Tamaulipas Estado Libre y Soberano de Tamaulipas
—  State  —
Flag Seal
Motto: Aunque Rústicos, Estas Armas Cuya Luz Ha Venido De Esta Cruz y Son De Linaje y Casa De Escandón (Even Rustic, These Arms Whose Light Has Come From This Cross; And Are Lineage And House Of Escandon)
Anthem: Himno de Tamaulipas
State of Tamaulipas within Mexico
Coordinates: 24°17′14″N 98°33′48″W / 24.28722°N 98.56333°W / 24.28722; -98.56333Coordinates: 24°17′14″N 98°33′48″W / 24.28722°N 98.56333°W / 24.28722; -98.56333
Capital	Ciudad Victoria
Largest City	Reynosa
Admission	February 7, 1824[1]
Order	14th
Government
• Governor	Egidio Torre Cantú
• Senators[2]	Julián Sacramento Nelly González Amira Gómez Tueme
• Deputies[3]	Federal Deputies • Vacant • Carlos Flores Rico • Laura García Dávila • Javier Gil Ortiz • Alejandro Guevara • Mercedes Guillén • Baltazar Hinojosa • Cruz López Aguilar • Edgardo Melhem • José Francisco Rábago • Felipe Solís Acero • Cristabell Zamora • Norma Leticia Salazar
Area[4]
• Total	80,175 km2 (30,956 sq mi)
	Ranked 6th
Highest elevation[5]	3,280 m (10,760 ft)
Population (2010)[6]
• Total	3,268,554
• Rank	13th
• Density	41/km2 (110/sq mi)
• Density rank	21st
Demonym	Tamaulipeco (a)
Time zone	CST (UTC−6)
• Summer (DST)	CDT (UTC−5)
Postal code	87-89
Area code	Area codes 1 and 2 • 482 • 831 • 832 • 833 • 834 • 835 • 836 • 841 • 867 • 868 • 891 • 894 • 897 • 899
ISO 3166 code	MX-TAM
HDI	0.850 high Ranked 10th
GDP	US$ 20,789,236.56 th[a]
Website	Official Web Site
^ a. The state's GDP was $266,102,228 thousand of pesos in 2008,[6] amount corresponding to $20,789,236.56 thousand of dollars, being a dollar worth 12.80 pesos (value of June 3, 2010).[7]

Tamaulipas (Spanish pronunciation: [tamauˈlipas]) officially Estado Libre y Soberano de Tamaulipas (English: Free and Sovereign State of Tamaulipas) is one of the 31 states which, with the Federal District, comprise the 32 Federal Entities of Mexico. It is divided in 43 municipalities and its capital city is Ciudad Victoria. The capital city was named after Guadalupe Victoria, the first President of Mexico.

It is located in Northeastern Mexico. It is bordered by the states of Veracruz to the southeast, San Luis Potosí to the southwest and Nuevo León to the west. To the north, it has a 370 km (142.9 mi) stretch of the U.S.-Mexico border along the state of Texas.^[8]

The name Tamaulipas is derived from Tamaholipa, a Huastec term in which the tam- prefix signifies "place where." As yet, there is no scholarly agreement on the meaning of holipa, but "high hills" is a common interpretation.^[9] Another explanation of the state name is Ta ma ho'lipam – “place, where the Lipan prey”.

In addition to the capital city, Ciudad Victoria, the state's largest cities include Reynosa, Matamoros, Nuevo Laredo, and Tampico.

History[link]

The area known as Tamaulipas has been inhabited for at least 8,000 years. Several different cultures (north coastal, south coastal, lowlands, and mountains) have come and gone during that period.

Tamaulipas was originally populated by the Olmec people and later by Chichimec and Huastec tribes. Between 1445 and 1466, Mexica (or Aztec) armies commanded by Moctezuma I Ilhuicamina conquered much of the territory and transformed it into a tributary region for the Mexica empire. However, the Aztecs never fully conquered certain mostly nomadic indigenous groups in the area.

Although Hernán Cortés conquered the Aztecs rather quickly, it took a gradual process for Spain to subjugate the inhabitants of Tamaulipas in the 16th and 17th centuries. The first permanent Spanish settlement in the area was Tampico in 1554. Further settlement was done by Franciscan missionaries, widespread cattle and sheep ranching by the Spanish bolstered the area’s economy while forcing native populations from their original lands. Repeated indigenous rebellions kept the area unstable and weakened colonial interest in the region. What is now Tamaulipas was first incorporated as a separate province of New Spain in 1746 with the name Nuevo Santander. The local government capital during this time moved from Santander to San Carlos, and finally to Aguayo. The territory of this time spanned from the San Antonio river to the north east to the Gulf of Mexico, then south to the Panuco River near Tampico and west to the Sierra Madre Mountains. This area became a haven for rebellious Indians who fled here after increased Spanish settlements in Nuevo Leon and Coahuila.

In the middle 17th century various Apache bands from the southern Plains, after acquiring horses from Spaniards in New Mexico, moved southeastward into the Edwards Plateau, displacing the native hunting and gathering groups. One of these groups was known as Lipan (see Hodge 1907 Vol. I:769 for a confusing list of synonyms). After 1750, when most Apache groups of the central Texas highlands were displaced by Comanche and moved into the coastal plain of southern Texas, the Spaniards of the San Antonio area began referring to all Apache groups in southern Texas as Lipan or Lipan Apache (Campbell and Campbell 1981:62-64).

Many Indian groups of missions in southern Texas and northeastern Mexico had recently been displaced from their territory through the southward push by the Lipan Apaches and were still hostile toward Apaches, linking arms with the local Spanish authorities against their common foe.

By 1790 Spaniards turned their attention from the aboriginal groups and focused o­n containing the Apache invaders. In northeastern Coahuila and adjacent Texas, Spanish and Apache displacements created an unusual ethnic mix. Here the local Indians mixed with displaced groups from Coahuila and Chihuahua and Texas. Some groups, to escape the pressure, combined and migrated north into the Central Texas highlands.

