties and losses
unknown	16,000 dead[2][3] several enslaved

The Battle of the Teutoburg Forest (described as clades Variana, the Varian disaster by Roman historians) (German: Schlacht im Teutoburger Wald, Hermannsschlacht or Varusschlacht) took place in 9 CE, when an alliance of Germanic tribes led by Arminius of the Cherusci ambushed and decisively destroyed three Roman legions, along with their auxiliaries, led by Publius Quinctilius Varus.

Despite numerous successful campaigns and raids by the Roman army over the Rhine in the years after the battle, the Romans were to make no more concerted attempts to conquer and permanently hold Germania beyond the river.

Background[link]

Invasions of Drusus I in 12–8 BCE

Invasions of Tiberius and Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus in circa 3 BCE–6 CE

The Roman force was led by Publius Quinctilius Varus, a noble from a patrician family^[4] related to the Imperial family^[5] and an experienced administrative official, who was assigned to consolidate the new province of Germania in the autumn of 6 CE.^[4] In early 6 CE, before Varus was commander on the Rhine, it was Legatus Gaius Sentius Saturninus^[6][7] and Consul Legatus Marcus Aemilius Lepidus under Tiberius who led an army of 65,000 heavy infantry legionaries, 10,000–20,000 cavalrymen, archers, 10,000–20,000 civilians (13 legions & entourage, probably about 100,000+ men) and was planning a major attack on Maroboduus,^[4][8] the king of the Marcomanni, a tribe of the Suebi who had fled the attacks of Drusus I in 9 BCE into the territory of the Boii, where they formed a powerful tribal alliance with the Hermunduri, Quadi, Semnones, Lugians, Zumi, Butones, Mugilones, Sibini and Langobards.^[9]

In 4 CE, Tiberius entered Germania and subjugated the Cananefates in Germania Inferior, the Chatti near the upper Weser River, and the Bructeri south of the Teutoburg Forest and led his army across the Weser. But in 6 CE a major rebellion broke out in the province of Illyricum (later divided into Pannonia and Dalmatia). Led by Bato the Daesitiate,^[10] Bato the Breucian,^[11] Pinnes of Pannonia,^[12] and elements of the Marcomanni^{[citation needed]} and known as the Bellum Batonianum, it lasted nearly 4 years. Tiberius was forced to stop his campaign against Maroboduus and recognise him as king^[13] and to send his eight legions (VIII Augustan, XV Apollonian, XX Victorious Valerian, XXI Predator, XIII Twin, XIV Twin, XVI Gallic and an unknown unit^[14]) to crush the rebellion in the Balkans.

Nearly half of all Roman legions had to be pulled together to end the revolt, which was triggered by neglect, endemic food shortages (since 22 BCE, following a political crisis in 23 BCE^[15] and riots in 22, 21 and 19 BCE,^[16] ended after 8 CE^[17]), high taxes and harsh behavior of the tax collectors. This campaign, led by Tiberius and Quaestor Legatus Germanicus under Emperor Augustus, was one of the hardest and most critical for the Roman Empire. During the start of the rebellion in the southern part of Illyricum, Varus was named Legatus Augusti pro praetore and had only three legions available.

Varus' name and deeds were well known beyond the borders of the empire because of his ruthlessness and crucifixion of insurgents.^{[citation needed]} While feared by the people, he was highly respected by the Roman senate. On the Rhine (probably camp castra Vetera near Xanten or castra Novaesium near Neuss) he was in command of the legions XVII, XVIII (also XIIX^[18]) and XIX (also XVIIII^[18]), previously led by General Gaius Sentius Saturninus, who was sent back to Rome and had been given an ornamenta triumphalia.^[19] The other 2 legions in the winter-quarters of the army at castrum Moguntiacum^[20] (I Germanica, V Larks ) were led by Varus' nephew Second consul Lucius Nonius Asprenas^[14] and perhaps Second consul Lucius Arruntius.

Varus' opponent, Arminius, was handed over to the Romans along with his brother Flavus,^[21][22] as tribute by his father and chieftain of the noblest house in the tribe of the Cherusci, Segimerus^[23] the Conqueror,^[24] as result of the attacks of Drusus I in 11–9 BCE. Arminius had lived in Rome as a hostage in his youth, where he had received a military education, and even been given the rank of Equestrian.

During his absence Segimerus was declared a coward by other Germanic chieftains because he had bowed down to Roman rule^{[citation needed]} – a crime punishable by death under Germanic law. Between 11 BCE and 4 CE the hostility and suspicion between the Germanic tribes deepened. Trade and politics between the Germanic warlords deteriorated. According to German philologist Maximilian Ihm (1863–1909), Tacitus writes that the Chatti were hostile and subjugated the Cherusci but were "pacified" between 4 and 6 CE.^[25] According to Encyclopædia Britannica, the Cherusci were defeated by the Chatti but this also gives no date.^[26] Velleius Paterculus reported that in the years 1–4 CE there was unrest in Germania (immensum bellum, immense war).^[27]

After his return from Rome Arminius became a trusted advisor to Varus.^[28] But in secret he forged an alliance of Germanic tribes that had traditionally been enemies (the Cherusci,^[4] Marsi,^[4] Chatti,^[4] Bructeri,^[4] Chauci, Sicambri, and remaining elements of the Suebi, who had been defeated by Caesar in the Battle of Vosges), but whom he was able to unite due to outrage over Varus' tyrannous insolence and wanton cruelty to the conquered^[20] and who had hitherto submitted in sullen hatred to the Roman dominion.^[29]

The Teutoburg Forest on a foggy and rainy day.

"... Stratagem was, therefore, indispensable; and it was necessary to blind Varus to their schemes until a favorable opportunity should arrive for striking a decisive blow..." British historian Edward Shepherd Creasy (1812–1878)

While Varus was on his way from his summer camp somewhere west of the Weser river to the winter headquarters near the Rhine, he heard reports of a local rebellion, fabricated by Arminius.^[8] (Despite recent finds indicating a Roman presence near the modern city of Minden, its location remains disputed;^[28] other sites near Minden or Rinteln have been suggested by the historian Hans Delbrück (1848–1929) and the military writer Kurt Pastenaci (1894–1961), respectively.)

"... This was represented to Varus as an occasion which required his prompt attendance at the spot; but he was kept in studied ignorance of its being part of a concerted national rising; and he still looked on Arminius as his submissive vassal..." Edward Shepherd Creasy

Varus decided to quell this uprising immediately and take a detour through territory unfamiliar to the Romans. Arminius, who accompanied Varus, probably directed him along a route that would facilitate an ambush.^[8] Another Cheruscan nobleman, Segestes, brother of Segimerus, father of Arminius' wife,^[24][30] and opposed to the marriage, warned Varus the night before the departure of the Roman forces, allegedly even suggesting that Varus apprehend Arminius along with several other Germanic leaders whom he identified as covert participants in the planned uprising. But his warning was dismissed as the result of a personal feud. Arminius then left under the pretext of drumming up Germanic forces to support the Roman campaign, but instead led his troops, who must have been waiting in the vicinity, in attacks on surrounding Roman garrisons.

Recent archaeological finds place the battle at Kalkriese Hill in Osnabrück County, Lower Saxony.^[4] On the basis of Roman accounts, the Romans must at this time have been marching northwestward from the area that is now the city of Detmold, passing east of Osnabrück; they must then have camped in this area prior to being attacked.

Battles[link]

Autumn in Teutoburg Forest

Varus' forces included three legions (Legio XVII, Legio XVIII, and Legio XIX), six cohorts of auxiliary troops (non-citizens or allied troops) and three squadrons of cavalry (alae), most of which lacked combat experience with Germanic fighters under local conditions. The Roman forces were not marching in combat formation, and were interspersed with large numbers of camp-followers. As they entered the forest (probably just northeast of Osnabrück 52°24′38″N 8°07′46″E / 52.41056°N 8.12944°E / 52.41056; 8.12944), they found the track narrow and muddy; according to Dio Cassius a violent storm had also arisen. He also writes that Varus neglected to send out advance reconnaissance parties.

