This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (April 2010)

In parliamentary systems, a dissolution of parliament is the dispersal of a legislature at the call of an election.

Usually there is a maximum length of a legislature, and a dissolution must happen before the maximum time. Early dissolutions are allowed in many jurisdictions.

Australia[link]

Parliament of Australia[link]

The House of Representatives, but not the Senate, can be dissolved at any time by the Governor-General. The House expires 3 years after its first meeting if not earlier dissolved. The Senate can be dissolved by the Governor-General only when the double dissolution provisions are invoked, in which case the House of Representatives is also dissolved at the same time. There exists a convention that the Governor-General only orders a dissolution on the advice of the Prime Minister. This convention was broken in 1975, resulting in a very serious constitutional crisis in Australia, when the Governor General controversially exercised his reserve powers and dismissed the Federal majority government of Labor Prime Minister Gough Whitlam.

Parliament of Victoria[link]

Unlike the Commonwealth Parliament, the Premier and Governor of Victoria have very little discretion in dissolving the Victorian Parliament. Both the Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council are dissolved automatically twenty-five days before the last Saturday in November every four years. However, the Governor can dissolve the Legislative Assembly if a motion of no confidence in the Premier and the other Ministers of State is passed and no motion of confidence is passed within the next week. Finally, the Premier can advise the Governor to dissolve both houses in the case of a deadlocked bill.

Canada[link]

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (December 2010)

The House of Commons, but not the Senate, can be dissolved at any time by the Governor General, conventionally on the advice of the Prime Minister. If the government is refused confidence or supply, the Prime Minister must either resign and permit another member of the House of Commons to form a government, or else advise the Governor General to dissolve Parliament. Also, the House of Commons automatically dissolves after five years, although no House of Commons has yet survived that long.

The provincial legislatures may also be dissolved at any time for the same reasons, by the Lieutenant Governor on the advice of the Premier. British Columbia, Ontario, Newfoundland and Labrador, Prince Edward Island and the Northwest Territories have established fixed election dates.

France[link]

The French National Assembly can be dissolved by the French President at any time after he consulted the Prime Minister and the presidents of the two chambres of parliament. The National Assembly elected following such a dissolution cannot be dissolved within the first year of its term.

Germany[link]

According to the German constitution, the Bundestag can be dissolved by the federal president if the Chancellor loses a vote of confidence, or if a newly elected Bundestag proves unable to elect a chancellor with absolute majority. The second possibility has never occurred yet but the Bundestag has been dissolved in 1972, 1982, and 2005 when the then-ruling chancellors Brandt, Kohl, and Schröder deliberately lost votes of confidence in order that there could be fresh elections. On the last two occasions the decree of dissolution was challenged without success before the Constitutional Court. No president has yet refused a dissolution of the Bundestag when the choice came to him.

The Bundestag is automatically dissolved four years after the last General Election, and most Bundestags have lasted the full term.

The second federal legislative body, the Bundesrat, cannot be dissolved, as its members are the federal states' governments as such rather than specific individuals.

Hong Kong[link]

In Hong Kong the Chief Executive, who is the head of the territory and head of government, has the power to dissolve the Legislative Council if it fails to pass the appropriation bill or any other important bill, or if it passes a bill but he or she refuses to give assent. In the latter case if the Legislative Council passes the bill again with two thirds majority, the Chief Executive has to resign. This has not happened since 1997. Before 1997, the Legislative Council can be dissolved at the Governor's pleasure.

Republic of Ireland[link]

Dáil Éireann (the lower house) can be dissolved by the President, on the advise of the Taoiseach. The President may only deny such a dissolution if the Taoiseach has lost the confidence of the Dáil, through a vote of no confidence (or, it could be argued, after a Budget or other important bill has failed to pass). This has never happened, and, in the past, Taoisigh have requested dissolutions before votes of no confidence have taken place, so as to force a General Election rather than a handover of Government. A Dáil must be dissolved, and then a General Election held, within five years of its first meeting.

There are two notable instances where the President did not dissolve Dáil Éireann: 1989 and 1994. In the first instance, the newly-elected Dáil failed to elect a Taoiseach when it first met (and at a number of meetings afterwards). The incumbent Taoiseach, Charles Haughey was obliged constitutionally to resign, however he initially refused to. He eventually tendered his resignation to President Hillery and remained on as Taoiseach in an acting capacity. At the fourth attempt, the Dáil eventually re-elected Haughey Taoiseach. Had he requested a dissolution, it would've likely been accepted by the President on the grounds that the Dáil could not form a Government, but the President would have also been within his rights to refuse it. It is thought that Haughey chose not to do so and instead go into a historic coalition because of poor opinion polls showing his Fianna Fáil party would lose seats in a second General Election.

In 1994, Albert Reynolds resigned as Taoiseach when the Labour Party left a coalition with Fianna Fáil. He resigned as Taoiseach but did not request a dissolution, in order that his successor in Fianna Fáil might forge a new coalition with Labour. Labour however went into Government with the main opposition party, Fine Gael. It has been speculated that the President at the time, Mary Robinson, would not have allowed a dissolution had Reynolds requested one. To date, the President has never refused a dissolution.

One feature of the Irish system is that although the Dáil is dissolved, Seanad Éireann (the Senate) is not, and may continue to meet during an election campaign for the Dáil. However as many members of the Seanad are typically involved in election campaigns for the Dáil, the Seanad does not typically meet often, if at all, once the Dáil is dissolved. A general election for the Seanad must take place within 90 days of the election of the new Dáil.

Italy[link]

The dissolution of the Italian parliament (which last, according to the 1948 Constitution, 5 years) and the calling of new general election is made by the President of the Republic, although the parliament may be extended by ordinary legislation. Since the Italian President is not legally responsible, the actual power of dissolution is in practice in the hand of the Government (for example in 2005 the former president of the Council of Ministes, Silvio Berlusconi decided the date of elections instead of the president of the Republic).

Japan[link]

The House of Representatives of the Japanese Diet can be dissolved at any time by the Emperor on the advice of the Prime Minister. The 1947 Constitution specifies that Representatives serve a four-year term while the entire body stands for the election upon dissolution. However, the dissolution on 9 December 1976 is the only dissolution to this date that occurred at the end of the four-year term; all other parliaments have been dissolved prematurely. It is also important to note that the Emperor cannot deny the request for dissolution of parliament; the Constitution states that he must follow all advices of the Prime Minister.

The House of Councillors, however, cannot be dissolved. Its members serve a fixed six-year term, with half of the seats (and the position of Speaker of the Councillors) up for re-election every three years.

New Zealand[link]

The Parliament can be dissolved or prorogued at any time in its 3-year term by the Governor-General, usually on the advice of the Prime Minister.

Romania[link]

According to the Romanian Constitution, voted in 1991 and revised in 2003, the President may dissolve the Parliament only if the Parliament rejects two consecutive candidates proposed by the President for the function of Prime Minister. Both houses can be dissolved. No dissolution of the Parliament has taken place in Romania since 1991.

Russia[link]

Under Articles 111 and 117 of the Russian Constitution, the President of the Russian Federation may dissolve the State Duma if it either expresses no confidence in the Government or rejects his proposed candidate for Prime Minister three times. The power to dissolve the Duma was not exercised under the current constitution of 1993. Before the new constitution was enacted, President Boris Yeltsin had dissolved the Supreme Soviet of Russia during the Russian constitutional crisis of 1993,^[1] although he did not have the formal constitutional powers to do so.

United Kingdom[link]

Parliament of the United Kingdom[link]

Under the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011, Parliament is dissolved automatically 17 days ahead of a general election. Elections ordinarily take place five years after the previous general election, but may be held sooner if the Prime Minister loses a vote of confidence, or if two-thirds of the members of the House of Commons vote in favour of an early election.