Independent Mexico[link]

In 1824, after the Mexican War of Independence from Spain, and the fall of the Mexican Empire, Tamaulipas was one of the 19 founder states of the new United Mexican States. During the fights between centralists and federalists that soon followed, the successful Texas Revolution lead to the creation of the Republic of Texas in 1836. The new Republic claimed as part of its territory northern Tamaulipas.

Tamaulipas in Mexico, 1825.

In 1840, it became a part of the short-lived Republic of the Rio Grande. In 1848, after the Mexican-American war, Tamaulipas lost more than a quarter of its territory via the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo. Its capital was kept at Aguayo, which would later be renamed Ciudad Victoria in honor of Guadalupe Victoria, first President of Mexico.

The French occupation and reign of Emperor Maximilian during the 1860s was difficult for Tamaulipas, at least on the borders and in the city of Tampico. Portions of Tamaulipas supported the republican forces lead by president Benito Juarez in resisting the French, especially in the north. It was not until two years after French occupation began that Tamaulipas as a state finally acceded to Maximilian's rule, and it was not until 1866 that the last French soldiers left the state, leading up to Maximilian's execution and fall of the Second Mexican Empire in 1867.

However, the years after Maximilian's defeat were ones of rebuilding and great growth in Tamaulipas. International trade began to blossom, especially with the coming of the railroad to Tampico, which was developing as not only a port city, but an industrial and commercial center as well. The railroad allowed goods to flow quickly from the mines and cities of the interior and the Texas border to Tampico for processing and shipment. This in turn caused significant growth in towns such as Matamoros and Nuevo Laredo.

Since the revolution of 1910, successive governments have dedicated themselves to building industry and infrastructure in Tamaulipas, including communications and educational systems. Norberto Treviño Zapata founded the state university system as well as reformed the state oil industry. Marte Gómez provided increased farm sizes for private family farmers. And more recently, Emilio Martínez Manautou led industrial growth. Lately a push has been to strengthen fishing, including efforts to increase the price of fish and shellfish on the international market.

Geography[link]

The Tropic of Cancer crosses the southern part of the municipality of Victoria.

The coastal plains along the Gulf have a large presence in the state, whereas inland the landscape is adorned by cactus species and pasture. Predominant fauna in the region include the Cougar (Puma concolor), Long-tailed Weasel (Mustela frenata), Ocelot (Leopardus pardalis), American Badger (Taxidea taxus), North American Beaver (Castor canadensis), Plain Chachalaca (Ortalis vetula) and quail.

In the east, the Sierra Madre Oriental displays warm valleys and high sierras with peaks reaching 3,280 m (10,760 ft) in the Pedragoso Sierra; 3,240 m (10,630 ft) in the Borregos Sierra; 3,220 m (10,560 ft) in La Gloria Sierra; 3,180 m (10,430 ft) in Cerro el Nacimiento; and 3,000 m (9,800 ft) above sea level in the Sierra el Pinal.

In terms of hydrology, the Bravo, Purificacion and Guayalejo rivers flow into the Gulf of Mexico after crossing the state from the western inland. On their way, their basins and zones of influence naturally correspond to the areas destined for agricultural use. The Rio Grande, known to Mexicans as the Río Bravo, represents the northern frontier shared with the United States. One of the tributaries of this natural border, the San Juan River, feeds the Falcon International Reservoir and the Marte Gomez Dam, which, in conjunction with the "Friendship Dam", reach a capacity of 12,940 million cubic meters of stored water. Agricultural and cattle raising activities are served by 14 other dams across the state, with a total capacity of 7,500 million cubic meters of water.

As much as 90% of the state reports a dry or semi-dry climate, while the Huasteca mountain range presents hot and semi-humid conditions, along with humid winds coming from the Gulf, which means it is located in a zone highly influenced by cyclones, with predominant winds coming from the east and southeast.

Government and infrastructure[link]

This section requires expansion.

State agencies include:

• Secretaría de Seguridad Pública (Tamaulipas)

Economy and culture[link]

Northern Tamaulipas shares its economic culture with that of Texas, and is primarily characterized by agriculture and strong growth in all industrial sectors. This region is home to many of the maquiladoras, factories owned by foreign companies but worked by Mexicans, primarily by women.

Southern Tamaulipas' economy is based primarily on the petrochemical industries. There are petrochemical production plants around Altamira as well as a principal Gulf coast container port, refinery facilities in Ciudad Madero and many oil-industry support service companies in Tampico, as well as a major general and bulk cargo port.^[10] Also of importance are the tourism and fishing industries, as well as much commercial shipping, based in Tampico and Altamira. The little village of La Pesca, in the municipality of Soto La Marina, about midway between Brownsville, Texas and Tampico, is a rapidly growing tourist area with lovely beaches and excellent fishing both in the Gulf of Mexico and the Rio Soto La Marina. The central zone contains the capital, Ciudad Victoria, and is home to much forestry and farming, as well as some industrial development. About 30% of the population lives here, both in the capital and in Ciudad Mante. Ciudad Victoria is a significant educational center, home to the Autonomous University of Tamaulipas (which also has campuses in other cities in the state), the Regional Technical Institute of Ciudad Victoria, the University of Valle de Bravo, and other institutions of learning.

As of the 1990 Mexican census, 13 percent of the homes had only dirt floors, nearly 19 percent had no running water, and over 15 percent of the homes had no electricity. This was better than the national average, but was skewed because of the high rate of development in the urban centers. In rural communities in Tamaulipas, access to running water was available in less than 40 percent of homes.

As of 2005, Tamaulipas’s economy represents 3.3% of Mexico’s total gross domestic product or 21,664 million USD.^[11] Tamaulipas's economy has a strong focus on export oriented manufacturing (i.e. maquiladora / INMEX). As of 2005, 258,762 people are employed in the manufacturing sector.^[12] Foreign direct investment in Tamaulipas was 386.2 million USD for 2005. The average wage for an employee in Tamaulipas is approximately 240 pesos per day, $2.00 to $3.00 an hour.^{[citation needed]}

Largest cities[link]

Education[link]

Tamaulipas enjoys standards slightly higher than the national averages, since illiteracy has been reduced to 5% for those over 15 years of age, average schooling reaches 7.8 years, and as many as 11% have earned a professional degree.