The line of march was now stretched out perilously long — estimates are that it surpassed 15 km (9.3 mi), and was perhaps as long as 20 km (12 mi).^[28] It was then suddenly attacked by Germanic warriors armed with light swords, large lances and narrow-bladed short spears called fremae. The Germanic warriors surrounded the entire Roman army and rained down javelins on the intruders.^[31] Arminius, who had grown up in Rome as a citizen and become a Roman soldier, understood Roman tactics very well and could direct his troops to counter them effectively, using locally superior numbers against the dispersed Roman legions. The Romans managed to set up a fortified night camp, and the next morning broke out into the open country north of the Wiehen Hills, near the modern town of Ostercappeln. The break-out cost them heavy losses, as did a further attempt to escape by marching through another forested area, with the torrential rains continuing. The rain prevented them from using their bows because sinew strings become slack when wet, and rendered them virtually defenseless as their shields also became waterlogged.

Reconstruction of the improvised fortifications prepared by the Germanic tribes for the final phase of the Varus battle near Kalkriese

The Romans then undertook a night march to escape, but marched into another trap that Arminius had set, at the foot of Kalkriese Hill (near Osnabrück). There, the sandy, open strip on which the Romans could march easily was constricted by the hill, so that there was a gap of only about 100 m between the woods and the swampland at the edge of the Great Bog. Moreover, the road was blocked by a trench, and, towards the forest, an earthen wall had been built along the roadside, permitting the Germanic tribesmen to attack the Romans from cover. The Romans made a desperate attempt to storm the wall, but failed, and the highest-ranking officer next to Varus, Legatus Numonius Vala, abandoned the troops by riding off with the cavalry; however, he too was overtaken by the Germanic cavalry and killed, according to Velleius Paterculus. The Germanic warriors then stormed the field and slaughtered the disintegrating Roman forces; Varus committed suicide.^[28] Velleius reports that one commander, Praefectus Ceionius, shamefully surrendered and later took his own life,^[32] while his colleague Praefectus Eggius heroically died leading his doomed troops.

Around 15,000–20,000 Roman soldiers must have died; not only Varus, but also many of his officers are said to have taken their own lives by falling on their swords in the approved manner.^[28] Tacitus wrote that many officers were sacrificed by the Germanic forces as part of their indigenous religious ceremonies, cooked in pots and their bones used for rituals.^[33] However, others were ransomed, and some of the common soldiers appear to have been enslaved.

Germanic warriors storm the field, Varusschlacht, 1909

All Roman accounts stress the completeness of the Roman defeat. The finds at Kalkriese, where, along with 6,000 pieces (largely scraps) of Roman equipment, there is only one single item — part of a spur — that is clearly Germanic would seem to indicate minimal Germanic losses. However it must be taken into account that the Germanic victors would have removed the bodies of their fallen, and their practice of burying their own dead warriors' battle gear with them must have contributed to the lack of Germanic relics. Additionally, several thousand Germanic soldiers were deserting militiamen who wore Roman armour (which would thus show up as "Roman" in the archaeological digs); and in fact the Germanic tribes wore less metal and more perishable organic material.

The victory over the legions was followed by a clean sweep of all Roman forts, garrisons and cities — of which there were at least two — east of the Rhine; the remaining two Roman legions, commanded by Varus' nephew Lucius Nonius Asprenas, were content to try to hold that river. One fort (or possibly city), Aliso, fended off the Germanic tribes for many weeks, perhaps a few months, before the garrison, which included survivors of the Teutoburg Forest, successfully broke out under their commander Lucius Caedicius and reached the Rhine.

Aftermath[link]

Upon hearing of the defeat, the Emperor Augustus, according to the Roman historian Suetonius in his work De vita Caesarum ("On the Life of the Caesars"), was so shaken by the news that he stood butting his head against the walls of his palace, repeatedly shouting:

"Quintili Vare, legiones redde!“ ('Quintilius Varus, give me back my legions!')

The three legion numbers were never used again by the Romans after this defeat, unlike other legions that were restructured – a case unique in Roman history except for the XXII Deiotariana legion, which may have been disbanded after heavy losses against the Jewish rebels in the Bar Kokba revolt (132–136) in Israel.

The battle abruptly ended the period of triumphant Roman expansion that had followed the end of the Civil Wars 40 years earlier. Augustus' stepson Tiberius took effective control, and prepared for the continuation of the war. Legio II Augusta, XX Valeria Victrix, and XIII Gemina were sent to the Rhine to replace the lost legions.

Arminius immediately sent Varus' severed head to Maroboduus, king of the Marcomanni, the other most powerful Germanic ruler with the offer of an anti-Roman alliance. Maroboduus declined the offer, sending the head on to Rome for burial, and remained neutral throughout the ensuing war. Only thereafter did a brief, inconclusive war break out between the two Germanic leaders.^[34]

Roman retaliation[link]

Germanicus' campaign against the Germans[link]

The Roman commander Germanicus was the opponent of Arminius in 14–16 CE

Though the shock at the slaughter was enormous, the Romans immediately began a slow, systematic process of preparing for the reconquest of the country. In 14 CE, just after Augustus' death and the accession of his heir and stepson Tiberius, a massive raid was conducted by the new emperor's nephew Germanicus. He attacked the Marsi in a surprise attack. The Bructeri, Tubanti, and Usipeti were roused by the attack and ambushed Germanicus on the way to the winter-quarters, but were defeated with heavy losses.^[35][36]

The next year was marked by two major campaigns and several smaller battles with a large army estimated at 55,000–70,000 men, backed by naval forces. In spring 15 CE, Legatus Caecina Severus invaded the Marsi a second time with about 25,000–30,000 men, causing great havoc. Meanwhile, Germanicus' troops had built a fort on Mount Taunus from where he marched with about 30,000–35,000 men against the Chatti. Many of the men fled across a river and dispersed themselves in the forests. Germanicus next marched on Mattium and burned the city down.^[37][38] After initial successful skirmishes in summer 15 CE, including the capture of Arminius' wife Thusnelda,^[39] the army visited the site of the first battle. According to Tacitus, they found heaps of bleached bones and severed skulls nailed to trees, which they buried, "...looking on all as kinsfolk and of their own blood...".

Under Germanicus, the Romans marched another army, along with allied Germanic auxiliaries, into Germania again in 16 CE. He forced a crossing of the Weser near modern Minden, suffering some losses to a Germanic skirmishing force, and forced Arminius' army to stand in open battle at Idistaviso in the Battle of the Weser River. Germanicus' legions inflicted huge casualties on the allied Germanic armies while sustaining only minor losses. One final battle was fought at the Angivarian Wall west of modern Hanover, repeating the pattern of high Germanic fatalities, which forced them to flee. In summer 16 CE, Caius Silius marched against the Chatti with 33,000 men. Germanicus invaded the Marsi the third time and devastated their land.^[40]

With his main objectives reached and winter approaching, Germanicus ordered his army back to their winter camps, with the fleet incurring some damage from a storm in the North Sea.^[41] After a few more raids across the Rhine, which resulted in the recovery of two of the three legions' eagles lost in 9 CE,^[42] Tiberius ordered the Roman forces to halt and withdraw across the Rhine. Germanicus was recalled to Rome and informed by Tiberius that he would be given a triumph and reassigned to a new command.^[43][44][45]

• Campaigns of Germanicus and A. Caecina Severus in the years 14-16 CE
• 

  Military action in 14 CE

• 

  Campaigns in 15 CE

• 

  Operations in 16 CE

Germanicus' campaign had been taken to avenge the Teutoburg slaughter and also partially in reaction to indications of mutinous intent amongst his troops. In addition, Arminius, who had been instrumental in the Teutoburg ambush, and who had been considered a very real threat to stability by Rome, was now defeated. Once his allied Germanic coalition had been broken and honour avenged, the huge cost and risk of keeping the Roman army operating beyond the Rhine was simply not worth any likely benefit to be gained.^[28]

Later campaigns[link]

The third legionary standard was recovered in 41 CE by Publius Gabinius from the Chauci during the reign of Claudius, brother to Germanicus, according to Cassius Dio in Roman History Book LX {Book 60} Chapter 8. Possibly the recovered aquilae were placed within the Temple of Mars Ultor ("Mars the Avenger"), the ruins of which stand today in the Forum of Augustus by the Via dei Fori Imperiali in Rome.