Scottish Parliament[link]

Under the Scotland Act 1998, ordinary general elections for the Scottish Parliament are held on the first Thursday in May every four years (1999, 2003, 2007 etc.) The date of the poll may be varied by up to one month either way by the monarch on the proposal of the Presiding Officer.

If the Parliament itself resolves that it should be dissolved (with at least two-thirds of the Members voting in favour), or if the Parliament fails to nominate one of its members to be First Minister within certain time limits, the Presiding Officer proposes a date for an extraordinary general election and the Parliament is dissolved by the monarch by royal proclamation.

National Assembly for Wales[link]

Under the Government of Wales Act 2006, ordinary general elections for the National Assembly are held on the first Thursday in May every four years.

See also[link]

• Snap election

References[link]

1. ^ Yeltsin: shadow of a doubt - Boris Yeltsin | National Interest, The | Find Articles at BNET.com

Yang Amat Berhormat Dato' Sri Mohammad Najib Abdul Razak DK (Pahang) MP
6th Prime Minister of Malaysia
Incumbent
Assumed office 3 April 2009
Monarch	Mizan Zainal Abidin Abdul Halim
Deputy	Muhyiddin Yassin
Preceded by	Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia
In office 7 January 2004 – 3 April 2009
Prime Minister	Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
Preceded by	Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
Succeeded by	Muhyiddin Yassin
Personal details
Born	(1953-07-23) 23 July 1953 (age 58) Kuala Lipis, Malaya (now Malaysia)
Political party	United Malays National Organisation
Spouse(s)	Puteri Zainah Eskandar (1976–1987) Rosmah Mansor (1987–present)
Children	Mohd Nizar Puteri Norlisa Mohd Nazifuddin Nooryana Najwa Norashman Razak
Alma mater	University of Nottingham
Religion	Sunni Islam
Website	Official website

Dato' Sri Haji Mohammad Najib bin Tun Haji Abdul Razak (born 23 July 1953) is a Malaysian politician who has been the sixth Prime Minister of Malaysia since 2009.^[1] He previously held the post of Deputy Prime Minister from 7 January 2004 until he succeeded Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi as Prime Minister on 3 April 2009. Najib is President of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). He is the son of Malaysia's second prime minister, Tun Abdul Razak^[2] and the nephew of Malaysia's third prime minister, Tun Hussein Onn. Najib is also the Minister of Finance.

Najib succeeded Abdullah at a time after his ruling coalition, the Barisan Nasional, lost its long held two-thirds majority in parliament to the opposition led by former Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim in the 2008 parliamentary election. Since then Najib has tried to build a moderate image for himself and the UMNO through the 1Malaysia campaign.

Early life[link]

Born 23 July 1953, in Kuala Lipis, Pahang, Najib is the eldest of Prime Minister Abdul Razak's six sons, and the nephew of Hussein Onn, Malaysia’s third Prime Minister. His younger brother, Dato' Seri Mohd Nazir Abdul Razak,^[3] runs the country's second-largest lender, Bumiputra-Commerce Holdings Bhd.^[4] Najib is also one of the Four Noblemen of the Pahang Darul Makmur (Royal Court) by virtue of his inherited title as the Orang Kaya Indera Shahbandar. He received his primary and secondary education at St. John's Institution, Kuala Lumpur. He later attended Malvern College ^[5] in Worcestershire, England, and subsequently went to the University of Nottingham, where he received a bachelor's degree in industrial economics in 1974. Najib Razak returned to Malaysia in 1974 and entered the business world, serving briefly in Bank Negara (Central Bank) and later with Petronas (Malaysia's national oil company) as a public affairs manager.^[6]

In 1976 Najib married Tengku Puteri Zainah Tengku Eskandar ('Kui Yie') with whom he has three children: Mohd Nizar Najib (born 1978), Mohd Nazifuddin Najib and Puteri Norlisa Najib. In 1987 he divorced Ku Yie and married Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor with whom he has two children: Mohd Norashman Najib and Nooryana Najwa Najib. This is Rosmah's second marriage as well. She has two children from her previous marriage to Farid Ismeth Emir who was a former TV news presenter and currently a general manager in a trading company.

Political career[link]

Ministerial portfolios[link]

Najib has held a variety of ministerial portfolios (the first at the age of 32), culminating in the post of Minister of Defence before being chosen as the Deputy Prime Minister by Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi in 2004. Najib was first assigned into the Cabinet of Malaysia at the age of 25 when he was appointed Deputy Minister of Energy, Telecommunications and Post in 1978, becoming the youngest deputy minister in the country.^[7] Najib would go on to assume myriad posts in the cabinet, including the Deputy Minister of Education, the Deputy Minister of Finance, the Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports (and its split successor, the Minister of Youth and Sports), the Minister of Education, the Minister of Defense, and the Minister of Finance beginning 17 September 2008.^[8]

In addition to positions held in the federal government, Najib served as the Menteri Besar (Chief Minister) of Pahang between 1982 and 1986, becoming the youngest Menteri Besar in the state to enter office when he was sworn in at the age of 29.^[9] Najib was also appointed chairman of the Livestock Development Institute (Lembaga Kemajuan Penternakan, Majuternak). During the 1986 general elections, Najib was returned as the Member of Parliament for Pekan, and was appointed as Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports. He immediately focused on improving Malaysian sports and introduced the National Sports Policy in 1988. In 1989 Malaysia achieved its best-ever performance at the South East Asia (SEA) Games, which were held that year in Kuala Lumpur.^[10]

Minister of Defence[link]

In 1991, Najib was appointed Minister of Defence. Under his direction, Malaysian troops were deployed to assist the UN peacekeeping forces in Bosnia in 1993.^[11] Malaysian forces were greeted warmly by Bosnians as well as Serbs and Croats.^[12] Malaysia also assisted peacekeeping operations in Somalia in 1993, losing one soldier in an effort to aid U.S. soldiers during the Battle of Mogadishu. Najib later criticized the UN’s Somalia operation as putting too much emphasis on military action.^[13] Since then Malaysia has stated a preference for participating in Chapter 6 “peace enforcement” missions, rather than Chapter 7 “peacekeeping” missions.^[14] After four years at the Ministry of Defense, Najib assumed control of the Education Ministry in 1995. He returned to the Ministry of Defense in 2000.

During his second tenure as Minister of Defense Najib coordinated Malaysia’s relief efforts following the Indian Ocean Tsunami of 2004, and provided support to Indonesia in arresting those responsible for the 2004 Bali bombings.^[15] Najib also oversaw the deployment of Malaysian troops as a part of a UN peacekeeping force in 2006, when Malaysia volunteered to help stabilize Lebanon following the 2006 Lebanon War.^[16]

As Defense Minister, Najib instituted compulsory military service in December 2003, stating that it would encourage interaction and friendship between youth of different ethnic groups and religions.^[17] During its first five years of operation, over 339,000 Malaysian youth participated in the PLKN (the Bahasa Malaysian acronym for "Malaysian National Service"),^[18] which is intended to promote tolerance, team work, and community engagement. The programme, however, has faced challenges. Safety issues in the program have been reported and several people died during or shortly after their terms of service during the program's first few years.^[19] In response, Najib strengthened the PLKN's health screening requirements and reinforced the government’s commitment to punish negligent PLKN officials.^[20]

Minister of Education[link]