Institutions of higher education include:

• Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Tamaulipas (IEST)
• Instituto Tecnológico de Ciudad Madero (ITCM)
• Universidad Autónoma de Tamaulipas

Transportation[link]

Airports[link]

Tamaulipas is served by 5 international airports and one national airport.

• Ciudad Victoria is served by: General Pedro J. Méndez International Airport
• Matamoros is served by: General Servando Canales International Airport
• Nuevo Laredo is served by: Quetzalcóatl International Airport
• Reynosa is served by: General Lucio Blanco International Airport
• Tampico is served by: General Francisco Javier Mina International Airport
• Ciudad Mante is served by: Ciudad Mante National Airport

Notable natives and residents[link]

• Manuel González Flores, general and politician who served as president of Mexico from 1880-1884.
• Emilio Portes Gil, president of Mexico after the death of Alvaro Obregon in 1928.
• José María Jesús Carbajal, Mexican freedom fighter, military governor of Tamualipas
• Alicja Bachleda-Curus, actress, and singer, actually married with Colin Farrell
• Laura Elizondo, beauty queen/model
• Laura Flores, actress
• Víctor García, singer
• Juan García Esquivel, composer/band leader/pianist
• Alejandro Gomez Monteverde, director/producer
• Rodrigo González, musician and songwriter
• James de La Rosa, welterweight boxer
• Juan de la Rosa, boxer on the NBC's show The Contender
• Manuel Raga, basketball player
• Aurora Robles, model
• Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente, alleged by the Mexican government to be Subcomandante Marcos
• Arleth Terán, actress
• Rigo Tovar, singer/songwriter/composer/actor
• Ismael Valdez, former starting pitcher in Major League Baseball
• Eduardo Verástegui, actor/model
• Ana Brenda Contreras, actress, singer
• Rosemary Barkett, US judge

State Anthem[link]

The current anthem of the state of Tamaulipas is Viva Tamaulipas, composed in 1926 by Rafael Antonio Pérez Pérez, set to music by Alfredo Tamayo Marín. Normally, only the chorus, first verse and chorus are sung in public.

See also[link]

	Geography portal
	North America portal
	Latin America portal
	Mexico portal

References[link]

External links[link]

Mexico portal

• Tamaulipas state government. (Spanish)
• Ley de Escudo de Armas y el Himno de Tamaulipas

v t e  State of Tamaulipas Ciudad Victoria (capital) Major cities Altamira Ciudad Madero Ciudad Mante Ciudad Victoria Matamoros Miramar Nuevo Laredo Reynosa Río Bravo Tampico Valle Hermoso Municipalities Abasolo Aldama Altamira Antiguo Morelos Burgos Bustamante Camargo Casas Ciudad Madero Cruillas Gómez Farías González Güemez Guerrero Gustavo Díaz Ordaz Hidalgo Juamave Jiménez Llera Mainero El Mante Matamoros Méndez Mier Miguel Alemán Miquihuana Nuevo Laredo Nuevo Morelos Ocampo Padilla Palmillas Reynosa Río Bravo San Carlos San Fernando San Nicolás Soto la Marina Tampico Tula Valle Hermoso Victoria Villagrán Xicoténcatl

v t e Northeastern Mexico Northeastern Mexico  · Coahuila  · Nuevo León  · Tamaulipas

v t e States of Mexico States Aguascalientes Baja California Baja California Sur Campeche Chiapas Chihuahua Coahuila Colima Durango Guanajuato Guerrero Hidalgo Jalisco México Michoacán Morelos Nayarit Nuevo León Oaxaca Puebla Querétaro Quintana Roo San Luis Potosí Sinaloa Sonora Tabasco Tamaulipas Tlaxcala Veracruz Yucatán Zacatecas Federal District Mexico City

Tomás Jesús Yarrington Ruvalcaba (b. March 7, 1957 in Matamoros) is a Mexican politician affiliated to the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). He held office as the Mayor of Matamoros from 1993 to 1995, and the Governor of Tamaulipas from 1999 to 2005. Yarrington sought nomination for the presidential elections by the PRI in 2005.

Yarrington graduated with bachelor's degrees in economics and law from the Monterrey Institute of Technology and Higher Studies and the Autonomous University of Nuevo León respectively. He also received a master's degree in public administration from the University of Southern California. In 1991 he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies and from 1993 until 1995 he served as mayor of Matamoros, Tamaulipas. Later on he headed the local branch of the Revolutionary Institutional Party, joined the cabinet of Manuel Cavazos Lerma as state secretary of finance and served as governor of Tamaulipas (1999 – 2004). After leaving the governorship, Yarrington entered the presidential primaries by mid-2005.

He was accused in early 2012 for laundering money for Los Zetas and the Gulf Cartel, after a drug cartel member was apprehended and informed the DEA that Yarringnton had ties with the leaders of the drug trafficking organizations. In addition, Yarrington was accused of plotting the assassination of Rodolfo Torre Cantú, the former candidate for state governor in Tamaulipas, along with the Gulf Cartel, which reportedly carried out the ambush that killed the politician.

Organized crime allegations[link]

Yarrington's accusations of his criminal activities began in November 2011, when the slain body of a businessman and rancher named Alfonso Peña-Argüelles was publicly displayed in the border city of Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas.^[1] Along with the body was a message left by Los Zetas accusing Peña's brother of laundering money for Yarrington.^[1] On 30 January 2012, the Attorney General of Mexico issued a communiqué ordering the past three governors of Tamaulipas — Manuel Cavazos Lerma, Eugenio Hernández Flores, and Tomás Yarrington — to remain in the country because they were being investigated for possible correlation with the Mexican drug cartels. After a court case in San Antonio, Texas, the U.S. federal agency known as the DEA accused Yarrington of laundering money for Los Zetas and the Gulf Cartel from 1999 to 2004, his time as governor.^[2] This information was obtained after Antonio Peña-Argüelles, an alleged high-ranking drug cartel member, was arrested and claimed that Yarrington had "direct personal relationship with Zeta leaders."^[3] In addition, Yarrington was accused of plotting the assassination of Rodolfo Torre Cantú, the former candidate for governor in Tamaulipas' 2010 elections; the ambushed that killed Torre Cantú was allegedly carried out by Jorge Eduardo Costilla Sánchez, the supreme leader of the Gulf cartel.^[4][5] According to the DEA's protected witness, Torre Cantú was assassinated because he affected the interests of a construction company that the Gulf cartel was sponsoring.^[6] Moreover, Excélsior notes that Torre Cantú was also killed because he did not have a good relationship with Yarrington and did not guarantee agreements with the cartels.^[6] However, Egidio Torre Cantú, the brother of Rodolfo, took his place and became the governor of Tamaulipas after his assassination, and allied with the Mexican Armed Forces to combat the cartels in hopes of avoiding what happened to his brother.^[6]