The last chapter of this story is recounted by the historian Tacitus. Around 50 CE, bands of Chatti invaded Roman territory in Germania Superior, possibly an area in Hesse east of the Rhine which the Romans appear to have still held, and began to plunder. The Roman commander, Publius Pomponius Secundus, along with a legionary force supported by Roman cavalry, recruited auxiliaries from the Vangiones and Nemetes. They attacked the Chatti from both sides and defeated them, and joyfully found and liberated Roman prisoners, including some from Varus' legions who had been held by the Chatti for 40 years.^[46]

Impact on Roman expansion[link]

Germanic situation circa 50 CE

From the time of the rediscovery of Roman sources in the 15th century, the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest has been seen as a pivotal clash which ended Roman expansion into northern Europe. This notion became especially prevalent in the 19th century, where it formed an integral part of the mythology of German nationalism.

More recently, some scholars have begun to question this interpretation and have pointed out reasons why the Rhine was a much more practical boundary for the Roman Empire than any other river in Germania.^[47] Logistically, armies on the Rhine could be supplied from the Mediterranean via the Rhone and Mosel, with a brief stretch of portage. Armies on the Elbe, on the other hand, would have to have been supplied either by extensive overland routes or ships travelling the hazardous Atlantic seas. Economically, the Rhine was already supporting towns and sizeable villages at the time of the Gallic conquest. Northern Germania, however, was far less developed, possessed fewer villages, and had little food surplus. Thus the Rhine was both significantly more accessible from Rome and better equipped to supply sizeable garrisons than the regions beyond, and there were also practical reasons to fall back from the limits of Augustus' expansionism in this region.

After Arminius was finally defeated and dead, Rome would try to control Germania east of the Rhine and north of the Danube indirectly, by appointing client kings. So Italicus, a nephew of Arminius, was appointed king of the Cherusci; Vangio and Sido became vassal princes of the powerful Suebi, and so on.^{[48] [49]}

Site of the battle[link]

Lower Saxony Bergland

The archeological site at Kalkriese hill

Schleuderblei (Sling ammo) found by Major Tony Clunn in Summer 1988, sparked new excavations^[50]

The Roman ceremonial face mask found at Kalkriese

For almost 2,000 years, the site of the battle was unidentified. The main clue to its location was an allusion to the saltus Teutoburgiensis in section i.60–62 of Tacitus' Annals, an area "not far" from the land between the upper reaches of the Lippe and Ems Rivers in central Westphalia.

During the 19th century, theories as to the true site of the battle abounded, and the followers of one theory successfully argued for the area of a long wooded ridge called the Osning, around Bielefeld. This was then renamed the Teutoburg Forest, a name that remains today despite later discoveries proving its inappropriateness, and became the site of the Detmold Memorial.

Late 20th-century research and excavations were sparked by finds by British amateur archaeologist Major Tony Clunn, who was casually prospecting at Kalkriese Hill (52°26′29″N 8°08′26″E / 52.44139°N 8.14056°E / 52.44139; 8.14056) with a metal detector in hopes of finding "the odd Roman coin". He discovered coins from the reign of Augustus (and none minted later), and some ovoid leaden Roman sling shot. Kalkriese is a village administratively part of the city of Bramsche, on the north slope fringes of the Wiehengebirge, a ridge-like range of hills in Lower Saxony, north of Osnabrück. The site, some 70 km from Detmold, was first suggested by 19th-century historian Theodor Mommsen, one of the "founding fathers" of modern research into ancient history.

The initial systematic excavations were done by the archaeological team of the Kulturhistorisches Museum Osnabrück under the direction of Prof. Wolfgang Schlüter from 1987 onward. Once the dimensions of the project had become apparent, a foundation was created to organise future excavations. It was also charged with building and operating a new museum on the site, and to centralise publicity work and documentation. Since 1990 the excavations have been directed by Susanne Wilbers-Rost.

Excavations have revealed battle debris along a corridor almost 15 miles from east to west and little more than a mile wide. A long zig-zagging wall constructed of peat turves and packed sand apparently had been constructed beforehand: concentrations of battle debris before it, and a dearth of finds behind it, testify to the Romans' inability to breach the Germans' strong defense. Human remains found here appear to corroborate Tacitus' account of their later burial.^[51] Coins minted with the countermark VAR, distributed by Varus, also support the identification of the site. As a result, Kalkriese is now perceived to be the actual site of part of the battle, probably its conclusive phase.

The Varusschlacht Museum and Park Kalkriese includes a large outdoor area with trails leading to a re-creation of part of the earthen wall from the battle, and other outdoor exhibits. An observation tower, which also holds most of the indoor exhibits, allows visitors to get an overview of the battle site. A second building includes the ticket center, museum store and a restaurant. The museum houses a large number of artifacts found at the site, which include fragments of studded sandals legionaries lost, spearheads, and a Roman officer's ceremonial face-mask, which was originally silver-plated.

Alternate theories on the battle's location[link]

Although the majority of evidence has the 3-day battle taking place in the area east and north of Osnabrück and end at Kalkriese Hill, some scholars and others adhere to older theories. Moreover, there is controversy among "Kalkriese-adherents" as to the details.

The German historians Peter Kehne and Reinhard Wolters believe that the battle was probably in the Detmold area after all, and that Kalkriese is the site of one of the battles in 15 CE. This theory is, however, in contradiction to Tacitus' account.

A large body of opinion, including the scholars at the Kalkriese Museum (Susanne Wilbers-Rost, Günther Moosbauer; also Historian Ralf Jahn and British author Adrian Murdoch, see below), believe that the Roman army did not approach Kalkriese from the south of the Wiehen Mountains (i.e., from Detmold), but rather from roughly due east, from Minden, Westphalia. This would have involved a march along the northern edge of the Wiehen mountains, and would have passed through flat, open country, devoid of the dense forests and ravines described by Cassius Dio. Historians such as Gustav-Adolf Lehmann and Boris Dreyer counter that the description is too detailed and differentiated to be thus dismissed.

Tony Clunn (see below), the discoverer of the battlefield, and a "southern-approach" proponent, believes that the battered Roman Army regrouped north of Ostercappeln, where Varus committed suicide, and that the remnants were finally overcome at the Kalkriese Gap.

Peter Oppitz argues for a site in Paderborn. Based on a reinterpretation of Tacitus, Paterculus and Florus' writings, together with a new analysis of Dio Cassius' writings, he proposes that an ambush took place in Varus' summer camp during a peaceful meeting between the Roman commanders and the Germans.^[52]

Portrayal in fiction[link]

Die Hermannsschlacht is an 1808 drama by Heinrich von Kleist based on the events of the battle.

The battle and its aftermath are featured in both the novel and television series I, Claudius. In the novel, Cassius Chaerea is portrayed as being one of the few Roman survivors of the battle.

The battle, or more specifically, a Jewish student's report about the battle, is a central aspect of Die Geschwister Oppermann (The Oppermanns), a 1933 novel by Lion Feuchtwanger.

A movie named Die Hermannsschlacht / The Hermann Battle was released between 1993 and 1995. The first public screening of this work took place in Düsseldorf in May 1995. In 1996 it was honoured by an international jury in Kiel, where it was presented during an archaeological film festival. The Hermann Battle was successfully shown in arthouse-cinemas throughout Germany. The actors speak German and Latin, with German subtitles. Famous English artist Tony Cragg has a brief role as a Roman citizen in the palace of Augustus.^[53]

The Battle of Teutoburg Forest is also a historical battle that can be played in the video game Rome: Total War. However, it is not an entirely accurate depiction of the historical battle. The scenario is difficult because the Roman troops are heavily outnumbered, not due to the superior position of Germanic Forces.

A 1955 novel, The Lost Eagles, written by Ralph Graves, gave a fictitious account of a Varus relation, Severus Varus, working to recover the lost eagles of the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest, as well as the family's honor. The story follows the historical recovery of the Eagles in the campaigns of Germanicus.

The 1992 detective novel (with a 2007 radio play adaptation), The Iron Hand of Mars by English historical novelist Lindsey Davis, uses the battle and its aftermath as extensive backstory to her character, Marcus Didius Falco's adventures on the Limes Germanicus in 71 CE. The battle, its consequences to Rome and to the local tribes and the ongoing local trade in "memorabilia" from the disaster are all used as plot devices.