In 1995, Najib left the Defense Ministry for the first time when he was appointed Minister of Education. His challenge was to respond to Malaysia's newly proclaimed aspiration to become a fully developed nation by the year 2020. During his five-year tenure, Najib restructured the Ministry, created an independent corporate structure for public universities, and encouraged collaboration with foreign universities and institutions.^[21] The 1996 Private Higher Education Institutions Act, allowed foreign universities to establish degree-conferring schools in Malaysia, providing greater educational opportunities for Malaysians and positioning Malaysia as a regional learning hub.^[22] Najib also upgraded teaching certificates to the status of diplomas, so that teachers in that category would receive a higher monthly starting salary.^[23]

Minister of Finance[link]

In September 2008, Najib traded portfolios with Abdullah Badawi, the Prime Minister, and assumed control of the Ministry of Finance.^[24] During the global financial crisis, Malaysia faced a strong recession and reduced levels of trade throughout the South Asian region. In response, Najib announced a series of stimulus packages to be implemented over a two-year period with the intention of acting as a countercyclical response that might otherwise protect Malaysia’s economy. He also pressed for the country to move beyond existing manufacturing capabilities through education, research and development to develop greater strength as a provider of sophisticated business services.^[25]

Deputy Prime Minister[link]

Upon his appointment in 2004 as Deputy Prime Minister, Najib was given a broad portfolio of responsibilities, including oversight of FELDA, the Human Rights Commission (SUHAKAM), and the Election Commission. Najib also chaired more than 28 cabinet committees, which preside over a wide range of issues.^[26]

Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports[link]

After the 1986 general elections Najib was appointed Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports. During his time in this position Malaysia made its best ever showing in the Sea Games. Najib was also the architect of Malaysia's National Sports Policy which promotes the development of sport in general and provides monetary incentives for athletes that win medals at the Olympics.^[2]

Election to Parliament[link]

In 1976 Najib was selected to run for the seat in parliament left vacant by his father's death. The national outpouring of grief following Tun Razak's death and the respect for his father helped Najib win election unopposed as Member of Parliament at the very young age of 23.^[2] In 1986 Najib won re-election to the same seat.^[2] During the 1999 general elections Najib suffered a major setback when he barely won-re-election by a margin of 241 compared to a margin of over 10,000 in the previous election. Although a surprise to political observers it was understandable given the political upheavals of 1999.^[2] The 2004 general elections, which came a few months after Najib's appointment as Deputy Prime Minister, saw him win re-election with a by a very large margin of 22,922 votes.^[2] In the 2008 general election, Najib won with a majority of 26,464 votes. It was the largest majority for any Barisan Nasional candidate. Najib won handily despite a poor showing by the government.^[2]

UMNO[link]

Najib was appointed head of UMNO Youth's Pekan branch and became a member of UMNO Youth's Executive Council (Exco) in 1976. In 1981, he was selected as a member of UMNO's Supreme Council, before winning the post of Vice President of UMNO Youth in 1982.^[27][28]

In 1987, Najib was selected as the acting head of the Movement of UMNO Youth by Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim after Anwar was asked to contest the post of UMNO Vice President. Following mounting ethnic tensions anti-Chinese sentiments were expressed at a UMNO Youth rally held in Kampung Baru, Kuala Lumpur the same year where Najib spoke. Rising tensions soon lead to fears of ethnic violence and eventually resulted in a security operation known as Operasi Lalang, that included numerous administrative detentions.^[29] In June 2009 Najib overturned a rule that required 30% Malay ownership in corporations, and allowed non-ethnic Malays, like the Chinese and the Indians to exercise more financial control in Malaysia. Najib has also worked to improve relations with Singapore, which is seen by many as Chinese-dominated, to encourage it to invest more heavily in the Malaysian economy.^[30]

Following the complete reorganisation and founding of the "New" UMNO by Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad in the aftermath of the 1988 Malaysian constitutional crisis, Najib was appointed president of UMNO Youth in 1988.^[31]

By 1993, Najib was elected as one of six vice presidents of UMNO in response to Anwar's decision to contest as the deputy president of UMNO. Najib continued to defend his post in party elections held in 1993, 1996, and 2004.^[32]

After a poor showing by the ruling UMNO coalition in the elections of 8 March 2008 in which opposition parties gained control of five of thirteen Malaysian state governments, Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi identified Deputy Prime Minister Najib as his intended successor. On 8 October 2008, Prime Minister Badawi announced he would step down in March 2009, paving the way for Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak to succeed him. However he said the onus was on Najib to win party elections set for March before he could take over.^[33] Najib ran for the presidency of UMNO and went on to win on 2 November 2008, without contest.^[34]

On 26 March 2009, Najib won the UMNO presidency unopposed.^[35]

Appointment as Prime Minister[link]

Najib entered office as Prime Minister with a focus on domestic economic issues and political reform. On his first day as Prime Minister, Najib announced as his first actions the removal of bans on two opposition newspapers, Suara Keadilan and Harakahdaily, run by the opposition leader Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim-led People's Justice Party and the Pan Islamic Party, respectively, and the release of 13 people held under the Internal Security Act. Among the released detainees were two ethnic Indian activists who were arrested in December 2007 for leading an anti-government campaign, three foreigners and eight suspected Islamic militants. Najib also pledged to conduct a comprehensive review of the much-criticized law which allows for indefinite detention without trial. In the speech, he emphasized his commitment to tackling poverty, restructuring Malaysian society, expanding access to quality education for all, and promoting renewed “passion for public service.”^[36] He also deferred and abandoned the digital television transition plan of all free-to-air broadcasters such as Radio Televisyen Malaysia.

1Malaysia[link]

1Malaysia is an on-going campaign announced by Prime Minister Najib Razak on 16 September 2008, calling for the cabinet, government agencies, and civil servants to emphasize ethnic harmony, national unity, and efficient governance.^[37] The eight values of 1Malaysia as articulated by Najib Razak are perseverance, a culture of excellence, acceptance, loyalty, education, humility, integrity, and meritocracy.^[38]

On 17 September 2008, Najib launched 1Malaysia.com.my in an effort to communicate with the citizens of Malaysia more efficiently and support the broader 1Malaysia campaign, He has used the site to highlight his policy initiatives and to provide a forum for Malaysians to their government. The 1Malaysia campaign makes extensive use of social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter.^[39][40]

Yet when his deputy Muhyiddin Yassin declared that he is "Malay first and Malaysian second" thus going head-on against his "1Malaysia" ideals, Najib did not hesitate to go to Muhyiddin's defence.^[41]

Government Transformation Programme[link]

Najib's government is in the process of implementing its Government Transformation Programme in order to improve the quality of public services, increase efficiency, and make government more transparent. Specific measures include the use of Key Performance Indicators to measure the performance of officials and agencies and National Key Result Areas to define goals for specific areas of public policy.

Under Najib the Malaysian government has implemented many measures to increase transparency and government accountability. These measures include the use of Key Performance Indicators (KPI) to hold ministers accountable for their work,^[42][43] using new media such as Twitter^[44] and Facebook^[45] to communicate with citizens about happenings in the government, opening previously closed government tenders to increased public participation and scrutiny, and soliciting public feedback on government spending.^[46]

In order to keep his promise to make government smaller and more efficient Prime Minister Najib has abolished two ministries while creating the Ministry of Energy, Green Technology and Water. Najib has appointed a total of 28 ministers. This is four fewer than the last government. Najib also named Tan Sri Dr. Koh Tsu Koon, an ethnic Chinese and leader of a minority party in the ruling coalition, to be the Minister of Unity and Performance.

Economic policy[link]

New Economic Model[link]

On 2 May 2009, Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak announced the government’s plan to develop a New Economic Model that will speed Malaysia's transition to a high income country. The plan will emphasise ways to increase the income and productivity of workers by encouraging knowledge industries and increasing investment from overseas.

