This article is part of the History of Indonesia series
See also: Timeline of Indonesian History
Prehistory
Early kingdoms
Kutai (4th century)
Tarumanagara (358–669)
Kalingga (6th–7th century)
Srivijaya (7th–13th centuries)
Sailendra (8th–9th centuries)
Sunda Kingdom (669–1579)
Medang Kingdom (752–1045)
Kediri (1045–1221)
Singhasari (1222–1292)
Majapahit (1293–1500)
The rise of Muslim states
Spread of Islam (1200–1600)
Sultanate of Ternate (1257–present)
Malacca Sultanate (1400–1511)
Sultanate of Demak (1475–1548)
Aceh Sultanate (1496–1903)
Sultanate of Banten (1526–1813)
Mataram Sultanate (1500s–1700s)
European colonisation
The Portuguese (1512–1850)
Dutch East India Co. (1602–1800)
Dutch East Indies (1800–1942)
The emergence of Indonesia
National awakening (1908–1942)
Japanese occupation (1942–45)
National revolution (1945–50)
Independent Indonesia
Liberal democracy (1950–57)
Guided Democracy (1957–65)
Start of the New Order (1965–66)
The New Order (1966–98)
Reformasi era (1998–present)
v t e

The Post-Suharto era in Indonesia began with the fall of Suharto in 1998. Since then Indonesia has been in a period of transition. This era has been called the period of Reform (Indonesian: "Reformasi"). This is due to a more open and liberal political and social environment in Indonesia after the Revolution of 1998 forced the resignation of the authoritarian President Suharto, ending the three decades of the New Order period.

The current period has been characterized by a careful political balance between long established sociopolitical norms and several emerging forces in Indonesian society. These balancing acts have produced compromises between those backing greater democracy and civilian rule and the interests of the still powerful military of Indonesia; between the growing force of Islamism and the desire to maintain secular government; between demands for greater regional autonomy and supporters of the older centralized state; and between the economic ideologies and policies of neoliberalism and the those of the welfare state.^{[citation needed]}

The process of reformasi in Indonesia has also been characterized by greater freedom of speech in marked contrast with the censorship of the New Order-era. In the political sphere this has led to a more open political debate in the news media, as well as a flowering of cultural expression in the arts. In addition to longstanding political and cultural debates, Indonesia today has been shaped by a number of events and phenomena of global significance. These have included the growing attentions of the Western world on Indonesia due to Islamic terrorism incidents such as the September 11, 2001 attacks, 2002 and 2005 Bali bombings, as well as the humanitarian crisis caused by the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake.

Fall of Suharto[link]

Shops looted and goods burned on the streets in Jakarta, 14 May 1998.

The Reformasi (Reform) of 1998 led to changes in Indonesia's various governmental institutions, reforms upon the structures of the judiciary, legislature, and executive office. Generally the fall of Suharto in 1998 is traced from events starting in 1996, when forces opposed to the New Order began to rally around Megawati Sukarnoputri, head of the PDI and daughter of the founding president Sukarno. When Suharto attempted to have Megawati removed as head of this party in a back-room deal, student activists loyal to Megawati occupied the headquarters of PDI in Jakarta. This culminated in Black Saturday on July 27, when the Indonesian military broke up the demonstrations.

These actions, along with increasing concerns over human rights violations in Indonesian-occupied East Timor, began to unsettle Suharto's normally friendly relations with Western nations Australia, Great Britain, and the United States. These further worsened when the Asian financial crisis of 1997 reached Indonesia, highlighting the corruption of the New Order.

Economic instability from the crisis affected much of the country, in the form of increased prices for staple foods and goods, and lowered standards of living and quality of life. These touched off riots, many targeting ethnic Chinese-Indonesians; bolstered by the findings of Parliamentary and independent investigations, it is often theorized that these anti-Chinese riots were instigated or aided by the military to divert anger away from Suharto himself.^{[citation needed]}

In West Kalimantan there was communal violence between Dayaks and Madurese in 1996, 1999 and 2001, resulting in about 500 deaths.^[1][2][3]

Growing dissatisfaction with Suharto's authoritarian rule and the rapid erosion of the economy led many, chiefly the younger generation, to renew their protests directly against the New Order. During the years 1997-1998, a massive riot broke out in Indonesia. People were burning everything within the city including cars, motorcycles, buildings, and monuments in addition to pillaging and looting from stores. This was further worsened when many were killed and raped, most of which were Indonesians of Chinese descents. No action was taken by the army or the police. In 1998, Suharto made the decision to stand before the parliament for a re-election and won. The result was considered so outrageous that students occupied the Parliament. Suharto soon stood down from the presidency, and named Jusuf Habibie (of Suharto's own Golkar party) his successor. Considered the unseen power behind the throne, General Wiranto of the Chief of Staff over the military that was central to the New Order, is believed to have been behind the decision of Suharto to step down.^{[citation needed]}

Habibie presidency (1998–1999)[link]

Habibie takes the presidential oath of office on 21 May 1998.

On Suharto's resignation, Vice President Jusuf Habibie was sworn in as President of Indonesia. As President, Habibie undertook numerous political reforms.

In February 1999, Habibie's Government passed the Political Parties Law.^[4] Under this law, political parties were not limited to just three as had been the case under the Suharto regime. Political parties were also not required to have Pancasila as their ideology. This resulted in the emergence of many political parties and 48 would go on to compete in the 1999 Legislative Election.

In May 1999, Habibie's Government passed the Regional Autonomy Law.^[5] This law was the first step in decentralizing Indonesia's Government and in allowing Provinces to have more part in Governing their Province.

The Press became liberated under Habibie's Government although the Ministry of Information continued to exist.