The 2009 novel Give Me Back My Legions! by Harry Turtledove covers the battle as well as the events leading up to it.

In the same year another historico-fictional novel, Arminius; a German romance, was published by English historic novelist Lorna Pearson. This covers events from the approach to the battle until Arminius' death twelve years later, using subsequent German myth from Siegfried to the Thousand Year Reich as a filter.

Die Sendung mit der Maus (Re-enactment for children's television programme, using Playmobil toys to represent the Roman legions)^[54]

German nationalism[link]

The Hermannsdenkmal circa 1900

The legacy of the Germanic victory was resurrected with the recovery of the histories of Tacitus in the 15th century, when the figure of Arminius, now known as "Hermann" (a mistranslation of the name "Armin" which has often been incorrectly attributed to Martin Luther), became a nationalistic symbol of Pan-Germanism. From the time of the rediscovery of Roman sources in the 15th century, the Battle of Teutoburg Forest has been seen as a pivotal clash which ended Roman expansion into northern Europe. This notion became especially prevalent in the 19th century, when it formed an integral part of the mythology of German nationalism.

In 1808 the German Heinrich von Kleist's play Die Hermannsschlacht aroused anti-Napoleonic sentiment, even though it could not be performed under occupation. In 1847, Josef Viktor von Scheffel wrote a lengthy song, "Als die Römer frech geworden" ("When the Romans got cheeky"), relating the tale of the battle with somewhat gloating humour. Copies of the text are still found on many souvenirs available at the Detmold monument.

The battle had a profound effect on 19th century German nationalism along with the histories of Tacitus; the Germans, at that time still divided into many German states, identified with the Germanic tribes as shared ancestors of one "German people" and came to associate the imperialistic Napoleonic French and Austro-Hungarian forces with the invading Romans who were destined for defeat.

As a symbol of unified Romantic nationalism, the Hermannsdenkmal, a monument to Hermann surmounted by a statue, was erected in a forested area near Detmold which was believed at that time to be the site of the battle. Paid for largely out of private funds, the monument remained unfinished for decades and was not completed until 1875, after the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–71 unified the country. The completed monument was then a symbol of conservative German nationalism. The battle and the Hermannsdenkmal monument are also commemorated by the similar Hermann Heights Monument in New Ulm, Minnesota, USA, which was erected by the Sons of Hermann, a support organization for German immigrants to the United States. Hermann, Missouri, USA, claims Hermann (Arminius) as its namesake and a third statue of Hermann was dedicated there in a ceremony on 24 September 2009, celebrating the 2,000th anniversary of the battle in the Teutoburg Forest.

However, in Germany itself, where since the end of World War II there has been a strong aversion to celebrating the country's militaristic past, widespread celebration of the battle's 2,000th anniversary was avoided.^[55]

Paintings of the 19th century[link]

• 

  Hermannsschlacht, drawing by Crown prince Frederick William IV of Prussia, 1813

• 

  Grab des Arminius (Grave of Arminius), Caspar David Friedrich, 1812

• 

  Hermann zersprengt die Ketten von Germania (Hermann breaks the chains of Germania), Karl Russ, circa 1818

• 

  Der siegreich vordringende Hermann (The victorious advance of Hermann), Peter Janssen, 1873

• 

  Unfortunate campaign of Germanicus, unknown artist, circa 1900

Sources[link]

Ancient sources[link]

The following is a list of all known references to the battle from the literary sources of classical antiquity. Though the account provided in the Roman History is the most detailed of these, Dio Cassius' almost two century removal from the time of the event, as well as his use of detail mentioned by no earlier author, render it much more likely to be a literary re-imagining of the battle than a reliable historical record.

• Ovid, Tristia (Sorrows), poetic verses written in 10 and 11 CE
• Marcus Manilius, Astronomica, poem written in early 1st Century
• Strabo, Geographia 7:1.4, geographic-themed history written in perhaps 18 CE
• Marcus Velleius Paterculus, Roman History 2:117–120, history written 30 CE
• Tacitus, Annals 1.3, 1.10, 1.43, 1.55–71, 2.7, 2.41, 2.45, history written 109 CE
• Suetonius, Lives of the Twelve Caesars: Augustus 23, Tiberius 17–18, biographies written 121 CE
• Florus, Epitome de T. Livio Bellorum omnium annorum DCC Libri duo 2:30, history/panegyric written in early 2nd century
• Dio Cassius, Roman History 56:18–24, history written in the first half of 3rd century
• Seneca the Younger, "Epistulae Morales ad Lucilium," reference in Letter 47, Section 10

21st century[link]

• Ancient Warfare special "The Varian Disaster", June 2009 (essays by various authors, including Clunn and Murdoch)
• Fergus M. Bordewich, "The ambush that changed history" in Smithsonian Magazine, September 2005, pp. 74–81. [2]
• Wilm Brepohl, Neue Überlegungen zur Varusschlacht. Aschendorff, Münster 2004, ISBN 3-402-03502-2 (German) (Reconsidering the Varus Battle.)
• Tony Clunn, The Quest for the Lost Roman Legions, Savas Beatie LLC, Spellmount, 2005, 371 pp. ISBN 978-0-9544190-0-4 Combination of the account of the discovery and his theory about the course of the battle, recounted in fictional style.
• Boris Dreyer, Arminius und der Untergang des Varus. Warum die Germanen keine Römer wurden. Klett-Cotta, Stuttgart 2009, ISBN 978-3-608-94510-2 (German) (Arminius and the downfall of Varus. Why the Teutons did not become Romans.)
• Adrian Goldsworthy, In The Name of Rome: The Men Who Won The Roman Empire. Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 2004.
• Joachim Harnecker, Arminius, Varus und das Schlachtfeld von Kalkriese. Eine Einführung in die archäologischen Arbeiten und ihre Ergebnisse. 2nd ed. Rasch, Bramsche 2002 ISBN 3-934005-40-3 (German) (Arminius, Varus and the battlefield of Kalkriese. An introduction to the archaeological work and its results.)
• Ralf Günter Jahn, Der Römisch-Germanische Krieg (9–16 n. Chr.). Dissertation, Bonn 2001 (German) (The Roman-Germanic war (9–16 CE).)
• Johann-Sebastian Kühlborn, "Auf dem Marsch in die Germania Magna. Roms Krieg gegen die Germanen". In: Martin Müller, Hans-Joahim Schalles und Norbert Zieling (Eds.), Colonia Ulpia Traiana. Xanten und sein Umland in römischer Zeit. Zabern, Mainz 2008, ISBN 978-3-8053-3953-7, S. 67–91. (German) ("On the march into Germania Magna. Rome's war against the Germanic tribes".)
• Fabian Link, Die Zeitdetektive. Die Falle im Teutoburger Wald: Ein Krimi aus der Römerzeit. Ravensburger, 2010, ISBN 978-3-473-34535-9. (German) (The time detectives. The events in the Teutoburg Forest: a crime story of Roman times.) (youth fiction)
• Ralf-Peter Märtin, Die Varusschlacht. Rom und die Germanen. S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2008, ISBN 978-3-10-050612-2 (German) (The Varus Battle. Rome and the Germanic tribes.)
• Günther Moosbauer, Die Varusschlacht. Beck'sche Reihe, Verlag C. H. Beck Wissen, München 2009, ISBN 978-3-406-56257-0 (German) (The Varus Battle.)
• Adrian Murdoch, Rome's Greatest Defeat: Massacre in the Teutoburg Forest. Sutton Publishing, Stroud, 2006, ISBN 0-7509-4015-8 (review) Account of the battle, "eastern approach" to Kalkriese
• Paweł Rochala, Las Teutoburski 9 rok n.e. (Polish) Bellona, Warszawa, 2005.
• Michael Sommer, Die Arminiusschlacht. Spurensuche im Teutoburger Wald. Stuttgart 2009 (German) (The Arminius Battle. Search for traces in the Teutoburg Forest.)
• Dieter Timpe, Römisch-germanische Begegnung in der späten Republik und frühen Kaiserzeit. Voraussetzungen – Konfrontationen – Wirkungen. Gesammelte Studien. Saur, München & Leipzig, 2006, ISBN 3-598-77845-7 (German) (Roman-Germanic encounter in the late Republic and early Empire. Conditions – Confrontations – Effects. Collected Studies.)
• Peter S. Wells, The Battle That Stopped Rome: Emperor Augustus, Arminius, and the Slaughter of the Legions in the Teutoburg Forest, W.W. Norton & Company, New York, NY 2003, ISBN 0-393-02028-2 Strong on archaeology; controversial^{[citation needed]} "Florus"-based theory.
• Peter Oppitz, Das Geheimnis der Varusschlacht. Zadara-Verlag, 2006, ISBN 3-00-019973-X (German) (The mystery of the Varus Battle.) Paderborn would have been the site of the battle.
• Rainer Wiegels (Ed.), Die Varusschlacht. Wendepunkt der Geschichte? Theiss, Stuttgart 2007, ISBN 978-3-8062-1760-5 (German) (The Varus Battle. Turning point of history?)
• Reinhard Wolters, Die Römer in Germanien. 5th ed. Verlag C.H. Beck, München 2006, ISBN 3-406-44736-8 (German) (The Romans in Germania.)
• Reinhard Wolters, Die Schlacht im Teutoburger Wald. Arminius, Varus und das römische Germanien. München 2008, ISBN 978-3-406-57674-4 (German) (The Battle of the Teutoburg Forest. Arminius, Varus and Roman Germania.)