Yarrington was also accused of allegedly receiving money from Osiel Cárdenas Guillén, the former drug boss of the Gulf cartel, to finance his political campaign for the presidential campaign in 2005 against Roberto Madrazo;^[7] according to the reports of Animal Político, Osiel asked Costilla Sánchez and Heriberto Lazcano Lazcano, his associates, to send millions of dollars to Yarrington's collaborators, with hopes of escaping from prison if Yarrington became president, just like Joaquín Guzmán Loera (a.k.a. El Chapo).^[8] In a civil forfeiture lawsuit filed in Corpus Christi on 12 May 2012,^[9] Yarrington is said to face forfeiture of a condominium he owns in South Padre Island that federal authorities believe he purchased with "illegally obtained funds" and under another name to avoid detection by law enforcement.^[10] Court records say that Yarrington used $450,000 from the Gulf cartel to pay the 14th floor unit.^[11] The indictment also alleged that a Mexican businessman known as Fernando Alejandro Cano Martínez used several corporate entities in Texas to launder money by the Gulf Cartel to pay top politicians in Tamaulipas.^[10] These bribes were then paid to the politicians in Tamaulipas in exchange for little to no police intervention in the Gulf Cartel's trafficking and money laundering activities.^[10] Cano Martínez is also accused of bank fraud because he obtained several bank loans with false information.^[12][13] The U.S. authorities are trying to confiscate Yarrington's condominium in South Padre Island and a 46-acre property in San Antonio, Texas.^[14] All these properties are believed to have been bought by Yarrington with drug proceeds from the Gulf Cartel, a criminal organization headquartered in the city of Matamoros, Tamaulipas (where he served as mayor).^[15][16] The laundered money is believed to have granted the Gulf Cartel and Los Zetas "political influence" in the state of Tamaulipas.^[17]

Nonetheless, Yarrington has publicly acknowledged that he is subject of the probe but denied any links to organized crime.^[16] Yarrington's lawyer, in addition, said that the ex-governor has no connection with organized crime, and that the accusations against him are attempts made by other people in federal investigations to "improve their own situations."^[18] Yarrington has not been officially charged with any crimes, but U.S. federal prosecutors filed two civil forfeiture cases against him, seeking to seize more than $7 million U.S. dollars in properties.^[19]

Yarrington's associates[link]

Fernando Alejandro Cano Martínez, the Mexican businessman from Ciudad Victoria, Tamaulipas and an alleged financial operator of the Gulf cartel, was indicted for conspiracy to launder money and commit bank fraud on 22 May 2012.^[20] The indictment charges Cano-Martínez with using a number of corporations in Texas to launder money for the Gulf Cartel, a drug trafficking organization in Mexico, to then using millions of dollars as bribes for politicians in Tamaulipas.^[20] The bribes, which were paid directly to the politicians since 1998 or earlier, were used to convince the authorities to not intervene in the illegal activities of the Gulf cartel. Cano-Martínez controlled the bribes directed to the politicians, and established corporal entities in Texas to hide the nature of his criminal activities. Court records show that he had "one or more unindicted co-conspirators" working with him that helped him obtain a $6.7 million dollar loan to buy a 46-acre property in San Antonio, Texas.^[21] Prosecutors are seeking a $40 million forfeiture from Cano-Martínez's assets.^[20] The indictment also alleges that Cano-Martínez used millions of dollars in loans from a number of U.S. banks to invest in real estate and for a airplane of his own.^[21] From the years 2007 and 2009, Cano-Martínez and his associates used at least 10 different bank accounts in Mexico to move millions of dollars to a Mexican money transmitter, and then moved that cash to U.S. bank accounts.^[21] If convicted, Cano-Martínez may face up to 20 years in prison for the money laundering charges against him.^[20] Warrants have been issued for his apprehension in both the U.S. and Mexico, since he is currently at large.^[22]

On 24 May 2012, the Mexican military raided the house and workplace of the Mexican businessman Napoleón Rodríguez de la Garza in Matamoros, Tamaulipas.^[23] Rodríguez was the treasurer of Yarrington during his time as mayor of Matamoros and the straw man purchaser of the condominium in South Padre Island, Texas.^[9] The condo was bought under Rodríguez to avoid detection from federal agents, but prosecutors believe Yarrington is the actual owner.^[24] They also allege that Yarrington gave the money back after Rodríguez bought the $450,000 condo and that Yarrington pays the annual taxes and fees for maintenance.^[9] In addition, Rodríguez is believed to have assisted Yarrington during his political campaigns and received contracts to supply Matamoros and the state of Tamaulipas with supplies from his hardware company.^[24] Rodríguez was taken to SIEDO for further questioning;^[25] he was detained by the PGR on 28 May 2012 and will remain under custody for 40 days.^[26] Nonetheless, he accepted to be a straw purchaser for Yarrington.^[27] The U.S. authorities began the investigation of other functionaries that worked for the ex-governor of Tamaulipas and close associate of Yarrington, Eugenio Hernández Flores.^[28] According to government reports, a man known as Alberto Berlanga Bolado – owner of the GMC, SA de CV and former functionary during Hernandez's time in office, was linked to money laundering and bribes from the Gulf cartel on 26 May 2012.^[28] Berlanga's construction company was one of the most prominent during Hernández's governorship, and served as the major contract seller for public works at a state and federal level.^[29] During the investigation, the DEA raided an office with the insignias "GMC" in San Antonio, Texas the night of 22 May 2012.^[29]