Habibie also released political prisoners such as Sri Bintang Pamungkas, Muchtar Pakpahan, and Xanana Gusmão.

Habibie also presided over the 1999 legislative elections, the first free election since the 1955 Legislative Election. This election was supervised by the independent General Elections Commission (KPU) instead of an elections commission filled with government ministers as had been the case during the New Order.

In a move that surprised many, and angered some, Habibie called for a referendum on the future of East Timor. Subsequently, on August 30, the inhabitants of East Timor voted to break away from Indonesian rule and become an independent nation. The territorial loss to Indonesia harmed Habibie's popularity and political alliances.

Following Habibie's presidency, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri served as president. In 2004 Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono was elected President—a position he has held since. Yudhoyono's coalition, which brings together figures from the military, business community, and conservative Islam, has restabilized the office of the Presidency.^[6]

Wahid presidency (1999–2001)[link]

In 1999, Abdurrahman Wahid became President of Indonesia. His first Cabinet, dubbed the National Unity Cabinet, was a Coalition Cabinet which consisted of members of various political parties. PDI-P, PKB, Golkar, PPP, PAN, and Justice Party (PK). Non-partisans and the military were also represented in the Cabinet. Wahid then went on to make two administrative reforms. The first administrative reform was to abolish the Ministry of Information, the New Order's main weapon in controlling the media while the second administrative reform was to disband the Ministry of Welfare which had become corrupt and extortionist under the New Order.^[7]

Autonomy and tolerance toward dissent[link]

Wahid's plan in Aceh was to give it a referendum. However, this referendum would be to decide on various modes of autonomy rather than to decide on independence like in East Timor.^[8] Wahid also wanted to adopt a softer stance towards Aceh by having less military personnel on the ground. In March, Wahid's Government began to open negotiations with the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). Two months later, in May, the Government signed a memorandum of understanding with GAM to last until the beginning of 2001, by which time both signatories would have breached the agreement.^[9]

On 30 December, Wahid visited Jayapura the capital of Papua province (then known as "Irian Jaya"). During his visit, Wahid was successful in convincing West Papuan leaders that he was a force for change and even encouraged the use of the name Papua.^[10]

In September 2000, Wahid declared martial law in Maluku. By now, it was evident that Laskar Jihad were being assisted by members of the military and it was also apparent that they were financed by Fuad Bawazier, the last Minister of Finance to have served under Suharto.^{[citation needed]} During the same month, the West Papuans raised their Morning Star flag. Wahid's response was to allow the West Papuans to do this provided that the Morning Star flag was placed lower than the Indonesian flag ^[11] For this, he was severely criticized by Megawati and Akbar. On 24 December 2000, a series of bombings were directed against churches in Jakarta and in eight cities across Indonesia.

In March of that year, Wahid suggested that the 1966 Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS) resolution on the banning of Marxism-Leninism be lifted.^[12]

Relationship with the military[link]

When he ascended to the Presidency, one of Wahid's goals was to reform the military and to take it out of its dominant socio-political role. In this venture, Wahid found an ally in Agus Wirahadikusumah who he made Commander of Kostrad in March. In July, Agus began uncovering a scandal involving Dharma Putra, a foundation with affiliations to Kostrad. Through Megawati, military members began pressuring Wahid to remove Agus. Wahid gave in to the pressure but then planned to have Agus appointed as the Army Chief of Staff to which top military leaders responded by threatening to retire and Wahid once again bowed down to pressure.^[13]

Wahid's relationship with the military deteriorated even further when in July it was revealed that Laskar Jihad had arrived in Maluku and was being armed by the military. Laskar Jihad, a radical Islamic militia had earlier in the year planned to go to Maluku and assist Muslims there in their communal conflict with the Christians. Wahid had ordered military to block Laskar Jihad from going to Maluku, but nevertheless they still made it to Maluku and they were then being armed with what turned out to be military weapons.^[14]

Buloggate and Bruneigate[link]

2000 saw Wahid embroiled in two scandals which would damage his Presidency. In May, the State Logistics Agency (BULOG) reported that US$4 million was missing from its cash reserve. The missing cash was then attributed to Wahid's own masseur who had claimed that Wahid sent him to Bulog to collect the cash.^[15] Although the money was returned, Wahid's opponents took the chance of accusing him of being involved in the scandal and of being aware of what his masseur was up to. At the same time, Wahid was also accused of keeping US$2 million for himself. The money was a donation by the Sultan of Brunei to provide assistance in Aceh. However, Wahid failed to account for the money.

Impeachment[link]

By the end of 2000, there were many within the political elite who were disillusioned with Wahid. The most obvious person who showed this disillusion was Amien Rais who showed regret at supporting Wahid to the Presidency the previous year. Amien also attempted to rally opposition by encouraging Megawati and Akbar to flex their political muscles. Megawati surprisingly defended Wahid whilst Akbar preferred to wait for the 2004 Legislative Elections. At the end of November, 151 DPR members signed a petition calling for the impeachment of Wahid.^[16]

In January 2001, Wahid made the announcement that Chinese New Year was to become an optional holiday.^[17] Wahid followed this up in February by lifting the ban on the display of Chinese characters and the importing of Chinese publications. In February, Wahid visited Northern Africa as well as Saudi Arabia to undertake the hajj pilgrimage.^[18] Wahid made his last overseas visit in June 2001 when he visited Australia.