20th century[link]

• Gesa von Essen, Hermannsschlachten. Germanen- und Römerbilder in der Literatur des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts. Wallstein Verlag, Göttingen 1998, ISBN 3-89244-312-2 (German) (Hermann Battles. Images of Teutons and Romans in the literature of the 18th and 19th centuries.)
• Wolfgang Schlüter (Ed.), Römer im Osnabrücker Land. Die archäologischen Untersuchungen in der Kalkrieser-Niewedder Senke. Rasch, Bramsche 1991, ISBN 3-922469-57-4 (German) (Romans in the Osnabrück District. The archaeological excavations in the Kalkriese-Niewedde depression.)

19th century[link]

• Edward Shepherd Creasy, Germans under Arminius Revolt Against Rome in The Great Events by Famous Historians, Vol. 2, compilation of historical essays published in 1905

See also[link]

Ancient Germanic culture portal

• Clades Lolliana
• Chiefdom
• Sibb
• List of Germanic peoples
• List of confederations of Germanic tribes

References[link]

External links[link]

• Fergus M. Bordewich: "The Ambush That Changed History" Smithsonian Magazine, September 2005
• Official site of the Kalkriese foundation
• Jona Lendering, The Battle in the Teutoburg Forest at livius.org
• Arminius / Varus. Die Varusschlacht im Jahre 9 n. Chr., Internet-Portal „Westfälische Geschichte“, LWL-Institut für westfälische Regionalgeschichte, Münster (German)
• Student project site by Universität Osnabrück (German)
• Varusbattle in Netherland (German)

Coordinates: 52°24′29″N 8°07′46″E / 52.40806°N 8.12944°E / 52.40806; 8.12944

Pliny the Elder or Gaius Plinius Secundus
Pliny the Elder: an imaginative 19th century portrait. No contemporary depiction of Pliny has survived.
Born	23 CE Como, Italy
Died	August 25, 79 (aged 55–56) Stabiae, near Pompei, Italy
Cause of death	Died in the eruption that destroyed Pompeii
Body discovered	By friends, under the pumice
Residence	Rome, provincial locations, Misenum
Citizenship	Roman
Education	Rhetoric, grammar
Occupation	Lawyer, author, natural philosopher, military commander, provincial governor
Notable work(s)	Natural History
Weight	Corpulent in later life
Spouse	None
Children	None
Parents	Celer and Marcella
Relatives	Sister (Plinia), nephew (Pliny the Younger)

This article is part of the series on: Military of ancient Rome (portal) 753 BC – AD 476
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Roman army (unit types and ranks, legions, auxiliaries, generals)
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Gaius Plinius Secundus (23 AD – August 25, 79 AD), better known as Pliny the Elder, was a Roman author, naturalist, and natural philosopher, as well as naval and army commander of the early Roman Empire, and personal friend of the emperor Vespasian. Spending most of his spare time studying, writing or investigating natural and geographic phenomena in the field, he wrote an encyclopedic work, Naturalis Historia, which became a model for all such works written subsequently. Pliny the Younger, his nephew, wrote of him in a letter to the historian Tacitus:

For my part I deem those blessed to whom, by favour of the gods, it has been granted either to do what is worth writing of, or to write what is worth reading; above measure blessed those on whom both gifts have been conferred. In the latter number will be my uncle, by virtue of his own and of your compositions.^[1]

Pliny is referring to the fact that Tacitus relied on his uncle's now missing work on the History of the German Wars. Pliny the Elder died on August 25, 79 AD, while attempting the rescue by ship of a friend and his family from the eruption of Mount Vesuvius that had just destroyed the cities of Pompeii and Herculaneum. The prevailing wind would not allow his ship to leave the shore. His companions attributed his collapse and death to toxic fumes; but they were unaffected by the fumes, suggesting natural causes.^[2]

Life and times[link]

Background[link]

City and Lake of Como, painted by Jean-Baptiste Camille Corot, 1834

A 10.5 cm (4.1 in) phalera excavated from Xanten and located in the British Museum.^[3] It bears an inscription formed from punched dots: PLINIO PRAEF EQ; i.e., Plinio praefecto equitum, "Pliny prefect of cavalry". It was perhaps issued to every man in Pliny's unit. The figure is the bust of the emperor.

Pliny's dates are pinned to the eruption of Vesuvius in August,^[4] 79, and a statement of his nephew that he died in his 56th year, which would make his birth in 23 AD.

Pliny was the son of an equestrian, Gaius Plinius Celer, and his wife, Marcella. Neither the younger nor the elder Pliny mention the names. Their ultimate source is a fragmentary inscription (CIL V 1 3442) found in a field in Verona and recorded by the 16th-century Augustinian monk Onofrio Panvinio at Verona. What the inscription says depends on the reconstruction,^[5] except that in all cases the names come through. Whether he was an augur and she was named Grania Marcella are less certain. Jean Hardouin presents a statement from an unknown source he claims was ancient that Pliny was from Verona and that his parents were Celer and Marcella.^[6] Hardouin also cites the conterraneity of Catullus.^[5]

Additional efforts to connect Celer and Marcella with other gentes are highly speculative. Hardouin is the only scholar to use his unknown source. How the inscription got to Verona is a mystery, but it could have arrived by dispersion of property at Pliny the Younger's then Tuscan (now Umbrian) estate at Colle Plinio, north of Città di Castello, identified for certain by his initials in the roof tiles. He kept statues of his ancestors there.

Pliny the Elder was born in Como, not at Verona: it is only as a native of old Gallia Transpadana that he calls Catullus of Verona his conterraneus, or fellow-countryman, not his municeps, or fellow-townsman.^[7][8] A statue of Pliny on the facade of the Duomo of Como celebrates him as a native son. He had a sister, Plinia, who married into the Caecilii and became the mother of his nephew, Pliny the Younger, whose letters describe his work and study regimen in detail.

Two inscriptions identifying the hometown of Pliny the Younger as Como take precedence over the Verona theory. One (CIL V 5262) commemorates the younger's career as imperial magistrate and details his considerable charitable and municipal expenses on behalf of the people of Como. Another (CIL V 5667) identifies his father Lucius' village as Fecchio (tribe Oufentina) near Como. It is likely therefore that Plinia was a local girl and Pliny the Elder, her brother, was from Como.^[9]

Gaius was a scion of the Plinii gens. He did not take his father's cognomen, Celer, but assumed his own, Secundus. As his adopted son took the same cognomen, Pliny founded a branch, the Plinii Secundi. The family was prosperous; Pliny the Younger's inherited estates combined made him so wealthy that he could found a school and a library, endow a fund to feed the women and children of Como and own multiple estates around Rome and Lake Como, as well as enrich some of his friends as a personal favor. No earlier instances of the Plinii are known.