Reform of government subsidies[link]

Prime Minister Najib has started to implement comprehensive reform of government subsidies. On 16 July 2010 subsidies for petrol, diesel and LPG were cut as part of Malaysia's general programme of reducing and rationalising subsidies per the 10th Malaysia Plan and the New Economic Model. The government believes it will save RM750 million by the end of 2010 through these measures with little negative impact on most citizens. Sugar and fuel subsidies were selected for reform due to the fact that they disproportionately benefit the wealthy and foreigners, encourage over-consumption and create opportunities for fraud and smuggling.^[47] The Prime Minister expressed his hope that Malaysians would adopt a healthier lifestyle. He said, “there is no logic in the government allocating subsidies worth almost RM1 billion on a commodity that could endanger the people’s health.”^[48] Responding to concerns about how these reforms might affect the poor the Prime Minister's Office pointed out that Malaysia will still be spending RM7.82 billion per year on fuel and sugar subsidies and that prices for these commodities would remain the lowest in Southeast Asia. The government also stated that education and healthcare would continue receiving state support.^[49]

Economic liberalization[link]

Malaysia has implemented substantial measures to attract foreign investment including a moderation of preferences designed to benefit ethnic Malays. Specifically these reforms include allowing foreign investors to hold majority stakes in most enterprises excluding "strategic" industries such as banking, telecommunications, and energy, easing insurance regulation, curtailing powers of the Foreign Investment Committee and lowering the minimum quota for Malay ownership in publicly traded companies from 30 percent to 12.5 percent. As he introduced the reforms Najib stated, "The world is changing quickly and we must be ready to change with it or risk being left behind.”^[50]

Since these reforms have been implemented the American banking firms Goldman Sachs and Citigroup have been granted permission to expand their operations in Malaysia, Goldman Sachs, received licenses to set up fund management and advisory operations. Citigroup has obtained a permit to offer brokerage services. The approval of these licenses is a sharp break from Malaysia's historiy of domestically dominated and tightly regulated markets for financial services.

The International Institute for Management Development responded to these and other reforms by increasing Malaysia's ranking to the 10th most competitive economy in the world in 2010 from 18th in 2009. Malaysia, which is now ranked fifth in the Asia Pacific region, scored well in business and government efficiency. Economists attributed the rise of Malaysia's ranking to the efforts of the Malaysian government to improve the country's business environment such as the New Economic Model, the Government Transformation Programme and the Economic Transformation Programme^[51]

Stimulus packages[link]

The Malaysian government passed two stimulus packages to mitigate the effects of the global economic downturn. The first stimulus package, worth RM7 billion, was announced on 4 November 2008. The second package, worth RM60 billion, was announced on 10 March 2009. Since assuming office as Prime Minister, Najib has been monitoring the progress of the stimulus packages on a weekly basis. Government economists believe that the stimulus packages have successfully generated increased economic activity, especially in the construction sector. Malaysia's central bank reported that Malaysia's economy grew at an annualized rate of 9.5% during the first half of 2010. Prime Minister Najib says the country is on track to meet the 6% average annual growth to reach its goal of becoming a developed country by 2020. Commenting on this same economic data Najib says that as of August 2010 there are no plans for further economic stimulus. Rather he says the government would focus on improving Malaysia's economic fundamentals and increasing investment.^[52]

Foreign policy and state visits[link]

United States[link]

Prime Minister Najib and President Barack Obama met just before the Nuclear Security Summit in Washington on 12 April 2010. This meeting was thought by many to represent a significant improvement in relations. This was their first one-on-one meeting. During their talk Obama sought further assistance from Malaysia in stemming nuclear proliferation which Obama described as the greatest threat to world security.^[53][54] During the summit Najib stressed that Malaysia only supported nuclear programmes designed for peaceful purposes. Najib's attendance at the summit was part of a week-long official visit to the United States.^[55]

India[link]

Prime Minister Najib traveled to India on a five-day state visit in January 2010. His 200-strong entourage included cabinet ministers, deputy ministers, state government officials, members of parliament, and prominent business leaders.^[56] During his visit Najib pushed for a free-trade agreement and cooperation across a wide range of fields.^[57] Najib and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh signed an extradition treaty and agreements to cooperate in the areas of higher education and finance. The two countries have agreed to sign a free-trade agreement before the end of 2010 and Najib called for signing a "Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement" by the same date.^[58] These economic agreements have resulted in plans for RM1.6 trillion in investment for Malaysia.^[59] In January 2010 Najib announced plans to develop a new visa regime for Indian nationals, specifically for managers and knowledge workers to visit Malaysia.^[60]

Singapore[link]

Najib made a two-day visit to Singapore, from 21–22 May 2009. During the visit, both Najib and Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong agreed to move bilateral relations forward in a more productive manner and will either set aside or resolve the “legacy” problems between the two countries. During a speech in Singapore Najib said he hoped his visit would signal “the beginning of a new era” between the two countries.^[61]

in 2010 Najib resolved a key diplomatic problem between the two countries by ending the impasse over transportation links and Singaporean investment in Iskandar Malaysia. Prime Minister Najib and Lee Hsien Loong, Prime Minister of Singapore have agreed to modify the Points of Agreement signed in 1990. Specifically, the two sides have promised to move the KTM railway station from Tanjung Pagar to Woodlands, set up a joint venture to be called M-S Pte Ltd to develop six parcels of land in Singapore, develop a rapid transit link between Tanjung Pateri in Johor Bahru, and allow Temasek and Khazanah to set up a joint venture for the purpose of developing a town in Iskandar Malaysia.^[62]

South Korea[link]

Najib attended the ASEAN-South Korea Summit on 1 June 2009 hosted by South Korean President Lee Myung Bak. During the summit, the ASEAN-Korea Investment Agreement was signed to boost economic and trade relations between ASEAN and South Korea After the summit, Najib said Malaysia is keen on emulating South Korea in developing a small-scale nuclear reactor for power generation, as well as South Korea’s other low-carbon green technology.^[63]

China[link]

Najib made a four-day visit to China from 2–5 June 2009. During the visit, Najib mentioned his family’s special relationship with China, noting that his father, and Malaysia’s second Prime Minister, first established diplomatic relations with China in 1974. During the visit, several substantive issues were discussed in meetings between Najib and Chinese President Hu Jintao and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao. The two sides signed an endorsed strategic action plan covering 13 major areas, which will serve as the guideline for relations between Malaysia and China. Najib described the trip as most fruitful. Najib also received an honourary doctorate in international relations from the Beijing Foreign Studies University.^[64]

Indonesia[link]

Najib made a visit to Indonesia on 22–24 April 2009. Several issues were discussed, including cooperation in the tourism, oil and gas, and high-technology industries, as well as electricity supply from the Bakun dam to Kalimantan. Najib and his entourage also attended an official dinner hosted by Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his wife Ani Yudhoyono.