At meeting with university rectors on 27 January 2001, Wahid commented on the possibility of Indonesia descending into anarchy. Wahid then made the suggestion that he may be forced to dissolve the DPR if that happened.^[19] Although the meeting was off-the-record, it caused quite a stir and added to the fuel of the movement against him. On 1 February, the DPR met to issue a memorandum against Wahid. Two memorandums constitutes an MPR Special Session where the impeachment and removal of a President would be legal. The vote was overwhelmingly for the memorandum and PKB members could only walk out in protest. The memorandum caused widespread protests by NU members. In East Java, NU members went attacked Golkar's regional offices. In Jakarta, Wahid's opposition began accusing him of encouraging the protests. Wahid denied it and went to talk to the protesters at the town of Pasuruan, encouraging them to get off the streets.^[20] Nevertheless, NU protesters continued to show their support for Wahid and in April, made the announcement that they were ready to defend and die for the president.

In March, Wahid tried to counter the opposition by moving against dissidents within his own cabinet. Minister of Justice Yusril Ihza Mahendra was removed for making public his demands for the President's resignation while Minister of Forestry Nurmahmudi Ismail was also removed under the suspicion of chanelling his department's funds to Wahid's opposition. In response to this, Megawati began to distance herself and did not show up for the inauguration of the Ministers' replacement. On 30 April, the DPR issued a second memorandum and on the next day called for an MPR Special Session to be held on 1 August.

By July, Wahid grew desperate and ordered Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security to declare a State of Emergency. Yudhoyono refused and Wahid removed him from his position. Finally on 20 July, Amien declared that the MPR Special Session will be brought forward to 23 July. TNI, having had a bad relationship with Wahid through his tenure as President, stationed 40,000 troops in Jakarta and placed tanks with their turrets pointing at the Presidential Palace in a show of force.^[21] On 23 July, the MPR unanimously voted to impeach Wahid and to replace him with Megawati as President. Wahid continued to insist that he was the President and stayed for some days in the Presidential Palace but bowed down to reality and left the residence on 25 July to immediately fly overseas to America for health treatment.

Megawati presidency (2001–2004)[link]

Under Megawati Sukarnoputri, the process of democratic reform begun under Habibie and Wahid continued, albeit slowly and erratically. Megawati appeared to see her role mainly as a symbol of national unity, and she rarely actively intervened in government business. Under her tenure, the Kabinet Gotong Royong (Mutual Assistance Cabinet) helped govern the country. It included Megawati's successor, the retired General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The military, disgraced at the time of Suharto's fall, regained much of its influence. Corruption continued to be pervasive, though Megawati herself was seldom blamed for this.

Some Indonesian scholars explained Megawati's apparent passivity in office by reference to Javanese mythology. Megawati, they said, saw her father, Sukarno, as a "Good King" of Javanese legend. Suharto was the "Bad Prince" who had usurped the Good King's throne. Megawati was the Avenging Daughter who overthrew the Bad Prince and regained the Good King's throne. Once this had been achieved, they said, Megawati was content to reign as the Good Queen and leave the business of government to others^{[citation needed]}. Some prominent critics such as Benedict Anderson jokingly referred to the president as "Miniwati."^[22]

Although by 2004 Indonesia's economy had stabilized and partly recovered from the 1997 crisis, unemployment and poverty remained high. The Indonesian Constitution was amended to provide for the direct election of the President, and Megawati stood for a second term. She consistently trailed in the opinion polls, due in part to the preference for male candidates among Muslim voters, and in part due to what was widely seen as a mediocre performance in office. Despite a somewhat better than expected performance in the first round of the elections, in the second round she was defeated by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Yudhoyono presidency (2004–present)[link]

Two months after Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono assumed office, the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami struck in the province of Aceh and many other countries along the Indian Ocean coastline. Three months later, an aftershock of the earthquake which triggered the tsunami occurred in Nias Island. In 2006, Mount Merapi erupted and this was followed by an earthquake that struck Yogyakarta.

Indonesia also suffered a small outbreak of bird flu and endured the Sidoarjo mud flow. In 2007 severe floods struck Jakarta. Yudhoyono allowed Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso to open the Manggarai watergate with the risk of flooding the Presidential Palace.^[23]

On October 1, 2005, suicide bombings occurred on the island of Bali. The attacks bear the hallmarks of the militant Islamic group Jemaah Islamiah (JI) -- a group with links to Al-Qaeda—though the police investigation is ongoing. This group was also responsible for the 2002 Bali bombing. Yudhoyono condemned the attack, promising to "hunt down the perpetrators and bring them to justice.".^[24]

In 2005, the economic growth was 5.6%^[25] which decreased to 5.4% in 2006^[26] Inflation reached 17.11% in 2005^[27] but decreased to 6.6% in 2006.^[28]

Yudhoyono also allocated more funds in an effort to further decrease poverty. In 2004, 11 trillion rupiah was set aside, increasing to 23 trillion in 2005 and 42 trillion in 2006. For 2007, 51 trillion was allocated.^[29] In March 2005 and again in October 2005, Yudhoyono made the unpopular decision to cut fuel subsidies, leading to increases in fuel prices of 29% and 125% respectively.^[30] The poor were somewhat compensated by the Direct Cash Assistance (BLT), but the subsidy cutting damaged Yudhoyono's popularity. In May 2008, rising oil prices contributed to Yudhoyono's decision to again cut fuel subsidies, which were the subject of protests in May and June 2008.

In 2009, Yudhoyono was elected again in 2009 Presidential Election along with Boediono, former Governor of Bank Indonesia. They defeated 2 candidates: Megawati Soekarnoputri - Prabowo Subianto and incumbent vice president, Jusuf Kalla - Wiranto. Yudhoyono - Boediono win the election with more than 60% votes of nationwide in the first round.