In 59 BC, only 82 years before Pliny's birth, Julius Caesar founded Novum Comum (reverting to Comum) as a colonia to secure the region against the Alpine tribes, whom he had been unable to defeat. He imported a population of 4500 from other provinces (not clear where) to be placed in Comasco and 500 aristocratic Greeks to found Novum Comum itself.^[10] The community was thus multi-ethnic and the Plinies could have come from anywhere; whether any conclusions can be drawn from Pliny's preference for Greek words, or Julius Pokorny's derivation of the name from north Italic as "bald"^[11] is a matter of speculative opinion. There appears to be no record of any ethnic distinctions in Pliny's time. The population prided itself on being Roman citizens.

Pliny the Elder did not marry and had no children. In his will he adopted his nephew, which entitled the latter to inherit the entire estate. The adoption is called a "testamental adoption" by writers on the topic, who assert that it applied to the name change only, but Roman jurisprudence recognizes no such category. Pliny the Younger was thus the adopted son of Pliny the Elder, but not in Pliny the Elder's lifetime.^[12] For at least some of the time, however, Pliny resided under the same roof with his sister and nephew (whose husband and father died young), as they were doing so when Pliny decided to investigate the eruption of Mount Vesuvius, and was sidetracked by the need for rescue operations and a messenger from his friend asking for assistance.

Student and lawyer[link]

The temple of Castor and Pollux in Rome

Pliny's father took him to Rome to be educated. Pliny relates that he saw Marcus Servilius Nonianus.

Junior officer[link]

Map of Castra Vetera, a large castra stativa, or permanent base of Germania Inferior, where Pliny spent the last of his 10-year enlistment as a cavalry commander. The proximity of a naval base there means that he trained also in ships, as the Romans customarily trained all soldiers in all arms whenever possible. The location is on the lower Rhine river.

In 46 AD, at age 23, Pliny entered the army as a junior officer, as was the custom for young men of equestrian rank. Ronald Syme, Plinian scholar, reconstructs three periods at three ranks.^[13][14] Pliny's interest in Roman letters attracted the attention and friendship of other men of letters in the higher ranks, with whom he formed lasting friendships. Later these friendships assisted his entry into the upper echelons of the state; however, he was trusted for his knowledge and ability as well. According to Syme, he began as a praefectus cohortis, a "commander of a cohort" (an infantry cohort, as junior officers began in the infantry), under Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo, himself a writer (whose works did not survive) in Germania Inferior. In 47 AD he took part in the Roman conquest of the Chauci and the construction of the canal between the rivers Maas and Rhine. His description of the Roman ships anchored in the stream overnight having to ward off floating trees has the stamp of an eyewitness account.^[15]

At some uncertain date Pliny was transferred to the command of Germania Superior under Publius Pomponius Secundus with a promotion to military tribune,^[13] which was a staff position, with duties assigned by the district commander. Pomponius was a half-brother of Corbulo.^[16] They had the same mother, Vistilia, a powerful matron of the Roman upper classes, who had seven children by six husbands, many of which children had imperial connections, including a future empress. Pliny's assignments are not clear, but he must have participated in the campaign against the Chatti of 50 AD, at age 27, in his fourth year of service. Associated with the commander in the praetorium he became a familiar and close friend of Pomponius, who also was a man of letters.

At another uncertain date Pliny was transferred back to Germania Inferior. Corbulo had moved on assuming command in the east. This time Pliny was promoted to praefectus alae, "commander of an ala", with responsibility for a cavalry battalion of about 480 men. A distinction was still being made between legionaries and allied auxiliaries, even though all Italians were now Roman citizens. Pliny, being from north Italy, was an allied commander,^[17] like most of the cavalry at that time (but equal in rank, authority and benefits to Roman counterparts). He spent the rest of his enlistment there. A decorative phalera, or piece of harness, with his name on it has been found at Castra Vetera, a large Roman army and naval base on the lower Rhine river.^[13] Pliny's last commander there, apparently neither a man of letters nor a close friend of his, was Pompeius Paulinus, governor of Germania Inferior 55-58 AD.^[18] Pliny relates that he personally knew Paulinus to have carried around 12,000 pounds of silver service on which to dine on campaign against the Germans (a practice which would not have endeared him to the disciplined Pliny).^[19]

According to his nephew,^[17] it was during this period that he wrote his first book (perhaps in winter-quarters when spare time was more abundant), a work on the use of missiles on horseback, De jaculatione equestri. It did not survive but in Natural History he seems to reveal at least in part its content: using the intelligence of the horse to assist the javelineer to throw missiles from its back.^[20] During this period also he dreamed that the spirit of Drusus Nero begged him to save his memory from oblivion.^[17] The dream prompted Pliny to begin forthwith a history of all the wars between the Romans and the Germans, which he was not to complete for some years.

Titus

Book I, Chapter 1 of Historia Naturalis dedicates the work to the emperor, Titus Flavius, son of Vespasian. In that dedication Pliny calls Titus an old messmate (the relationship of a contubernium, "sharing the same tent"): "you ... have regarded me as a fellow-soldier and a messmate. Nor has the extent of your prosperity produced any change in you ...." The problem with the passage is the 16-year difference in age between Pliny and the younger Titus. At the time Titus was a military tribune. He could not have been a comrade, of the same rank as Pliny, in Germania Superior, as in 50 AD Titus was only 11 years old. Recourse to the later campaigns of Titus in the east lack evidence and do not fit the circumstances: Titus was the commanding general (not a lower-ranking comrade) while Pliny was either a private citizen or a general himself on assignment by Vespasian.

The duty in Germania Inferior is the only credible opportunity for Titus to have shared a contubernium with Pliny.^[13] Officers of the upper classes assumed a 10-year obligation (as opposed to the ordinary legionary's 20 or 25 years).^[21] Pliny's term would have been up in 56 AD at age 33. As his account of a solar eclipse, which occurred in Campania in 59 AD, appears to be an eyewitness account, he was probably a civilian at that time.^[22] In 56 AD Titus was 17 years old. His father was not then emperor. The staff of a commander often shared quarters and mess with the commander, especially in the field. On the bare circumstances, Titus was a new officer on Pliny's staff toward the end of Pliny's service. The relationship between the two, one almost old enough to be the other's father, must have been as close as had been Pliny's with Pomponius.

Literary interlude[link]

Marble bust of Nero, Antiquarium of the Palatine

At the earliest time Pliny could have left the service, Nero, the last of the Julio-Claudian Dynasty, had been emperor for two years. He did not leave office until 68 AD, when Pliny was 45 years old. During that time Pliny did not hold any high office or work in the service of the state. In the subsequent Flavian Dynasty his services were in such demand that he had to give up the law practice, which suggests that he had been trying not to attract the attention of Nero, a ruler believed by his contemporaries (not without justification) to be a dangerous acquaintance.

Under Nero Pliny lived mainly in Rome. He mentions the map of Armenia and the neighbourhood of the Caspian Sea, which was sent to Rome by the staff of Corbulo in 58.^[23] He also saw the building of Nero's Domus Aurea or "Golden House" after the fire of 64.^[24]

Besides pleading law cases, Pliny wrote, researched and studied. His second published work was a biography of his old commander, Pomponius Secundus, in two books.^[17] After several years in prison under Tiberius, 31-37 AD (which he used to write tragedies), Secundus was rehabilitated by Caligula (who later married his half-sister, Caesonia) in 38, made consul in 41 and was sent as legatus to Germany, where he won a victory against the Chatti and was allowed a triumph. After this peak he disappears from history, never to be mentioned again, except by the Plinies, and is not among either the friends or the enemies of Nero.

The elder Pliny mentions that he saw "in the possession of Pomponius Secundus, the poet, a very illustrious citizen," manuscripts in the "ancient handwriting of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus."^[25] The time of his maximum illustriousness would have been his triumph of 50 or 51. In 54 Nero came to power; at that time Pliny was working on his two military writings. Pliny the Younger says that the biography of Secundus was "a duty which he owed to the memory of his friend", implying that Secundus had died. The circumstances of this duty and whether or not it had anything to do with his probable avoidance of Nero have disappeared with the work.