New Zealand[link]

Under Najib's government Malaysia signed a free-trade agreement (FTA) with New Zealand on 26 October 2009 to take effect 1 August 2010. The agreement will reduce or eliminate tariffs on thousands of industrial and agricultural products. The two countries have also agreed to reciprocal Most Favoured Nation status in private education, engineering services, environmental protection, mining services and information technology.^[65]

Controversy[link]

The Malaysian opposition has accused Najib of involvement in the receipt of large commissions for the purchases of two Scorpène submarines, 18 Sukhoi fighter jets, 12 Eurocopters helicopters and a military bomb involved in the murder of Shaariibuugiin Altantuyaa.^[66][67] The French judiciary are currently investigating charges of corruption in the submarine deal.^{[68][69][70][71][72]}

Appraisal[link]

An article published in The Economist calls Najib a 'well-intentioned man' fighting for 'right and proper' reforms who faces obstructionism not from the opposition, but from his own party. The article argues that in spite of Najib's well-meaning agenda, because he came to power in an internal coup instead of an electoral mandate, he lacks the clout to impose his will on his own party. As a result, in his push for reforms Najib has both reformed too much and reformed too little, offending both the conservatives and reformists. ^[73]

Notes and references[link]

External links[link]

	Malaysia portal
	Biography portal

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Najib Razak

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Najib Razak

• Official weblog–1Malaysia
• Official Youtube page
• Official Twitter page
• Official Facebook page
• Pekan Official page

v t e Prime Ministers of Malaysia Abdul Rahman Abdul Razak Hussein Onn Mahathir Mohamad Abdullah Ahmad Badawi Najib Razak

v t e Deputy Prime Ministers of Malaysia Abdul Razak Ismail Abdul Rahman Hussein Onn Mahathir Mohamad Musa Hitam Ghafar Baba Anwar Ibrahim Abdullah Badawi Najib Tun Razak Muhyiddin Yassin

Anna Hazare
Anna Hazare in Nanded, Maharastra
Born	Kisan Hazare (1937-06-15) 15 June 1937 (age 75) Bhingar, Bombay Province, British India
Nationality	Indian
Other names	Kisan Baburao Hazare
Known for	Indian anti-corruption movement - 2012, Indian anti-corruption movement - 2011, Watershed development programmes, Right to Information
Influenced by	Mahatma Gandhi, Swami Vivekananda
Political movement	Indian anti-corruption movement, Peace movement
Religion	Hinduism
Spouse	Never Married
Parents	Laxmibai Hazare Baburao Hazare
Awards	Padma Shri (1990) Padma Bhushan (1992)
Website
www.annahazare.org www.beinganna.org

Kisan Baburao Hazare  pronunciation (help·info) (Marathi: किसन बाबुराव हजारे, Kisan Bāburāv Hajārē ^?) (born 15 June 1937), popularly known as Anna Hazare  pronunciation (help·info) (Marathi: अण्णा हजारे, Aṇṇā Hajārē ^?) is an Indian social activist who led movements to promote rural development, increase government transparency, and investigate and punish official corruption. In addition to organizing and encouraging grassroots movements, Hazare frequently conducted hunger strikes to further his causes—a tactic reminiscent, to many, of the work of Mohandas K. Gandhi.^[1][2][3] Hazare also contributed to the development and structuring of Ralegan Siddhi, a village in Parner taluka of Ahmednagar district, Maharashtra, India. He was awarded the Padma Bhushan—the third-highest civilian award—by the Government of India in 1992 for his efforts in establishing this village as a model for others.^[4]

Anna Hazare started an indefinite hunger strike on 5 April 2011 to exert pressure on the Indian government to enact a stringent anti-corruption law, The Lokpal Bill, 2011 as envisaged in the Jan Lokpal Bill, for the institution of an ombudsman with the power to deal with corruption in public places. The fast led to nation-wide protests in support. The fast ended on 9 April 2011, a day after the government accepted Hazare's demands. The government issued a gazette notification on the formation of a joint committee, consisting of government and civil society representatives, to draft the legislation.^[5][6]

For the year 2011 Foreign Policy magazine named him among top 100 global thinkers.^[7] Also in 2011 Anna was ranked as the most influential person in Mumbai by a national daily newspaper.^[8] He has faced criticism for his authoritarian views on justice, including death as punishment for corrupt public officials and his alleged support for forced vasectomies as a method of family planning.^[9][10]

Early life[link]

Kisan Hazare was born on 15 June 1937^{[citation needed]} (some sources say 1940)^[11] in Bhingar, near to Ahmednagar. The eldest son, with two sisters and four brothers, the later adoption of the name Anna in Marathi it uses for elder person which is equal to "father". His father worked in a pharmacy and struggled to support the family financially. In time, the family moved to their ancestral village of Ralegan Siddhi, where they owned a small amount of agricultural land. A relative took on the burden of providing Kisan with an education, taking him to Mumbai because the village had no primary school. The relative became unable financially to continue the support and Kisan's schooling ended in the Standard Seventh grade; his siblings never attended school.^[12] He started selling flowers at the Dadar railway station in Mumbai and eventually managed to own two flower shops in the city.^[13] He also became involved in vigilantism, joining groups who acted to prevent landlords' thugs from intimidating the poor out of their shelter.^[14]

Military service[link]

The Indo-China War of 1962 caused the Indian Army to commence emergency recruitment measures. Hazare was drafted in April 1963, despite not meeting the physical requirements, and was attested as a soldier on 16 November of that year after undertaking training at Aurangabad.^[12][15]

During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965, Hazare was posted at the border in the Khem Karan sector. He was the sole survivor of an enemy attack—variously claimed to have been a bomb, an aerial assault and an exchange of fire at the border—while he was driving a truck.^[12][13][16] The experiences of wartime, coupled with the poverty from which he had come, affected him. He considered suicide at one point but turned instead to pondering the meaning of life and death.^[12] He said of the truck attack, "[It] sent me thinking. I felt that God wanted me to stay alive for some reason. I was reborn in the battlefield of Khem Karan. And I decided to dedicate my new life to serving people."^[13] He spent his spare time reading the works of Swami Vivekananda, Gandhi, and Vinoba Bhave.^[17] In a blog post, Hazare expressed his views on Kashmir by saying that it was his "active conviction that Kashmir is an integral part of India" and that if required once again for service, he would remain "ready to take part in war against Pakistan."^[18]

During the mid-1970s, Hazare survived a road crash while driving for the army. He interpreted his survival as a further sign that his life was intended to be dedicated to service.^[14] Despite subsequent allegations that he had deserted from the army, official records show that he was honourably discharged in 1975 after completing 12 years of service.^[15]

Transformation of Ralegan Siddhi[link]

Hazare returned to Ralegan Siddhi, a village then described by Satpathy and Mehta as "one of the many villages of India plagued by acute poverty, deprivation, a fragile ecosystem, neglect and hopelessness."^[19]

Although most of the villagers owned some land, cultivation was extremely difficult due to the rocky ground preventing retention of the monsoon rains, this situation was worsened by gradual environmental deterioration as trees were cut down, erosion spread and droughts were also experienced. The shortage of water also led to disease from unsanitary conditions and water reuse for multiple purposes. The economy of the village had become reliant on the illegal manufacture and sale of alcohol, a product on which many of the villagers had become dependent. Many inhabitants borrowed from moneylenders to survive, paying monthly interest rates of as much as 10%. Crime and violence (including domestic violence) had become commonplace, while education and employment opportunities were poor.^[14][20]

Hazare was relatively wealthy because of the gratuity from his army service. He set about using that money to restore a run-down, vandalised village temple as a focal point for the community. Some were able to respond with small financial donations but many other villagers, particularly among the elderly, donated their labour in a process that became known as shramdaan. Some youths also became involved in the work and these he organised into a Tarun Mandal (Youth Association). One of the works of Vivekananda which he had read was Call to the youth for nation building.^[21]

Prohibition of alcohol[link]

Hazare and the youth group decided to take up the issue of alcoholism to drive a process of reform. At a meeting conducted in the temple, the villagers resolved to close down liquor dens and ban alcohol in the village. Since these resolutions were made in the temple, they became, in a sense, religious commitments. Over thirty liquor brewing units voluntarily closed their establishments. Those who did not succumb to social pressure were forced to close their businesses when the youth group smashed their premises. The owners could not complain as their businesses were illegal.^[22]

Drunken villagers were tied to pillars and then flogged, sometimes personally by Hazare. He justified this punishment by stating that “rural India was a harsh society”,^[23] and that