In another case in the city of Monterrey, Nuevo León on 29 May 2012, the Mexican authorities detained Eduardo Rodríguez Berlanga (La Conga), the owner of Constructora Janambres SA de CV and alleged money launderer and straw purchaser of Yarrington.^[30] He reportedly owns several ranches with over 4,940 acres (2,000 hectares), including one with an airstrip.^[30] The Mexican military also raided the houses and workplaces of Yarrington and his associates' in Ciudad Victoria and Matamoros, Tamaulipas: the properties of Cano-Martínez, the alleged money launderer; of Eduardo Rodríguez Berlanga, former employee of Yarrington; and of Faruk Faterni Corcuera, associate of the ex-governor.^[31] Rodríguez de la Garza's property was raided along with Yarrington's home in the city of Matamoros.^[32] In another incident early in the morning on 30 May 2012 in the border city of Reynosa, Tamaulipas, several banners appeared throughout the city blaming Francisco García Cabeza de Vaca, the former mayor of Reynosa and current candidate for the Senate of Mexico, for being one of Yarrington's associates.^[33] The banner linked Cabeza de Vaca with other people who are investigated by the U.S. authorities for money laundering, including Manuel Bribiesca and Antonio Peña Argüelles.^[33] The banners also stated that Yarrington helped Cabeza de Vaca become mayor of Reynosa.^[34] In addition, Cabeza de Vaca is believed to have favored Cano Martinez's construction companies during his time as mayor; Peña Argüelles declared in front of the U.S. authorities that he had a close connection with the mayor.^[34] The National Action Party (PAN), however, claimed that the banners were put up by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) because Cabeza de Vaca (the PAN candidate for the Senate) is leading the elections and above Manuel Cavazos Lerma, a member of the PRI who is also running for a seat in the Senate too.^[33]

Suspension from the PRI[link]

Following the accusations he is facing for allegedly accepting bribes from the Gulf Cartel during his time as governor, Yarrington was suspended from the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) on 23 May 2012.^[11] He will remain suspended from the party until all the accusations against him are cleared up.^[19] The PRI distanced itself from Yarrington and said that it will not defend a former governor accused of accepting millions of dollars in bribes from drug trafficking organizations.^[35] Below is the statement issued by the PRI, translated from Spanish:

"The PRI calls upon Mr. Yarrington to fully cooperate with the appropriate authorities to clear up the acts of which he is accused. Mr. Yarrington should face his personal responsibility ... Where illegal acts are proved, the law should be fully applied."^[36]

— Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI)

For the PRI, the accusations against Yarrington may be perceived as a threat to the presidential candidate Enrique Peña Nieto, who aheads the polls in the Mexican general elections and is likely to win the presidential seat in 1 July 2012 after more than a decade.^[37] Los Angeles Times states that these drug trafficking threats may "summon the ghosts" of the PRI's corrupt and dark past.^[37] It may remind the Mexican voters of the grafts that marked the party's rule before it was tossed from the presidency in the year 2000 after seven decades of near-absolute regime control.^[37] It may even turn the election into a "referendum," where voters will have to vote a "yes or no, on returning the PRI to Los Pinos."^[38] The PRI's rule – which lasted for 71 years – was seen as "tainted by corruption," and critics have accused the PRI of making deals with the cartels to maintain peace in the country.^[39] Mexico's vast criminal underworld and illegal drug trafficking industry took hold during the reign of the PRI, often with the help of corrupt officials.^[37] But accusing the PRI of corruption, however, entails its own risks. For one thing, none of the political parties in Mexico are free of suspicion involving former and present-day politicians.^[38] For another, voters are more than likely to be moved by solid proofs of corruption and wrongdoing. When politicians speak of corruption in governments and federal administrations, they are getting into "very deep waters," and are expected to back it up with empirical evidence.^[38]

Personal life[link]

He is married to Maria Antonieta Morales Loo and has two sons: María Antonieta and Tomás Antonio. In addition, during Yarrington's time as mayor of Matamoros, Tamaulipas, he developed a close friendship with George W. Bush, former governor of Texas and ex-president of the United States.^[40]

External links[link]

• (Spanish) Official site

References[link]

Joaquín Guzmán Loera
"El Chapo Guzmán"
Born	Joaquín Archivaldo Guzmán Loera (1957-04-04) April 4, 1957 (age 55)[1] La Tuna, Badiraguato, Sinaloa, Mexico
Other names	"El Chapo" Guzmán[2]
Occupation	Drug Lord
Known for	Sinaloa Cartel drug lord
Height	1.68 m (5 ft 6 in)
Weight	75 kg (170 lb)
Predecessor	Miguel Ángel Félix Gallardo
Spouse	Emma Coronel Aispuro
Partner	Ismael Zambada Garcia, Ignacio Coronel-Villareal and Juan José Esparragoza Moreno
Children	César, Iván Archivaldo, Jesús Alfredo, Joaquín, Ovidio, Griselda Guadalupe, Édgar(†)
Notes Rewards of $5 million USD and $2 million USD are offered respectively, by the United States[1][3] and Mexico[4] for information leading to his capture.

Joaquín Archivaldo Guzmán Loera (b. April 4, 1957)^[2] is a fugitive Mexican drug lord who heads the world's largest and most powerful drug trafficking organization, the Sinaloa Cartel,^[5] an organization named after the Mexican Pacific coast state of Sinaloa where it was initially formed. Known as "El Chapo Guzmán" ("Shorty Guzmán") for his 1.68 m (5 ft 6 in) stature, he became Mexico's top drug kingpin in 2003 after the arrest of his rival Osiel Cárdenas of the Gulf Cartel, and is now considered "The most powerful drug trafficker in the world," by the United States Department of the Treasury.^[6][7]

Guzmán Loera has been ranked by Forbes magazine as one of the most powerful people in the world every year since 2009; ranking 41st, 60th and 55th respectively.^[8][9] He was also listed by Forbes as the 10th richest man in Mexico (1,140th in the world) in 2011.^[10][11] Forbes also calls him the "biggest druglord of all time",^[12] and the DEA strongly believes he has surpassed the influence and reach of Pablo Escobar, and now considers him "the godfather of the drug world."^[13]

Guzman Loera's Sinaloa Cartel smuggles multi-ton cocaine shipments from Colombia through Mexico to the United States,^[1] and has distribution cells throughout the U.S.^[1] The organization has also been involved in the production, smuggling and distribution of Mexican methamphetamine, marijuana, and heroin. The U.S. offers a $5 million USD reward for information leading to his capture. The Mexican government offers a reward of 30 million pesos for such information.