Notes[link]

References[link]

• Barton, Greg (2002). Abdurrahman Wahid: Muslim Democrat, Indonesian President. Singapore: UNSW Press, p. 320. ISBN 0-86840-405-5, pages 290

Further reading[link]

• Chandra, Siddharth and Douglas Kammen. (2002). "Generating Reforms and Reforming Generations: Military Politics in Indonesia’s Transition to Democracy." World Politics, Vol. 55, No. 1.
• Dijk, Kees van. (2001). A country in despair. Indonesia between 1997 and 2000. KITLV Press, Leiden, ISBN 90-6718-160-9
• Kammen, Douglas and Siddharth Chandra. (1999). A Tour of Duty: Changing Patterns of Military Politics in Indonesia in the 1990s. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project No. 75.
• Bünte, Marco/Andreas Ufen: Democratization in Post-Suharto Indonesia, London: Routledge

Yang Berhormat Dato' Seri Anwar Ibrahim MP
Leader of the Opposition of Malaysia Leader of Pakatan Rakyat
Incumbent
Assumed office 28 August 2008
Monarch	Mizan Zainal Abidin Abdul Halim
Prime Minister	Abdullah Ahmad Badawi Najib Tun Razak
Preceded by	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
Member of the Malaysian Parliament for Permatang Pauh
Incumbent
Assumed office 28 August 2008
Preceded by	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
Majority	15,671
In office 29 March 1982 – 14 April 1999
Preceded by	Zabidi Ali
Succeeded by	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
7th Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia
In office 1 December 1993 – 2 September 1998
Monarch	Azlan Shah Tuanku Ja'afar
Prime Minister	Mahathir bin Mohamad
Preceded by	Ghafar Baba
Succeeded by	Abdullah Ahmad Badawi
Personal details
Born	(1947-08-10) 10 August 1947 (age 64) Cherok Tok Kun, Penang, Malayan Union
Political party	Parti Keadilan Rakyat – PR (2006–present) United Malays National Organisation – BN (1982–1998)
Spouse(s)	Wan Azizah Wan Ismail
Children	Nurul Izzah Anwar Ehsan Anwar Nurul Nuha Anwar 3 others
Alma mater	University of Malaya
Profession	Politician
Religion	Sunni Islam

Dato' Seri Anwar bin Ibrahim (born 10 August 1947) is a Malaysian politician who served as Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister from 1993 to 1998.

Early in his career, Anwar was a close ally of Prime Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad but subsequently emerged as the most prominent critic of Mahathir's government.

In 1999, he was sentenced to six years in prison for corruption, and in 2000, to another nine years for sodomy. In 2004, the Federal Court reversed the second conviction and he was released. In July 2008, he was arrested over allegations he sodomised one of his male aides, but was acquitted of the charge in January 2012.^[1]

On 26 August 2008, Anwar won re-election in the Permatang Pauh by-election and returned to Parliament as leader of the Malaysian opposition. He has stated the need for liberalisation, including an independent judiciary and free media, to combat the endemic corruption that he considers pushes Malaysia close to failed state status.^[2]

Early career[link]

From 1968 to 1971, as a student, Anwar was the president of a Muslim students organisation, Persatuan Kebangsaan Pelajar Islam Malaysia (PKPIM). Around the same time, he was also the president of Persatuan Bahasa Melayu Universiti Malaya (PBMUM). He was one of the protem committee of Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM) or Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia which was founded in 1971. He was also elected President of the Malaysian Youth Council or Majlis Belia Malaysia (MBM). In 1974, Anwar was arrested during student protests against rural poverty and hunger. This came as a report surfaced stating that a family died from starvation in a village in Baling, in the state of Kedah, despite the fact that it never happened. He was imprisoned under the Internal Security Act, which allows for detention without trial, and spent 20 months in the Kamunting Detention Centre.

In 1968–1971, he was first groomed in the National Union of Malaysian Muslim Students (Persatuan Kebangsaan Pelajar Islam Malaysia, PKPIM) as the president of the Union. In 1982, Anwar, who was the founding leader and second president of a youth Islamic organisation called Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM), shocked his liberal supporters by joining the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), led by Mahathir bin Mohamad, who had become prime minister in 1981. He moved up the political ranks quickly: his first ministerial office was that of Minister of Culture, Youth and Sports in 1983; after that, he headed the agriculture ministry in 1984 before becoming Minister of Education in 1986. By then, speculation was rife about Anwar's ascent to the Deputy Prime Minister's position as it was a commonly-occurring phenomenon in Malaysia for the Education Minister to assume the position of Deputy PM in the near future.

During his tenure as Education Minister, Anwar introduced numerous pro-Malay policies in the national school curriculum. One of his major changes was to rename the national language from Bahasa Malaysia to Bahasa Melayu. Non-Malays criticised this move as it would cause the younger generation to be detached from the national language, since they would attribute it to being something that belongs to the Malays and not to Malaysians.

U.S. Secretary of Defense William Cohen (right) meets with Anwar Ibrahim (left) in his Pentagon office.

In 1991 Anwar was appointed Minister of Finance. In 1993, he became Mahathir's Deputy Prime Minister after winning the Deputy Presidency of UMNO against Ghafar Baba. There is report on Anwar using large cash payments to win support. Anwar is alleged to have resorted to money politics to secure his position as deputy president of UMNO. Anwar's followers were witnessed by even foreign journalists handing out packets of money to acquire support of UMNO division leaders. These followers are said to be working under Anwar's instructions.^[3] Anwar was being groomed to succeed Mahathir as prime minister, and frequently alluded in public to his "son-father" relationship with Mahathir; in early 1997, Mahathir appointed Anwar to be acting Prime Minister while he took a two-month holiday.

Towards the end of the 1990s, however, the relationship with Mahathir had begun to deteriorate, triggered by their conflicting views on governance. In Mahathir's absence, Anwar had independently taken radical steps to improve the country's governing mechanisms which were in direct conflict with Mahathir's capitalist policies. Issues such as how Malaysia would respond to a financial crisis were often at the forefront of this conflict.