Doesn’t a mother administer bitter medicines to a sick child when she knows that the medicine can cure her child? The child may not like the medicine, but the mother does it only because she cares for the child. The alcoholics were punished so that their families would not be destroyed.^[24]

Hazare appealed to the government of Maharashtra to pass a law whereby prohibition would come into force in a village if 25% of the women in the village demanded it. In 2009 the state government amended the Bombay Prohibition Act, 1949 to reflect this.^[25]

It was decided to ban the sale of tobacco, cigarettes, and beedies (an unfiltered cigarette where the tobacco is rolled in tendu also known as Diospyros melanoxylon leaves instead of paper) in the village. In order to implement this resolution, the youth group performed a unique "Holi" ceremony twenty two years ago.^[when?] The festival of Holi is celebrated as a symbolic burning of evil. The youth group brought all the tobacco, cigarettes, and beedies from the shops in the village and burnt them in a Holi fire. Tobacco, cigarettes, or beedies are no longer sold.^[26][27]

Grain Bank[link]

In 1980, Anna started the Grain Bank at the temple, with the objective of providing food security to needy farmers during times of drought or crop failure. Rich farmers, or those with surplus grain production, could donate a quintal to the bank. In times of need, farmers could borrow the grain, but they had to return the amount of grain they borrowed, plus an additional quintal as an interest. This ensured that nobody in the village ever went hungry or had to borrow money to buy grain. This also prevented distress sales of grain at lower prices at harvest time.^[12]

Watershed development programme[link]

Ralegan Siddhi is located in the foothills, so Hazare persuaded villagers to construct a watershed embankment and associated works to stop water and allow it to percolate and increase the ground water level and improve irrigation in the area. These efforts solved the problem of water scarcity in the village and made irrigation possible.^[14][17]

Cultivation of water-intensive crops like sugarcane was banned. Crops such as pulses, oilseeds, and certain cash crops with low water requirements replaced them. The farmers started growing high-yield varieties and changed cropping pattern. Hazare has helped farmers of more than 70 villages in drought-prone regions in the state of Maharashtra since 1975.^[28] When Hazare came to Ralegan Siddhi in 1975 only 70 acres (28 ha) of land was irrigated, Hazare converted it into about 2,500 acres (1,000 ha).^[22]

Milk production[link]

As a secondary occupation, milk production was promoted in Ralegan Siddhi. Purchase of new cattle and improvement of the existing breed with the help of artificial insemination and timely guidance and assistance by a veterinarian improvemd the cattle stock, increasing milk production.^{[citation needed]}

Education[link]

In 1932, Ralegan Siddhi got its first formal school, a single classroom primary school.^{[clarification needed]} In 1962, the villagers added more classrooms through community volunteer efforts. By 1971, out of an estimated population of 1,209, only 30.43% were literate (72 women and 290 men). Boys moved to the nearby towns of Shirur and Parner to pursue higher education, but girls were limited to primary education. Hazare, along with the youth of Ralegan Siddhi, worked to increase literacy rates and education levels. In 1976 they started a pre-school and a high school in 1979. The villagers formed a charitable trust, the Sant Yadavbaba Shikshan Prasarak Mandal, which was registered in 1979.^{[citation needed]}

Removal of untouchability[link]

The social barriers and discrimination that existed due to the caste system in India have been largely eliminated by Ralegan Siddhi villagers. It was Hazare's moral leadership that motivated and inspired the villagers to shun untouchability and caste discrimination. Marriages of Dalits are held as part of community marriage program together with those of other castes. The Dalits have become integrated into the social and economic life of the village. The upper caste villagers built houses for the lower caste Dalits by shramdaan and helped to repay their loans.^[29][30][31]

Collective marriages[link]

Most rural poor get into a debt trap as they incur heavy expenses at the time of marriage of their daughter or son. It is an undesirable practice but has become a social obligation in India. Instead, Ralegan's people started celebrating marriages collectively. Joint feasts are held, where expenses are further reduced by the Tarun Mandal taking responsibility for cooking and serving the food. The vessels, the loudspeaker system, the mandap, and the decorations have also been bought by the Tarun Mandal members belonging to the oppressed castes. From 1976 to 1986, 424 marriages have been held under this system.^{[citation needed]}

Gram Sabha[link]

The Gandhian philosophy on rural development considers the Gram Sabha as an important democratic institution for collective decision-making in the villages of India.^[32] Hazare campaigned between 1998 and 2006 for amending the Gram Sabha Act, so that villagers have a say in the village's development. The state government initially refused, but eventually gave in to public pressure. It became mandatory to seek the sanction of the Gram Sabha (an assembly of all village adults, and not just the few elected representatives in the gram panchayat) for expenditures on development works in the village.^[25]

Activism[link]

Anti-corruption protests in Maharashtra[link]

Anna Hazare listening to the problems of people at Nanded, Maharashtra.

Anna Hazare's Supporter's cap which reads " I am Anna Hazare".

In 1991 Hazare launched the Bhrashtachar Virodhi Jan Aandolan (BVJA) (People's Movement against Corruption), a popular movement to fight against corruption^[33] in Ralegaon Siddhi. In the same year he protested against the collusion between 40 forest officials and timber merchants. This protest resulted in the transfer and suspension of these officials.^[34]

In May 1997 Hazare protested alleged malpractice in the purchase of powerlooms by the Vasantrao Naik Bhathya Vimukt Jhtra Governor P. C. Alexander.^[35] On 4 November 1997 Gholap filed a defamation suit against Hazare for accusing him of corruption. He was arrested in April 1998 and was released on a personal bond of 5,000 (US$100).^{[36][dead link]} On 9 September 1998 Hazare was imprisoned in the Yerawada Jail to serve a three-month sentence mandated by the Mumbai Metropolitan Court.^[16][37] The sentencing caused leaders of all political parties except the BJP and the Shiv Sena to support him. ^[38] Later, due to public protests, the Government of Maharashtra ordered his release. Hazare wrote a letter to then chief minister Manohar Joshi demanding Gholap's removal for his role in alleged malpractices in the Awami Merchant Bank.^[39] Gholap resigned from the cabinet on 27 April 1999.^[40]

In 2003 corruption charges were raised by Hazare against four NCP ministers of the Congress-NCP government.^[41] He started his fast unto death on 9 August 2003. He ended his fast on 17 August 2003 after then chief minister Sushil Kumar Shinde formed a one-man commission headed by the retired justice P. B. Sawant to probe his charges.^[42] The P. B. Sawant commission report, submitted on 23 February 2005, indicted Sureshdada Jain, Nawab Malik, and Padmasinh Patil. The report exonerated Vijaykumar Gavit. Jain and Malik resigned from the cabinet in March 2005.^[43]

Three trusts headed by Anna Hazare were also indicted in the P. B. Sawant commission report. 220,000 (US$4,390) spent by the Hind Swaraj Trust for Anna Hazare's birthday celebrations was concluded by the commission as illegal and amounting to a corrupt practice,^[44][45] though Abhay Firodia, an industrialist subsequently donated 248,000 (US$4,950) to the trust for that purpose.^[46] The setting apart of 11 acres of its land by the trust in favour of the Zilla Parishad without obtaining permission from the charity commissioner was concluded as a case of maladministration. The commission also concluded that the maintenance of accounts of the Bhrashtachar Virodhi Janandolan Trust after 10 November 2001 had not been according to the rules and 46,374 (US$930) spent by the Sant Yadavbaba Shikshan Prasarak Mandal Trust for renovating a temple thwarted its object of imparting secular education.^[44][45]

Right to Information movement[link]

In the early 2000s Hazare led a movement in Maharashtra state which forced the state government to enact a revised Maharashtra Right to Information Act. This Act was later considered as the base document for the Right to Information Act 2005 (RTI), enacted by the Union Government. It also ensured that the President of India assented to this new Act.^[47]

On 20 July 2006 the Union Cabinet amended the Right to Information Act 2005 to exclude the file noting by the government officials from its purview. Hazare began his fast unto death on 9 August 2006 in Alandi against the proposed amendment. He ended his fast on 19 August 2006, after the government agreed to change its earlier decision.^[48]

Regulation of Transfers and Prevention of Delay in Discharge of Official Duties Act[link]

Before 2006 in the state of Maharashtra, honest government officers were transferred to other places according to ministerial wish, while some corrupt and favoured officials stayed put for decades. Anna fought hard for a law whereby a government servant must clear a file within a specified time and that transfers must take place only after three years. After many years of Anna's relentless efforts, on 25 May 2006 Maharashtra issued a notification announcing the Prevention of Delay in Discharge of Official Duties Act 2006. This act provided for disciplinary action against officials who move files slowly and enabled monitoring of officials who overstay a post, and for involvement in a corrupt nexus.