Biography[link]

Guzmán was born on April 4, 1957 to a poor family in the rancho of La Tuna near Badiraguato, where he sold oranges as a child. He had two sisters: Armida and Bernarda; and had 4 brothers: Miguel Ángel, Aureliano, Arturo and Emilio. Little is known about Guzmán's early years. His father was supposedly a cattle rancher, as were most in the area; it is believed, however, that he also grew opium poppy.^[2][14] Guzmán's father had connections to higher-ups in the Sinaloan capital of Culiacán through Pedro Avilés Pérez. Avilés was a key player in the Sinaloa drug business, seen as a pioneer for finding new methods of transporting the rural produce to urban areas for shipment by way of airplanes. He is reportedly the first to use airplanes to smuggle cocaine to the United States. By the time Guzmán was in his 20s, his connection to Avilés would be his window of opportunity to start in the drug business and make his fortune. In the late 1970s, Héctor "El Güero" Luis Palma Salazar gave Guzmán his first big break. El Güero placed him in charge of transporting drugs from the Sierra to the cities and border and overseeing shipments. He was ambitious and pressed his bosses to increase the quantities of drugs being moved north.^[2]

In the early 1980s, Guzmán was introduced to Miguel "El Padrino" Ángel Félix Gallardo. Gallardo put him in charge of logistics – effectively coordinating airplane flights, boat arrivals and trucks coming from Colombia into Mexico. El Güero still controlled deliveries to clients in the United States, but Guzmán would soon work directly for El Padrino himself. Although early on Guzmán lived in Guadalajara, as did Gallardo, his command and control center was actually located in Agua Prieta, Sonora. After Félix Gallardo's capture, Guzmán took control of the entire Sinaloa Cartel.^[2][15] Guzmán is wanted by the governments of Mexico and the United States and by INTERPOL;^[16] so far he has evaded operations to capture him.

Methamphetamine[link]

After the fall of the Amezcua brothers, founders of the Colima Cartel, in 1998 on methamphetamine trafficking charges, there was a need for leadership throughout Mexico to coordinate methamphetamine shipments north. Guzmán saw an opportunity and seized on it.^[2] Easily arranging precursor shipments, Guzmán and Ismael Zambada García ("El Mayo") made use of their previous contacts on Mexico's Pacific coast. Importantly, for the first time the Colombians would not have to be paid – they simply joined methamphetamine with cocaine shipments. This fact meant no additional money needed to go out for planes, pilots, boats, and bribes; they used the existing infrastructure to pipeline the new product.^[2] Up until this point, the Sinaloa Cartel had been a joint venture between Guzmán and Ismael Zambada García; the methamphetamine business would be Guzmán's alone. He cultivated his own ties to China, Thailand and India to import the necessary precursor chemicals. Throughout the mountains of the states of Sinaloa, Durango, Jalisco, Michoacán and Nayarit, Guzmán constructed large methamphetamine laboratories and rapidly expanded his organization.^[2]

His habit of moving from place to place allowed him to nurture contacts throughout the country. He was now operating in 17 out of 31 Mexican states. With his business expanding, he placed his trusted friend Ignacio "Nacho" Coronel Villarreal in charge of methamphetamine production; this way Guzmán could continue being the boss of bosses. Coronel Villarreal proved so reliable in the Guzmán business, he became known as 'Crystal King'.^[17]

Arrest and escape[link]

Guzmán was captured in Guatemala on June 9, 1993^[18] and extradited to Mexico and sentenced to 20 years, 9 months in prison for drug trafficking, criminal association and bribery charges. He was jailed in the maximum security La Palma (now Federal Social Readaptation Center No. 1 or 'Altiplano') prison. On November 22, 1995, he was transferred to the Puente Grande maximum security prison in Jalisco, Mexico, after being convicted of three crimes: possession of firearms, drug trafficking, and the murder of Cardinal Juan Jesús Posadas Ocampo (the charge would later be dismissed by another judge). He had been tried and sentenced inside the federal prison on the outskirts of Almoloya de Juárez, Mexico State.^[2]

The police say Guzmán carefully masterminded his escape plan, wielding influence over almost everyone in the prison, including the facility's director. He allegedly had the prison guards on his payroll, smuggled contraband into the prison and received preferential treatment from the staff. In addition to the prison-employee accomplices, police in Jalisco were paid off to ensure he had at least 24 hours to get out of the state and stay ahead of the military manhunt. The story told to the guards being bribed was that Joaquín Guzmán was smuggling gold out of the prison, ostensibly extracted from rock at the inmate workshop. The escape allegedly cost Joaquín $2.5 million.^[2][19]

After a ruling by the Supreme Court of Mexico made it easier for extradition to occur between Mexico and the United States, Guzmán bribed several guards to aid his escape. On January 19, 2001, Francisco "El Chito" Camberos Rivera, a prison guard, opened Guzman's electronically operated cell door, where Guzmán got in a laundry cart that Camberos rolled through several doors and eventually out the front door. Guzmán was then transported in the trunk of a car driven by Camberos out of the town. At a gas station Camberos went inside, but when he came back Guzmán was gone on foot into the night. According to officials, seventy-eight people have been implicated in his escape plan.^[2]

Mexican Cartel Wars[link]