Anwar's frontal attack against what he described as the widespread culture of nepotism and cronyism within UMNO (and the ruling coalition as a whole) angered Mahathir, as did his attempts to dismantle the protectionist policies that Mahathir had set up. "Cronyism" was identified by Anwar as a major cause of corruption and misappropriation of funds in the country.

Teaching and non-profit work[link]

Since his release from prison, Anwar has held teaching positions at St Antony's College, Oxford, where he was a visiting fellow and senior associate member, at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies in Washington DC as a Distinguished Senior Visiting Fellow, and in 2005–2006 as a visiting professor at the Prince Alwaleed Center for Muslim–Christian Understanding in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, where he continues as a Senior Fellow.^[4] In March 2006 he was appointed as Honorary President of the London-based organisation AccountAbility (Institute of Social and Ethical AccountAbility).^[5]

In July 2006, Anwar was elected Chair of the Washington-based Foundation For the Future.^[6] In this capacity, he signed the 1 October 2006 letter to Robin Cleveland of the World Bank, requesting the transfer of the secondment of Shaha Riza from the US Department of State to the Foundation for the Future. This transaction led to Paul Wolfowitz's resignation as president of the organisation.^[7] He was one of the signatories of A Common Word Between Us and You in 2007, an open letter by Islamic scholars to Christian leaders, calling for peace and understanding.

Financial crisis and fall from power[link]

During the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis Anwar, as finance minister, supported the International Monetary Fund (IMF) plan for recovery. He also instituted an austerity package that cut government spending by 18%, cut ministerial salaries and deferred major projects. "Mega projects", despite being a cornerstone of Mahathir's development strategy, were greatly curtailed.

Although many Malaysian companies faced bankruptcy, Anwar declared: "There is no question of any bailout. The banks will be allowed to protect themselves and the government will not interfere." Anwar advocated a free-market approach to the crisis, including foreign investment and trade liberalisation. Mahathir blamed currency speculators like George Soros and supported currency controls and tighter regulation of foreign investment.^[8]

In 1998 Newsweek magazine named Anwar the "Asian of the Year". However, in that year, matters between Anwar and Mahathir came to a head around the time of the quadrennial UMNO General Assembly. The Youth wing of UMNO, headed by Anwar's associate Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, gave notice that it would initiate a debate on "cronyism and nepotism". At the General Assembly, a book, 50 Dalil Kenapa Anwar Tidak Boleh Jadi PM ("50 Reasons Why Anwar Cannot Become Prime Minister") was circulated containing graphic allegations as well as accusations of corruption against Anwar. The book was written by Khalid Jafri, an ex-editor of the government-controlled newspaper Utusan Malaysia and former editor-in-chief of a failed magazine, Harian National. Anwar obtained a court injunction to prevent further distribution of the book and filed a lawsuit against the author for defamation. Police charged the author of the book with malicious publishing of false news.^[9] Among the allegations in the book was that Anwar is homosexual. The police were instructed to investigate the veracity of the claims. In what the Sydney Morning Herald termed a "blatantly political fix-up",^[10] Anwar was charged with sodomy and corruption and was convicted of both and given a 15-year prison sentence.

While he was in police custody in 1998, Anwar was beaten by the then Inspector General of Police, Rahim Noor. Rahim was subsequently found guilty of assault and jailed for two months in 2000. He made a public apology to Anwar and paid undisclosed damages.^[11]

In 1999, Anwar brought suit against Prime Minister Mahathir for defamation for allegedly uttering accusations of immoral acts and calling Anwar a homosexual at a news conference in Malaysia.^[12]

Release from prison[link]

The sodomy verdict was partially overturned in 2004, resulting in Anwar's release from prison as he had already served his sentence for the corruption offence.^[13] The original author of the book died in 2005 of complications from diabetes but not before the High Court found that he had committed libel and awarded Anwar millions of ringgit in compensation.^[14] The Federal Court on 8 March 2010 ruled that the 1998 dismissal of Anwar from his Cabinet posts by Mahathir was constitutional and valid, meaning Anwar had failed in his bid to challenge his sacking.^[15][16][17]

Although the point was by now moot, an appeal on the corruption charges was heard on 6 September 2004. Under Malaysian law a person is banned from political activities for five years after the end of his sentence. Success in this appeal would have allowed him to return to politics immediately. On 7 September, the court agreed to hear Anwar's appeal. However, on 15 September, the of Court of Appeal ruled unanimously that its previous decision to uphold a High Court ruling that found Anwar guilty was in order, relegating Anwar to the sidelines of Malaysian politics until 14 April 2008. The only way for Anwar to be freed from this stricture would have been for him to receive a pardon from the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

Return to politics[link]

In November 2006, Anwar announced he planned to run for Parliament in 2008, after his disqualification expired. Anwar has been critical of government policies since his release from prison, most notably of the controversial New Economic Policy (NEP), which provides affirmative action for the Bumiputras. The policy sets a number of quotas, such as for units of housing and initial public offerings, that must be met.^[18]

Before he became re-entitled to run for Parliament in 2008, he acted as an "advisor" of Parti Keadilan Rakyat, the party of which his wife Dr. Wan Azizah is president. He was in the forefront in organising a November 2007 mass rally, called the 2007 Bersih Rally, which took place in the Dataran Merdeka Kuala Lumpur to demand clean and fair elections. The gathering was organised by BERSIH, a coalition comprising political parties and civil society groups, and drew supporters from all over the country.