Meanwhile he was completing the twenty books of his History of the German Wars, the only authority expressly quoted in the first six books of the Annals of Tacitus,^[26] and probably one of the principal authorities for the Germania. It disappeared in favor of the writings of Tacitus (which are far shorter), and, early in the 5th century, Symmachus had little hope of finding a copy.^[27]

Like Caligula, Nero seemed to grow gradually more insane as his reign progressed. Pliny devoted much of his time to writing on the comparatively safe subjects of grammar and rhetoric. He published a three-book, six-volume educational manual on rhetoric, entitled Studiosus, "the Student." Pliny the Younger says of it: "the orator is trained from his very cradle and perfected."^[17] It was followed by eight books on Dubii sermonis, "On Doubtful Phraseology." (These are both now lost works.) His nephew relates: "He wrote this under Nero, in the last years of his reign, when every kind of literary pursuit which was in the least independent or elevated had been rendered dangerous by servitude."

In 68 Nero no longer had any friends and supporters. He committed suicide, and the reign of terror was at an end; also the interlude in Pliny's obligation to the state.

Senior officer[link]

Bust of Vespasian, Pushkin Museum, Moscow

At the very end of 69 AD, after a year of civil war consequent on the death of Nero, Vespasian, a successful general, became emperor. Like Pliny, he had come from the middle, or equestrian, class, rising through the ranks of the army and public offices and defeating the other contenders for the highest office. His main tasks were to reestablish peace under imperial control and place the economy on a sound footing. He needed in his administration all the loyalty and assistance he could find. Pliny, apparently trusted without question, perhaps (reading between the lines) recommended by Titus, was put to work immediately and was kept in a continuous succession of the most distinguished procuratorships, according to Suetonius.^[28] A procurator was generally a governor of an imperial province. The empire was perpetually short of, and always was seeking, office-holders for its numerous offices.

A definitive study of the procuratorships of Pliny was done by the classical scholar Friedrich Münzer, which was re-asserted by Ronald Syme and became a standard reference point. Münzer hypothesized four procuratorships, of which two are certainly attested and two are probable but not certain. However, two does not satisfy Suetonius' description of a continuous succession.^[29] Consequently Plinian scholars present two to four procuratorships, with the others described as visits if they do not utilize the full range. Münzer's full range is as follows.

According to Syme, Pliny may have been "successor to Valerius Paulinus", procurator of Gallia Narbonensis (southeastern France), early in 70 AD. He seems to have a "familiarity with the provincia", which, however, might otherwise be explained.^[30] For example, he says^[31]

In the cultivation of the soil, the manners and civilization of the inhabitants, and the extent of its wealth, it is surpassed by none of the provinces, and, in short, might be more truthfully described as a part of Italy than as a province.

Oasis at Gabès

It is certain that Pliny spent some time in Africa Province, most likely as a procurator.^[32] Among other events or features that he saw are the provoking of rubetae, poisonous toads (Bufonidae), by the Psylli;^[33] the buildings made with molded earthen walls, "superior in solidity to any cement;"^[34] and the unusual, fertile seaside oasis of Gabès (then Tacape), Tunisia, currently a World Heritage Site.^[35] Syme assigns the African procuratorship to 70-72 AD.

The procuratorship of Hispania Tarraconensis is next. A statement by Pliny the Younger that his uncle was offered 400,000 sesterces for his manuscripts by Larcius Licinius while he (Pliny the Elder) was procurator of Hispania makes it the most certain of the three.^[17] Pliny lists the peoples of "Hither Hispania", including population statistics and civic rights (modern Asturias and Gallaecia). He stops short of mentioning them all for fear of "wearying the reader".^[36] As this is the only geographic region for which he gives this information, Syme hypothesizes that Pliny contributed to the census of Hither Hispania conducted in 73/74 by Vibius Crispus, legate from the Emperor, thus dating Pliny's procuratorship there.^[37]

Panorama of Las Médulas

During his stay in Hispania he became familiar with the agriculture and especially the gold mines of the north and west of the country.^[38] His descriptions of the various methods of mining appear to be eye-witness judging by his discussion of gold mining methods in the Natural History. He might have visited the mine excavated at Las Medulas.

Roman gate, Trier

The last position of procurator, an uncertain one, was of Gallia Belgica, based on Pliny's familiarity with it. The capital of the province was Augusta Treverorum (Trier), named for the Treveri surrounding it. Pliny says that in "the year but one before this" a severe winter killed the first crops planted by the Treviri; they sowed again in March and had "a most abundant harvest."^[39] The problem is to identify "this", the year in which the passage was written. Using 77 as the date of composition Syme^[40] arrives at 74-75 AD as the date of the procuratorship, when Pliny is presumed to have witnessed these events. The argument is based entirely on presumptions; nevertheless, this date is required to achieve Suetonius' continuity of procuratorships, if there was one in Gallia Belgica.

Pliny was allowed home (Rome) at some time in 75/76 AD. He was presumably at home for the first official release of Natural History in 77. Whether he was in Rome for the dedication of Vespasian's Temple of Peace in the Forum in 75 AD, which was in essence a museum for display of art works plundered by Nero and formerly adorning the Domus Aurea, is uncertain, as is his possible command of the vigiles (night-watchmen), a lesser post. The latter post is not consistent with what Pliny the Younger says of this period:^[17]

Before daybreak he used to wait upon Vespasian (who also used his nights for transacting business), and then proceed to execute the orders he had received.

When that business was transacted, he turned to reading and making extracts, clearly in the process of working on the Natural History. No actual post is discernable in this regimen, which he could not have conducted as admiral at Misenum, unless his duties as admiral did not require his presence at Misenum. On the bare circumstances he was an official agent of the emperor in a quasi-private capacity. Perhaps he was between posts. In any case, his appointment as prefect of the fleet at Misenum took him to Misenum, where he was residing with his sister and nephew. Vespasian died of disease on June 23, 79. Pliny outlived him by two months.

Famous author[link]

During Nero's reign of terror, Pliny avoided working on any writing that would attract attention to himself. His works on oratory in the last years of Nero's reign (67, 68) focused on form rather than on content. He began working on content again probably after Vespasian's rule began in 69, when it was clear that the terror was over and was not going to be replaced. It was to some degree reinstituted (and later cancelled by his son Titus) when Vespasian suppressed the philosophers at Rome, but not for Pliny, who was not among them, representing, as he says, something new at Rome, an encyclopedist (certainly, a venerable tradition outside Italy).

In his next work, he "completed the history which Aufidius Bassus left unfinished, and ... added to it thirty books."^[17] Aufidius Bassus was a cause célèbre according to Seneca the Younger,^[41] a man much admired at Rome. He had begun his history at some unknown contemporaneous time, ending with the reign of Tiberius. It was cut short when Bassus died slowly of a lingering disease, with such spirit and objectivity that Seneca remarked he seemed to treat it as someone else's dying.

Pliny's Bassus' History was one of the authorities followed by Suetonius and Plutarch. Tacitus also cites Pliny as a source. He is mentioned concerning the loyalty of Burrus, commander of the Praetorian Guard, whom Nero removed for disloyalty.^[42] Tacitus portrays parts of Pliny's view of the Pisonian conspiracy to kill Nero and make Piso emperor as "absurd"^[43] and mentions that he could not decide whether Pliny's account or that of Messalla^{[disambiguation needed ]} was more accurate concerning some of the details of the Year of the Four Emperors.^[44] Evidently Pliny's extension of Bassus extended at least from the reign of Nero to that of Vespasian. Pliny seems to have known it was going to be controversial, as he deliberately reserved it for publication after his death:^[45]

It has been long completed and its accuracy confirmed; but I have determined to commit the charge of it to my heirs, lest I should have been suspected, during my lifetime, of having been unduly influenced by ambition. By this means I confer an obligation on those who occupy the same ground with myself; and also on posterity, who, I am aware, will contend with me, as I have done with my predecessors.

[edit] Natural History

Pliny's last work, according to his nephew, was the Naturalis Historia, an encyclopedia into which he collected much of the knowledge of his time.^[17] Answers concerning the date of its publication, composition, or when he started or stopped work upon it, depend on the questions asked.