This act mandated the government to effect transfers of all government officers and employees, except Class IV workers, no sooner and no later than three years, except in emergency or exceptional circumstances. Maharashtra was the first state to have introduced such an act.^[25] However, like others, this law was not fully followed.^[49][50]

Campaign against liquor from food grains[link]

Article 47 of India's Constitution commits the State to raise the standard of living, improve public health and prohibit the consumption of intoxicating drinks and drugs injurious to health.^[51][52][53]

In 2007 Maharashtra rolled out a grain-based liquor policy aimed to encourage production of liquor from food grain in light of the rising demand for spirits—used for industrial purposes and liquor. It issued 36 licenses for distilleries for making alcohol from food grains.^[53]

Anna Hazare opposed the government's policy to promote making liquor from food grains. He argued that Maharashtra had to import food and referring to food grains observed that promoting producing liquor from food grains was nappropriate.^[54] One of the State ministers Laxman Dhoble said in his speech that those opposing the decision to allow use of food grains for the production of liquor were anti-farmers and that opponents should be beaten with sugarcane sticks.^[55][56] Hazare began fasting at Shirdi, but on 21 March 2010 the government promised to review the policy and Anna ended his 5 day long fast.^[57] But the government later granted 36 licences and grants of 10 (US$0.2) (per litre of alcohol) to politicians or their sons who were engaged in making alcohol from foodgrains. Recipients included Amit and Dheeraj Deshmukh, sons of Union Heavy Industries Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh, Bharatiya Janata Party leader Gopinath Munde's daughter Pankaja Palwe and her husband Charudatta Palwe, sons-in-law of P.V. Narasimha Rao and Rajya Sabha MP Govindrao Adik.^[54][58][59] The government approved the licenses despite stiff opposition from the planning and finance departments, saying there was a huge demand in other countries for distilled spirits compared to that of molasses.^[60] Anna sued Maharashtra over the policy in the Nagpur bench of the Bombay High Court. On 20 August 2009 Maharashtra stopped the policy. However, distilleries sanctioned before that date and those who started production within two years of sanction were entitled for subsidies.

On 5 May 2011 court refused to hear the suit, saying, "not before me, this is a court of law, not a court of justice" as a reason for not hearing the plea.^[61][62] A Maharashtra Principal Secretary, C.S. Sangeet Rao, stated that no law existed to scrap these licences.^[54]

Lokpal Bill movement[link]

Anna Hazare's hunger strike at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi.

In 2011, Hazare initiated a Satyagraha movement for passing a stronger anti-corruption Lokpal (ombudsman) bill in the Indian Parliament, the Jan Lokpal Bill (People's Ombudsman Bill). The Jan Lokpal Bill was drafted earlier by N. Santosh Hegde, former justice of the Supreme Court of India and Lokayukta of Karnataka, Prashant Bhushan, a senior lawyer in the Supreme Court and Arvind Kejriwal, a social activist along with members of the India Against Corruption movement. The draft incorporated more stringent provisions and gave wider power to the Lokpal (Ombudsman) than the government's 2010 draft.^[63] These included placing "the Prime Minister within the ambit of the proposed lokpal’s powers".^[64]

Hunger strike[link]

Wikinews has related news: Anna Hazare begins "fast-unto-death" hunger strike to end corruption.

Hazare began his Indefinite Fast^[65] on 5 April 2011 at Jantar Mantar in Delhi to press for the demand to form a joint committee of the representatives of the Government and the civil society to draft a stronger anti-corruption bill with stronger penal actions and more independence to the Lokpal and Lokayuktas (Ombudsmen in the states), after his demand was rejected by Prime Minister Singh.^[66] He stated, "I will fast until Jan Lokpal Bill is passed".^[67]

The movement attracted attention in the media, and thousands of supporters. Almost 150 people reportedly joined Hazare in his fast.^[68] Social activists, including Medha Patkar, Arvind Kejriwal, former IPS officer Kiran Bedi, and Jayaprakash Narayan lent their support. People showed support in social media. In addition to spiritual leaders Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, Swami Ramdev, Swami Agnivesh and former Indian cricketer Kapil Dev, many celebrities supported him.^[69][70] Hazare decided that he would not allow any politician to sit with him. The protesters rejected Uma Bharti, Om Prakash Chautala and others when they visited the protest.^[71] On 6 April 2011 Sharad Pawar resigned from the group of ministers formed for reviewing the 2010 draft.^[72]

Protests spread to Bangalore, Mumbai, Chennai, Ahmedabad, Guwahati, Shillong, Aizawl and other cities.^[73]

On 8 April the Government accepted the movement's demands. On 9 April it issued a notification in the Gazette of India on formation of a joint committee. It accepted the formula that there be a politician chair and an activist, non-politician co-chair. The notification stated, “The Joint Drafting Committee shall consist of five nominee ministers of the Government of India and five nominees of the civil society. The five nominee Ministers of the Government of India are Pranab Mukherjee, Union Minister of Finance, P. Chidambaram, Union Minister of Home Affairs, M. Veerappa Moily, Union Minister of Law and Justice, Kapil Sibal, Union Minister of Human Resource and Development and Minister of Communication and Information Technology and Salman Khursheed, Union Minister of Water Resources and Minister of Minority Affairs. The five non-politician nominees were Anna Hazare, N. Santosh Hegde, Shanti Bhushan Senior Advocate, Prashant Bhushan, Advocate and Arvind Kejriwal.^[74][75]

On the morning of 9 April Hazare ended his 98-hour hunger strike. He addressed the people and set a deadline of 15 August to pass the bill.

"Real fight begins now. We have a lot of struggle ahead of us in drafting the new legislation, We have shown the world in just five days that we are united for the cause of the nation. The youth power in this movement is a sign of hope."

Anna Hazare said that if the bill did not pass he would call for a mass nation-wide agitation.^{[76][77][dead link]} He called his movement as "second struggle for independence" and he will continue the fight.^[78]

Draft bill[link]

During the meeting of the joint drafting committee on 30 May, the Union government members opposed the inclusion of the prime minister, higher judiciary and the acts of the MPs under the purview of the Lokpal in the draft bill.^[79] On 31 May, Mukherjee sent a letter to the chief ministers of all states and party leaders seeking their opinion on six contentious issues, including whether to bring the prime minister and judges of India's Supreme Court and High Courts under the law's purview.^[80] But the civil society members of the drafting committee considered that keeping them out would be a violation of the United Nations Convention against Corruption.^[81]

Anna Hazare and other civil society members decided to boycott the 6 June drafting committee meeting to protest the forcible eviction of Swami Ramdev and his followers by the Delhi Police from Ramlila Maidan on 5 June, while they were on a hunger strike against black money and corruption and doubting the government's seriousness.^[82]

On 6 June, the civil society members wrote to Mukherjee, explaining reasons for their absence and also asking government to go public on the major issues. They also decided to attend only future meetings that were telecast live.^[83] On 8 June at Rajghat, describing his movement as the second freedom struggle, Anna criticised the Government for trying to discredit the drafting committee and threatened to go on indefinite fast again from 16 August if the Lokpal Bill had not passed. He also criticised the Government for putting hurdles in front of the Bill and for maligning the civil society members.^[84][85][86]

Indefinite fast[link]

India Against Corruption campaign in Whitefield, Bangalore.