The 2008 election date, however, was set for 8 March 2008, sparking criticisms that Barisan Nasional called for early elections in a bid to deny Anwar's plans for a return to Parliament. In response, Anwar's wife, Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, declared that she would step down should she retain her Permatang Pauh parliamentary seat to force a by-election in which Anwar himself would contest.^[19]

The 'Big Three Of Pakatan Rakyat'. (From left: Lim, Anwar, Abdul Hadi)

When asked about the possibility of Anwar becoming the next Prime Minister, former leader Tun Dr. Mahathir reacted by saying, "He would make a good Prime Minister of Israel".^[20]

On 14 April 2008, Anwar celebrated his official return to the political stage, as his ban from public office expired a decade after he was fired as Deputy Prime Minister. One of the main reasons the opposition seized a third of parliamentary seats and five states in the worst ever showing for the Barisan Nasional coalition that has ruled for half a century, was due to him leading at the helm.^[21] A gathering of more than 1,000 supporters greeted Anwar in a rally welcoming his return to politics. Police interrupted Anwar after he had addressed the rally for nearly two hours and called for him to stop the gathering since there was no legal permission for the rally.^[22]

On 29 April 2008, after 10 years of absence, he returned to the Parliament, albeit upon invitation as a spouse guest of Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, People's Justice Party and the first female opposition leader in Malaysian Parliament's history.^[23]

Permatang Pauh by-election[link]

Anwar Ibrahim was victorious in the Permatang Pauh by-election held on 26 August 2008. Muhammad Muhammad Taib, information chief of the UMNO, stated: "Yes of course we have lost . . . we were the underdogs going into this race."^[24] Anwar won by a large majority against Arif Shah Omar Shah of the Barisan Nasional coalition, according to Election Commission officials.^[25] Reuters reported "Anwar Ibrahim has won with a majority of 16,210 votes"; according to news website Malaysiakini, Anwar won 26,646 votes, while the government's Arif Omar won 10,436 votes.^[26] People's Justice Party spokeswoman Ginie Lim told the BBC: "We won already. We are far ahead."^[27]

Final results announced by the Election Commission revealed that Anwar Ibrahim won 31,195 of the estimated 47,000 votes cast in the district, while Arif Shah Omar Shah received 15,524 votes and a third candidate had 92 votes.^[28][29]

On 28 August 2008, Anwar, dressed in a dark blue traditional Malay outfit and black "songkok" hat, took the oath at the main chamber of Parliament house in Kuala Lumpur, as MP for Permatang Pauh at 10.03 am before Speaker Tan Sri Pandikar Amin Mulia. He formally declared Anwar the leader of the 3-party opposition alliance. With his daughter Nurul Izzah Anwar, also a parliamentarian, Anwar announced: "I'm glad to be back after a decade. The prime minister has lost the mandate of the country and the nation."^[30][31] At that time Anwar needed 30 government lawmakers to defect to the Opposition in order to form the next government.^[32][33][34]

Member of Parliament[link]

Anwar Ibrahim speaks at an election campaign

Petition against Najib Razak[link]

Anwar continued to attack Najib first day as prime minister, stating he found inconsistencies in the latter's decision to release 13 Internal Security Act detainees. He said as long as the ISA existed, Barisan Nasional could still detain citizens at will.^[35]

Struggle to assemble a majority coalition[link]

Anwar has already missed several deadlines he himself set for the transfer of power, each of which came and went: the most recent was Tuesday 16 September 2008.^[36] Anwar said he would need more time, and the recalibration of his message has not gone unnoticed: Deputy Prime Minister Najib Razak chose that day to initiate a broadband internet program Anwar opposes, saying that he had not doubted that the government would still be in office on 16 September.^[37] Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi too pointed out that Anwar had missed his own deadline, and dismissed his claim to have secured the defection of 30 MPs.^[38]

By 25 September Anwar had still not amassed enough votes, creating doubts for Malaysians about whether he was really ready to take power,^[39] particularly in light of his failure to meet his own 16 September deadline for the transition of power. In the interim, UMNO had its own party meeting^[40][41] to broker Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi's step down from power in June 2009, a year earlier than previously promised^[42]

On 24 October 2008, Anwar admitted problems with his stalled bid to topple the UMNO's majority, saying that Pakatan Rakyat is running out of options to create a majority.^[43] His "credibility among ordinary Malaysians has been somewhat dented after Sept 16 and the new promise of forming the Government has not generated the sort of anticipation or excitement as before."^[44] Media within the country have taken an increasingly hostile view towards Anwar's protestations and failed threats to assemble a majority government.^[45]

On 30 March 2010, Anwar Ibrahim alleged in the Dewan Rakyat the 1Malaysia was mirrored after “One Israel” concept and designed by Mindteams Sdn Bhd, a branch in Malaysia of Apco Worldwide, an international public relations company engaged by the Malaysian government that also created the One Israel concept in 1999 for then Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak.^[46] Barisan Nasional government has claimed it was false and its lawmakers have tabled a motion to censure Anwar for misleading the Parliament over his 1Malaysia-One Israel allegations which was passed by the Parliament on 22 April 2010.^[47]

2008 allegations of sodomy[link]

­­

On 29 June 2008, online news portal Malaysiakini reported that an aide of Anwar Ibrahim had lodged a police report claiming that he had been sodomised by Anwar.^[48] Anwar said that the possibility of a prison sentence as a result of the allegations could be seen as an attempt to remove him from the leadership of the opposition following his growing support and by-election victories. He also reaffirmed his innocence and cited evidence in the form of medical reports.^[2] Anwar was found not guilty on 9 January 2012, almost two years after the trial started. The presiding judge Justice Mohamad Zabidin Mohd Diah found that the DNA evidence submitted by the prosecution was unreliable, and acquitted Anwar.^[49] Eleven days later, the prosecution filed an appeal against the acquittal.^[50]

Hidden sex tape allegation[link]