The encyclopedia utilizes some material from his memories of earlier times and from his prior works, such as the book on Germany. There is no evidence that he had planned to use this material in an encyclopedia later in his career. Most of the references in the encyclopedia must have come from his extracts, which he kept on an ongoing basis, hiring a reader and a secretary to keep them, and furnishing that secretary with gloves in winter so that his writing hand would not stiffen with cold. The extracts collected for this purpose filled rather less than 160 volumes, which Larcius Licinus, the praetorian legate of Hispania Tarraconensis, vainly offered to purchase for 400,000 sesterces.^[17] That would have been in 73/74 (see above). At his death Pliny left the 160 volumes to his nephew. When composition began is unknown. Since he was preoccupied with his other works under Nero and then had to finish the history of his times, it is unlikely he began before 70. The procuratorships offered the ideal opportunity for an encyclopedic frame of mind. The date of an overall composition cannot be assigned to any one year. The dates of different parts must be determined, if they can, by philological analysis (the "post-mortem" of the scholars).

Laocoon and his sons, a favourite sculpture of Pliny

The closest known event to a single publication date; that is, when the manuscript was probably released to the public for borrowing and copying, and was probably sent to the Flavians, is the date of the Dedication in the first of the 37 books. It is to the "emperor" Titus. As Titus and Vespasian had the same name, Titus Flavius Vespasianus, earlier writers hypothesized a dedication to Vespasian. Pliny's mention of a brother (Domitian) and joint offices with a father, calling that father "great", points certainly to Titus.^[46] Since Titus is addressed as emperor ostensibly Vespasian had died, in which case the date would be 79.

However, Pliny says that Titus had been consul six times. The first six consulships of Titus are in 70, 72, 74, 75, 76 and 77, all conjointly with Vespasian, which brings the date of the Dedication to 77. In that year Vespasian was 68. He had been ruling conjointly with Titus for some years, which may be why he allowed Pliny to call Titus "emperor" and dedicate the work to him.^[46] Aside from minor finishing touches, the work in 37 books was completed in AD 77.^[47] It would be unsubstantiated to presume that it was written entirely in 77 or that Pliny was finished with it then. Moreover, the dedication could have been written before publication, and it could have been published either privately or publicly earlier without dedication. The only certain fact is that Pliny did no further work on it after AD 79.

The Naturalis Historia is one of the largest single works to have survived from the Roman empire to the modern day and purports to cover the entire field of ancient knowledge, based on the best authorities available to Pliny. He claims to be the only Roman ever to have undertaken such a work. It encompasses the fields of botany, zoology, astronomy, geology and mineralogy as well as the exploitation of those resources. It remains a standard work for the Roman period and the advances in technology and understanding of natural phenomena at the time. Some technical advances he discusses are the only sources for those inventions, such as hushing in mining technology or the use of water mills for crushing or grinding corn. Much of what he wrote about has been confirmed by archaeology. It is virtually the only work which describes the work of artists of the time, and is a reference work for the history of art.

The work became a model for all later encyclopedias in terms of the breadth of subject matter examined, the need to reference original authors, and a comprehensive index list of the contents. Interspersed amongst the agricultural entries are several recipes and references to common methods of preparing food. Some of these have been collected in the book Roman Cookery.^[48] The work is dedicated to the Emperor Titus, son of Pliny's close friend, the emperor Vespasian, in the first year of Titus' reign. It is the only work by Pliny to have survived, and the last that he published, lacking a final revision at his sudden and unexpected death in the AD 79 eruption of Vesuvius.

Death[link]

Computer-generated imagery of the eruption of Vesuvius in BBC/Discovery Channel's co-production Pompeii: The Last Day

Pliny had received from the now deceased Vespasian the appointment of praefect of the Roman Navy. On August 24, 79 AD, he was stationed at Misenum, at the time of the great eruption of Mount Vesuvius, which overwhelmed Pompeii and Herculaneum. He was preparing to cross the Bay of Naples to observe the phenomenon directly when a message arrived from his friend Rectina asking for rescue. Launching the galleys under his command to the evacuation of the opposite shore he himself took "a fast-sailing cutter", a decision that may have cost him his life. His nephew, Pliny the Younger, provided an account of his death, obtained from the survivors. The nephew and his mother had decided not to go on the voyage across the bay.

Plaster casts of the casualties of the pumice-fall, whose remains vanished leaving cavities in the pumice

As the light vessel approached the shore near Herculaneum, cinders and pumice began to fall on it. Pliny's helmsman advised turning back, to which Pliny replied "Fortune favors the brave, steer to where Pomponianus is (Stabiae, near the modern town of Castellammare di Stabia)." They landed and found Pomponianus "in the greatest consternation." Pliny hugged and comforted him. They loaded the cutter but the same winds that brought it to Stabiae prevented it from leaving. Pliny reassured his party by feasting and sleeping while waiting for the wind to abate but finally they had to leave the buildings for fear of collapse and try their luck in the pumice fall. Pliny sat down and could not get up even with assistance and was left behind. His companions theorized that he collapsed and died through inhaling poisonous gases emitted from the volcano. On their return three days later (26 August) after the plume had dispersed, his body was found under the pumice with no apparent external injuries. The problem with the toxicity theory is that his companions were unaffected by the supposedly toxic fumes, and they had no mobility problem where Pliny had to sit and could not rise. As he is described as a corpulent man,^[1] who also suffered from asthma, it is hypothesized that his friends left him because he was already dead.^[2]

The story of his last hours is told in a letter addressed twenty-seven years afterwards to Tacitus by the Elder Pliny's nephew and heir, Pliny the Younger,^[1] who also sent to another correspondent an account of his uncle's writings and his manner of life.^[17] The fragment from Suetonius (see under External links below) states a somewhat less flattering view, that Pliny approached the shore only from scientific interest and then asked a slave to kill him to avoid heat from the volcano. It is not as credible a source, as it is clear from the nephew's letter that the persons Pliny came to rescue escaped to tell the tale in detail; moreover, Suetonius hypothesizes a party witnessing events so agonizing as to destroy Pliny or cause him to order his own death and yet apparently were subject to none of these fatal events themselves.

Legacy[link]

Pliny is still remembered in volcanology where the term Plinian (or Plinean) refers to a very violent eruption of a volcano marked by columns of smoke and ash extending high into the stratosphere. The term ultra-Plinian is reserved for the most violent type of Plinian eruption such as the 1883 destruction of Krakatoa.

A carnelian inscribed with the letters C. PLIN. has been reproduced by Cades (v.211) from the original in the Vannutelli collection. It represents an ancient Roman with an almost completely bald forehead and a double chin; and is almost certainly a portrait, not of Pliny the Elder, but of Pompey the Great. Seated statues of both the Plinies, clad in the garb of scholars of the year 1500, may be seen in the niches on either side of the main entrance to the cathedral church of Como.

The elder Pliny's anecdotes of Greek artists supplied Vasari with the subjects of the frescoes which still adorn the interior of his former home at Arezzo.

See also[link]

• Pliny the Younger
• Vesuvius
• Volcanology

Notes[link]

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Pliny the Elder

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Plinius maior

• Online Galleries, History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries High resolution images of works by Pliny the Elder in .jpg and .tiff format.

Primary sources[link]

• Pliny the Elder; William P. Thayer (Contributor). "Pliny the Elder: the Natural History" (in Latin, English). University of Chicago. http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Pliny_the_Elder/home.html. Retrieved 24 May 2009. 
• Pliny the Elder; John Bostock, Henry Thomas Riley (translators and editors); Gregory R. Crane (Chief editor) (1855). "The Natural History". Taylor and Francis; Tufts University: Perseus Digital Library. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?lookup=Plin.+Nat.+toc. Retrieved 24 May 2009. 
• Fisher, Richard V. "Derivation of the name 'Plinian'". University of California at Santa Barbara: The Volcano Information Center. http://volcanology.geol.ucsb.edu/pliny.htm. 
• C. Suetonius Tranquillus; William P. Thayer (Editor) (1914). "The Life of Pliny the Elder". Loeb Classical Library. http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/L/Roman/Texts/Suetonius/Pliny_the_Elder*.html. 

Secondary material[link]

• Lendering, Jona (1996–2009). "Pliny the Elder (1)". Livius Articles on Ancient History. http://www.livius.org/pi-pm/pliny/pliny_e.html. Retrieved 15 May 2009. 
• Lendering, Jona (1996–2009). "Pliny the Elder (2)". Livius Articles on Ancient History. http://www.livius.org/pi-pm/pliny/pliny_e2.html. Retrieved 15 May 2009.