Since his escape from prison, he had been wanting to take over the Ciudad Juárez crossing points, which are under control of the Carrillo Fuentes family of the Juárez Cartel.^[2] Despite high mistrust between the two organizations, the Sinaloa and Juárez cartels had an alliance at the time. He convened a meeting in Monterrey with Ismael Zambada Garcia ("El Mayo"), Juan José Esparragoza Moreno ("El Azul") and one of the Beltrán Leyva brothers and they discussed killing Rodolfo Carrillo Fuentes, who was in charge of the Juárez Cartel. On September 11, 2004, Rodolfo, his wife, and two young children were visiting a Culiacán shopping mall. While leaving the mall, escorted by police commander Pedro Pérez López, the family was ambushed by members of Los Negros, assassins for the Sinaloa Cartel. Rodolfo and his wife were killed, the policeman survived.^[2]

This now meant the plaza would no longer be controlled only by the Carrillo Fuentes family. Instead, the city found itself the front line in a country-wide drug war and would see homicides skyrocket as rival cartels fought for control. With this act, Guzmán was the first to break the nonaggression 'pact' the major cartels had agreed to, setting in motion the fighting between cartels for drug routes that has claimed more than 50,000 lives since December 2006.^[20][21][22]

Break with the Beltrán Leyva Cartel[link]

Flores brothers, leaders of a lucrative cell in Chicago

Several factors influenced the break between the Sinaloa Cartel and the Beltrán Leyva brothers. The arrest of Guzmán's lieutenant, Alfredo Beltrán Leyva (a.k.a.: El Mochomo) in January 2008 was one incident, as Guzmán was believed to have given up El Mochomo for various reasons.^[23] In addition to this, Guzmán had been voicing concerns with Alfredo Beltrán's lifestyle and high-profile actions for some time before his arrest. The Beltrán Leyva brothers ordered the assassination of Guzmán's son, Édgar Guzmán Lopez, on May 8, 2008 in Culiacán; causing massive retaliation from Guzmán. They were also fighting over the allegiance of the Flores brothers, Margarito and Pedro, leaders of a major, highly lucrative cell in Chicago that distributed over two tons of cocaine every month.^[24] The Mexican military claim that Guzmán and the Beltrán Leyva brothers were at odds over Guzmán's relationship with the Valencia brothers in Michoacán.^[2]

Upon Alfredo Beltrán's arrest – purportedly with Guzmán's help – a formal "war" was declared. An attempt on Vicente "El Vincentillo" Zambada Niebla's life was made just hours after the declaration. Dozens of killings followed in retaliation for the attempt on his life.^[2] On May 8, 2008, with the killing of Guzmán's son Edgar, it all erupted. For the rest of May 2008 alone, there were over 116 people murdered in Culiacán, 26 of whom were policemen. In June 2008, over 128 were killed; in July, 143 were slain.^[2] General Sandoval ordered another 2,000 troops to the area, but it failed to stop the war. The wave of violence spread to other cities like Guamúchil, Guasave and Mazatlán.

Whether Guzmán was responsible for Alfredo Beltrán's arrest is not known. However, the Beltrán Leyva brothers were doing some double-dealing of their own. Arturo Beltrán and Alfredo Beltrán had met with top members of Los Zetas in Cuernavaca. There they agreed to form an alliance to fill the power vacuum.^[2] They wouldn't necessarily go after the main strongholds, such as the Sinaloa and Gulf Cartel; instead they sought control of southern states like Guerrero (where the Beltrán Leyva's already had a big stake), Oaxaca, Yucatán, and Quintana Roo. They also worked their way into the center of the country, where no single group had control.^[2]

The split was officially recognized by the U.S. government on May 30, 2008. On that day they recognized the Beltrán Leyva brothers as leaders of their own 'cartel'. President Bush designated Marcos Arturo Beltrán Leyva and the Beltrán Leyva Organization as subject to sanction under the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act ("Kingpin Act").^[2][25]

Public appearances[link]

Nuevo Laredo appearance

In 2005 on a Saturday evening, Guzmán reportedly strolled into a restaurant in Nuevo Laredo, Tamaulipas with several of his bodyguards. After taking his seat, his henchmen locked the doors of the restaurant, collected the cell phones of approximately thirty diners and instructed them to not be alarmed.^[26] The gangsters then ate their meal and left – paying for everyone else in the restaurant.^[27]

Culiacán appearance

Later that year, Guzmán was reportedly seen in Culiacán, Sinaloa, repeating his exploit at a restaurant.^[28] According to a witness, in November 2005 Guzmán entered the restaurant in Culiacán with fifteen of his bodyguards, all of them carrying AK-47s.^[29] The restaurant was known as 'Las Palmas,' a lime-green eatery with an ersatz tile roof on a busy street.^[30] A man in the restaurant told those present the following:

"Gentlemen, please. Give me a moment of your time. A man is going to come in, the boss. We will ask you to remain in your seats; the doors will be closed and nobody is allowed to leave. You will also not be allowed to use your cellulars. Do not worry; if you do everything that is asked of you, nothing will happen. Continue eating and don't ask for your check. The boss will pay. Thank you."^[29]

The diners reportedly sat still and frightened, as El Chapo walked in through the front door of the restaurant. He walked among the tables, greeting each person there. "Hello, nice to meet you. How are you? I'm Joaquín Guzmán Loera. A pleasure. At your service," he said to all of the diners, as he shook their hands.^[29] El Chapo then walked to a private salon inside the restaurant, where he ate the house specialties of "beef and and fist-size shrimp." After a couple of hours, the meal ended, and Guzmán fled the scene; his gunmen left moments later.^[29] Los Angeles Times reported on this same incident in an article published on November 3, 2008.^[30] The newspaper, however, quoted that whether any of his reported exploits actually happened is irrelevant, because these stories of Guzmán's elusiveness have created a mythology around his image, where he is claimed to be "everywhere, and nowhere" at the same time.^[30]

Other appearances

According to Milenio news, witnesses have declared to have seen Guzmán-Loera in a restaurant in Ixtapa Zihuatanejo; visting a beach in San Blas, Nayarit; visting a house he allegedly owns in San Pancho, Guanajuato; hiding in the mountains of Durango; eating at a restaurant and paying for customers in Ciudad Juárez; in his hideout in Michoacán; traveling through Monterrey; and attending the party of a famous businessman in Torreón.^[31]

Raids[link]