On 21 March 2011 a sex video appeared which claimed to feature Anwar Ibrahim. A day after that, Anwar Ibrahim denied his involvement in the incident and filed a police complaint.^[51] The police are currently conducting investigations against a trio of men dubbed the Datuk T trio, who screened the sex video in the first place. They are former Malacca chief minister Tan Sri Abdul Rahim Thamby Chik, businessman Datuk Shazryl Eskay Abdullah and former Perkasa treasurer Datuk Shuaib Lazim.^[52][53]

Salahuddin Ayub vice president of the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party ruled out suspending ties with Pakatan Rakyat stating that,"Everything is wrong about the whole scandal. The way the video was revealed was wrong and watching it is wrong. Islam does not accept this,".^[54] However the chief of PAS's Ulama council has stated that if the video is authentic they would consider reviewing ties with PKR.^[54] Lim Kit Siang, head of the Democratic Action Party stated that the Barisan Nasional reached "new depths in character assassination" and that the scandal was manufactured just in time for the Sarawak Elections.^[54] Chairman of UMNO's youth wing, Khairy Jamaluddin stated that the Barisan National never said that it was Anwar in the video, and that it was odd that the opposition automatically took a defensive attitude.^[55] Barisan Nasional MP, Abdul Rahman Dahlan stated that the matter should remain personal, and not be used for political purposes.^[55] On 4 April, part of the sex clip with a running time of nearly two minutes, was leaked online on anti-PKR blogsites and YouTube. A second part of the sex video was released on YouTube and a pro-UMNO blog website.^[56][57] The police and the government have been criticised for their slow response by the opposition in prosecuting the culprits who showed the sex video.

Remarks on Israel, APCO and 1Malaysia[link]

Anwar has made numerous remarks about a supposed conspiracy among the Malaysian government, APCO (a public relations firm retained by the Malaysian government), Israel, and the United States. Anwar has condemned the Malaysian government for seeking advice from APCO. He claims that the firm is linked to the “murder of Muslims in Palestine.” He further claims to have given proof that APCO is a front for the Israeli government to a disciplinary committee of the Malaysian parliament investigating his comments. On another occasion, Anwar, speaking from the parliament, claimed that the firm was controlled by Jews and working on behalf of the American government to influence Malaysian foreign policy. He further implied that changes in Malaysian foreign policy could only be explained if Jews were manipulating Malaysia for the United States.^[58]

On 22 April 2010 Anwar was censured by Malaysia's parliament for remarks he made during a press conference in parliament on 30 March 2010. During the press conference, Anwar claimed to have documents linking 1Malaysia, One Israel, and the public relations firm APCO but refused to allow access to the documents when challenged^[46] The Malaysian government and APCO have both strongly denied Anwar's allegations. The censure motion passed by the House of Representatives referred Anwar's case to the Rights and Privileges Committee which will recommend a punishment for approval by the full chamber. Such punishment could include being banned from parliament.^[47][59][60] However Anwar retaliated against the Malaysian government attacks by producing the two documents to back up his statements and refute the government's denials of links between APCO and 1Malaysia.^[59][60]

In a press conference at the London School of Economics Anwar made comments about Zionists and "nasty Jews". In the press conference he also stated that, "There are good Jews, there are bad Jews, there are good Muslims and bad Muslims."^[61]

In May 2010, B'nai B'rith International, a prominent Jewish human rights organisation condemned Anwar in a letter to the United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, claiming that Anwar was a "purveyor of anti-Jewish hatred" and asked the American government to suspend all contact with Anwar.^[62]

In Malaysia, Anwar has often been mocked for having "Jewish friends." Najib's mentor and predecessor, Mahathir, even went so far as to say Anwar "would make a good prime minister for Israel." In return, Anwar seized Najib's hiring of APCO as a chance to issue inflammatory remarks on the firm's supposed ties to Israel.

2012 Security Comments[link]

In an interview with the Wall Street Journal, Anwar Ibrahim stated, "I think our policy should be clear--protect the security [of Israel] but you must be as firm in protecting the legitimate interests of the Palestinians."^{[citation needed]}

This comment sparked an array of criticism from Malaysia's ruling party, UMNO. UMNO member of parliament, Khairy Jamaluddin, stated that Anwar's comments "show a blanket support for anything Israel does" and that "The issue of Palestine is a top foreign policy priority for my party, it would be an issue during the election year or otherwise ... timing doesn’t matter.".^[63]

Former Prime Minister Mohammad said he was not surprised by Anwar's comments, and stated with regard to Ibrahim's relationship with the Jewish community, "You can't be friendly with them and against them".^[64]

The opposition party PAS stated that it would respond to Anwar's comments on February 12.^[65]

In response, Anwar stated, "I am issuing a stern warning to anyone trying to twist my statement just so that they can say that I have betrayed the aspirations of the Palestinian people" and that his party's stance is "is to defend the rights of whoever it is that has been victimized".^[66]

Personal life[link]

Anwar was born in Cherok Tok Kun, a village on the mainland side of the northern Malaysian state of Penang, to a local hospital porter, Ibrahim Abdul Rahman (later to join politics and retire as Parliamentary Secretary in the Ministry of Health) and Che Yan, a housewife (and later UMNO politician). He undertook his secondary education at the Malay College Kuala Kangsar. He was educated at the University of Malaya, where he read Malay Studies.

He is married to Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail and they have four daughters and a son. His eldest daughter, Nurul Izzah Anwar, is also a member of Parliament.