On 28 July the union cabinet approved a draft of the Lokpal Bill, which kept the Prime Minister, judiciary and lower bureaucracy out of the ombudsman's ambit. Hazare rejected the government version by describing it as “cruel joke’’ and wrote a letter to Singh announcing his decision to begin an indefinite fast from 16 August at Jantar Mantar, if the government introduced its own version of the bill without taking suggestions from civil society members.^[87][88] Hazare wrote:-

Why are you (government) sending the wrong draft? We have faith in Parliament. But first send the right draft, our agitation is against government, not Parliament. The government has overlooked many points. How will it fight corruption by excluding government employees, CBI and prime minister from the Lokpal's purview? We were told that both the drafts would be sent to the Cabinet. But only the government's draft was sent. This is a deceitful government. They are lying. How will they run the country? Now I have no trust in this government. If it is really serious about fighting corruption, why is it not bringing government employees and CBI under Lokpal?^{[89][dead link]}

Within twenty four hours of cabinet's endorsement of a weak Lokpal Bill, over ten thousand people from across the country sent faxes directly to the government demanding a stronger bill.^[90] The Mumbai Taxi Men’s Union, comprising over 30,000 taxi drivers supported Hazare’s fast by keeping all taxis off the roads on 16 August.^[91] Lawyers of Allahabad High Court described the government proposal as against the national interest and pledged their support to Hazare by hunger striking at Allahabad on 16 August.^{[92][dead link]} On 30 July Vishwa Hindu Parishad supported his fast by saying movement for an effective anti-corruption ombudsman needed the people's backing.^[93]

On 1 August, Public interest litigation was filed in the Supreme Court of India by Hemant Patil, a Maharashtra-based social worker and businessman, to restrain Hazare, alleging that Hazare's demands were unconstitutional and amounted to interference in the legislative process.^[94]

Arrest and aftermath[link]

Wikinews has related news: Anna Hazare to resume "fast-unto-death" hunger strike from August 16, 2011.

On 16 August, Hazare was arrested, four hours before the planned indefinite hunger strike.^[95] Rajan Bhagat, spokesman for Delhi Police, said police arrested Hazare for illegally gathering in a Delhi park to begin his hunger strike, claiming that Hazare refused to meet police conditions for allowing the protest.^[96] The conditions included restricting the fast to three days and the number of protesters to 5,000. Later in the afternoon, Hazare refused bail. The magistrate dispatched him to Tihar jail for seven days.^[97] After announcements by Prashant Bhushan, local television, and social media sites (including Facebook), thousands marched in support from the India Gate to Jantar Mantar.^[98]

Media reported that about 1,300 supporters were detained in Delhi, including key members of the India Against Corruption movement such as Arvind Kejriwal, Shanti Bhushan, Kiran Bedi and Manish Sisodia.^[99] Other reports other protests with people courting arrests in different parts of the country. Opposition parties came out against the arrest, likening the government action to the emergency imposed in the country in 1975. Both houses of Parliament adjourned over the issue.^[100]

After four hours in detention he was released unconditionally on a request by the police, but refused to leave Tihar Jail.^[101] He demanded unconditional permission to fast at Ramlila Maidan (Ground) and refused to leave.^[102] Hazare continued his fast inside the jail.^[103]

After his arrest, Hazare received support from people across the country. There were reports of "nearly 570 demonstrations and protests by Anna supporters across the country".^[64][104] Due to the millions of protesters nationwide,^[105] the government allowed him to begin a public hunger strike of fifteen days.^[106] After talks with public authorities, Hazare decided to hold his protest at Ramlila Maidan, New Delhi.^[107] On 20 August Hazare "left the Tihar Jail for the Ramlila Grounds".^[108] Hazare promised reporters "he would fight to the 'last breath' until the government gets his team's Jan Lokpal Bill passed in this session of Parliament, which ends on 8 September."^[64]

Fast at Ramlila Maidan[link]

Anna Hazare on fast unto death protest.

On 20 August thousands came to show their support for Hazare,^[109] while "his advisers made television appearances to rally public support and defend themselves against criticism that their protest campaign and refusal to compromise is undermining India's parliamentary process."^[110] The National Campaign for People’s Right to Information (NCPRI) condemned Hazare's deadline for passing the bill as undermining democracy, which operates by

"holding wide-ranging consultations and discussions, allowing for dissent and evolving a consensus. ...He [Hazare] has the right to protest and dissent. But nobody can claim it as an absolute right and deny the right of dissent to others."^[111]

The Congress party confirmed that Maharashtra Additional Chief Secretary (Home) Umesh Chandra Sarangi (who has a history of mediating between Hazare and officials) was meeting with him again "to find points of consensus and defuse the situation".^[112] On 21 August "tens of thousands" watched Hazare as he sat on an elevated platform.^[113] It was reported that Hazare at that point had "lost more than seven pounds since beginning his fast". Despite this he stated, "I will not withdraw my hunger strike until the Jan Lokpal bill is passed in the Parliament. I can die but I will not bend."^[113] Hazare ended his fast on 28 August, after the Lokpal Bill passed unanimously.

He was admitted to Medanta Medicity, Gurgaon for post-fast care.^[114] He had lost 7.5 kilograms (17 lb)^[114] and was very dehydrated after the 288 hour fast.^[115]

I Am Anna Chant[link]

Within a few days of Anna Hazare's first fast demanding a strong Lokpal (on 5 April 2011), supporters started a campaign known as "I Am Anna Hazare", which was similar to the "We Are All Khaled Said" campaign from the Egyptian uprising.^[116] During Anna Hazare's second fast, his topi, the cap which became synonymous with Anna Hazare, became almost a fashion statement.^[117] Sales of the topis hit an all-time high.^[118] Kiran Bedi recommended that the "I am Anna" topi be displayed whenever someone asked for a bribe.^[119]

Fast on MMRDA ground[link]

On 27 December, Hazare began a 3–day hunger strike at MMRDA grounds, Bandra Kurla Complex, to demand a stronger Lokpal bill than was in debate.^[120] Hazare ended the fast on 28 December, after his doctors said that his kidneys might fail if he continued.^[121]

Before reaching the venue, Anna paid tribute to Mahatma Gandhi at Juhu Beach. On his way to a rally with several thousand people,^[120] he took two-and-half hours to reach the ground, passing through Santacruz, Tulip Star Hotel, Mithibai College, SV Road, Vile Parle, Khar and Bandra Highway.^[122]

A PIL petition filed against the fast was turned down by the Karnataka High Court. A judge noted that there was no public interest in the petition.^[123]

Electoral reform movement[link]

In 2011, Anna Hazare demanded an amendment to the electoral law to incorporate the option of None of the above in the electronic voting machines during the Indian elections.^[124][125] The "None of the above (NOTA)" is a ballot option that allows an electorate to indicate disapproval of all of the candidates in an electoral system, in case of non-availability of any candidate of his choice, as his Right to Reject. Soon, the Chief Election Commissioner of India Shahabuddin Yaqoob Quraishi supported Hazare's demand for the electoral reforms.^[126]