In the ensuing manhunt, authorities arrested many of Guzmán's associates in the cities of Reynosa, Puebla, Toluca, and Mexico City. The states of Sinaloa and Nayarit would also see a wave of arrests. In the summer of that year, Esteban Quintero Mariscal, a hired killer and cousin of Guzmán's, was arrested and imprisoned in Cefereso No. 1, Mexico's highest-security prison. The following day, El Chito, the prison guard most responsible for helping Guzmán escape, was captured and incarcerated in Mexico City's Reclusorio Preventivo Oriente. On September 7, 2001, authorities raided a stash house in the eastern Mexico City neighborhood of Iztapalapa. Federal agents chased three people fleeing the house all the way to Taxquena in the southern part of the city. Among those arrested was Arturo "El Pollo" Guzman Loera, Guzmán's younger brother. Guzmán reportedly considered suicide following his arrest. Authorities were led to Arturo by information from Quintero Mariscal.^[2]

In November 2001, military intelligence pinpointed Guzmán's location to somewhere between the cities of Puebla and Cuernavaca, where they captured Miguel Angel Trillo Hernandez. Trillo had helped Guzmán in the aftermath of his escape from Puente Grande, renting houses so Guzmán could hide in them. They next discovered Guzmán was hiding out on a ranch outside Sante Fe, Nayarit. Mexican military deployed helicopters to close in, but Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada provided his own helicopter to Guzmán to escape in to the Sierra.^[2]

Despite the progress made in detaining others in the aftermath of Guzmán's escape, arresting a handful of his top logistics and security men, the huge military and federal police manhunt failed to capture Guzmán himself. Since his escape, he has been Mexico's most wanted man.

On December 20, 2005 the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration announced a US $5 million reward for information leading to Guzmán's arrest and prosecution.^[3][32]

In March 2008, the Guatemalan government reported that Guzmán's organization may have been tied to a gun battle in their country that left ten gunmen dead. Three days later, the Honduran government reported that they were investigating whether he was hiding out in Honduras.^[33]

On April 18, 2009 in the state of Durango, Roman Catholic Archbishop Héctor Gonzalez announced that the fugitive drug trafficker was "living nearby and everyone knows it except the authorities, who just don't happen to see him for some reason." A few days afterwards, two military officers were found dead near a bullet-riddled car in the same area the archbishop claimed Guzmán lived. It is believed that the officers, who were dressed in civilian clothes, were working undercover in the area when they were abducted and executed in the remote village of Cienega de Escobar. A message was left near them: “You'll never get 'El Chapo', not the priests, not the government."

Reports by Milenio Television mention that Guzmán Loera is protected at all times by a personal mercenary army composed of over 30 armed men, all of them in military uniform, whose only objective is to prevent his capture and death from the Mexican forces.^[34]

The Mexican authorities "nearly nabbed" Guzmán Loera in a coastal mansion in Los Cabos on February 19, 2012, just a day after Hillary Clinton met with foreign ministers in the same peninsula resort town.^[35][36] The details of how the authorities knew he was there and why El Chapo was not caught have not been released.^[37]

Implications of Guzmán's hypothetical arrest[link]

According to Los Angeles Times, if Guzmán Loera is arrested by the Mexican authorities before the Mexican general elections of 2012, his capture may serve as a "sweet trophy" for Felipe Calderón, the president of Mexico, and for PAN candidate for the presidency, Josefina Vazquez Mota.^[38] His apprehension would mark the "biggest blow against drug cartels" since Calderón launched a military-led offensive against the criminal groups in Mexico on 2006.^[38] Analysts say it may also "squelch whispers" that the Mexican government had gone easy on the Sinaloa Cartel and on El Chapo while attacking its rival groups.^[38] On the other hand, his capture right before the presidential elections may also trigger theories by skeptics that El Chapo had long been in the government's hands, "but kept on ice until a politically propitious moment."^[38]

Edgardo Buscaglia, a professor at the ITAM, believes that Guzmán's capture may also help Barack Obama's reelection campaign, since there have been suspicions that his government "provided protection" to the Sinaloa Cartel.^[39] Eric Olson, from the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, considers that Guzmán's capture may "unleash a bloody wave of violence" between the Sinaloa Cartel leaders and its subgroups for the control of the organization.^[40] His capture may also unleash the fury of the Sinaloa cartel and create new criminal organizations.^[40]

Family[link]

In 1977 he married Alejandrina María Salazar Hernández, in a small ceremony in the town of Jesús María, Sinaloa. With Alejandrina Guzmán he had three children: César, Iván Archivaldo, and Jesús Alfredo. He set them up in a ranch home in Jesús María. In the mid-1980s Guzmán remarried; this time to Griselda López Pérez, with whom he had four more children: Édgar, Joaquín, Ovidio, and Griselda Guadalupe.^[2] Guzmán's sons would follow him into the drug business. On February 15, 2005, Guzmán's son, Iván Archivaldo, was arrested in the city of Guadalajara, Mexico.^[41] He was sentenced to 5 years in a federal prison, but was released in April 2008 after a Mexican federal judge declared the case was lacking evidence. In June 2005, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) arrested his brother, two nephews and a niece. They also seized nine houses and six vehicles. Some of the arrests took place in U.S. cities such as Chicago, Los Angeles, and Oakland.

In November 2007, Guzmán was married to 18 year-old beauty queen Emma Coronel Aispuro in Canelas, Durango.^[42][43] In August 2011, Coronel Aispuro, a citizen of the United States, gave birth to twin girls in a L.A. County Hospital.^[44] On May 2012, the U.S. Treasury Department announced sanctions against his sons Iván Guzmán Salazar and Ovidio Guzmán López under the Kingpin Act, which prohibits people in the U.S. from conducting businesses with them and freezes their U.S. assets.^[45]

See also[link]

	Mexico portal
	Biography portal

• Sinaloa Cartel
• Beltrán-Leyva Cartel
• Ismael Zambada Garcia
• Pablo Escobar
• Mérida Initiative
• Mexican Drug War
• The World's 10 Most Wanted
• List of Mexico's 37 most-wanted drug lords

References[link]