Publications and speeches[link]

Articles

• "Radical Islam in Southeast Asia" (password required) Far Eastern Economic Review, November 2006, 60th Anniversary Issue. Published in Arabic^[67][68][69] and in al-Bayane al-Youm (Morocco) on 1 January 2007.
• "Accountability and the Future of Freedom" Islamica Magazine, Issue No. 16, Winter 2006.
• "Universal Values and Muslim Democracy" Journal of Democracy, July 2005. Published in Arabic^{[70][71][72][73][74][75]}
• "Political Accountability and the Moral Imperative" Accountability Forum, Issue 7, Fall 2005
• "On Shah Wali Allah's Socio-Political Thought and Ibn Hazm's Kitab al-Fasl fi al-Milal wa al-Ahwa' wa al-Nihal." In Islamic Studies, Vol. 43, No. 2, 371–377.
• "The Quest for Social Justice" Global Agenda Magazine, January 2005

Op-ed

• "A Test for the West in Turkey" Washington Post, 6 July 2007, A15. Published in Arabic^{[76][77][78][79][80]}
• "Seeing the Bigger Picture". Accountability. 21 December 22, 2006. Published in Arabic^[81][82]
• "Malaysian Mudslinging" Wall Street Journal, 3 October 2006
• "Cultivating the Seeds of Democracy" Los Angeles Times, 25 March 2006
• "Whither East Asia" Wall Street Journal, 15 December 2005
• "Destructive Engagement" Asian Wall Street Journal, 15 June 2005^[83]
• "Democratic Contagion Hits ASEAN Countries" New Perspectives Quarterly, Spring 2005
• "A passion for freedom" The World in 2004, The Economist
• "Who Hijacked Islam?" Time 8 October 2001

Speeches

• "Anwar Ibrahim on Egypt and Tunisia" Asia Society, 8 February 2011, New York City
• "The Central Role of Governance and Accountability in Achieving Development Goals in the 21st century" Inter-American Development Bank Forum on the Americas, 7 December 2006, Washington DC.
• “The Challenges of Islam and Democracy” University of Chicago, 8 November 2006.
• "Democracy and the Muslim World" Stanford University, 11 October 2006.
• "Democracy, Human Rights, and the Destiny of Southeast Asia" Severyns-Ravenholt Lecture at the University of Washington, 10 October 2006
• "Islam & Democracy" Center for Democratic Institutions Annual Address, Canberra, Australia, 20 July 2006.
• "Between Tyranny and Freedom: A Brief Voyage with the Bard" World Shakespeare Congress, Brisbane, Australia, 19 July 2006^[84]
• "Accountability and the Future of Freedom" Presidential Fellows Lecture at the World Bank in Washington DC 19 June 2006
• "Islam and Democracy" Keynote address at World Movement for Democracy Fourth Assembly, Istanbul, Turkey, 2 April 2006
• "Freedom or Sharia" Columbia University, 30 January 2006
• "The Future of Muslim Democracy" 1 December 2005
• "The Challenges of Islam and Democracy" Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University, 7 November 2005
• "The United States and the Muslim World" Asia Society Keynote Address delivered at SAIS in Washington DC, 18 April 2005
• "Between Force and Persuasion" Keynote Address at Inaugural Session of the Conference "Inter-Civilisational Dialogue in a Globalising World", New Delhi, India, 8 April 2005
• Anwar Ibrahim's speeches from 1990s posted at The Institute for Policy Research
• UNESCO General Council On the occasion of Anwar Ibrahim's election to the presidency of the 25th Session, Paris, 17 October 1989

Media and news[link]

Interviews

• "Interview with Anwar Ibrahim" The Diplomat, 9 September 2009
• "A Talk with Malaysia's Anwar Ibrahim" BusinessWeek, 10 April 2007.
• "Anwar’s ‘new’ agenda" The Star, 8 April 2007.
• "Malaysian Pledges to Defy Ban on His Return to Politics" Washington Post, Page A14, 5 April 2007.
• "Anwar Ibrahim: An Optimist of Freedom and Democracy" The Jakarta Post, 31 January 2007.
• "Islam and Democracy" A discussion with Saad el-Din Ibrahim" "One-on-One" hosted by Riz Khan, Al-Jazeera English, 30 November 2006
• Bloomberg News Interview with Kathleen Hayes Bloomberg TV, 29 November 2006
• "Saying no to corruption" Fortune Magazine, 23 October 2006
• "Anwar returns: the public reinvention of Malaysia's former deputy PM" Radio Free Australia, 24 July 2006
• "Anwar bin Ibrahim's political rollercoaster"] Worldview Magazine, Summer 2006, Issue 42.
• "Islam in Southeast Asia" Interview by Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life, 7 April 2006
• Foreign Exchange interview hosted by Fareed Zakaria (Scroll to middle of page for transcript) 4 November 2005
• Interview with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty From the "Forum 2000" Meeting in Prague, 11 October 2005
• "HardTALK" with Stephen Sackur, 2005

Articles

• "Democracy for Muslims?" The Stanford Daily, 12 October 2006
• "Anwar's return" The Economist, 24 August 2006
• "An ode to democracy delivered by Anwar Ibrahim" UQ News Online, 27 July 2006
• "Anwar Ibrahim a possible candidate for UN Secretary-General" ABC News, 19 July 2006
• "Anwar Ibrahim on comeback trail" Al-Jazeera English, 28 November 2005
• "Voice of moderate Islam wins support" The Sunday Times, 2 October 2005
• "Anwar Ibrahim asked to apply for top UN job" Sydney Morning Herald 28 June 2006
• "An Unlikely but Eager Voice Between Islam and the West" Washington Post 2 September 2005
• Asean News Network 22 September 2004 Malaysia's Ruling Party Members Urged to Shun Anwar Ibrahim.
• "Anwar Ibrahim free at last" Economist.com Global Agenda Magazine, 7 September 2004
• "Anwar Ibrahim's long shadow" The Economist, 3 April 2003

References[link]

Other references[link]

• Kamarudin, Raja Petra (7 November 2005). "The stuff politicians are made of". Malaysia Today. Archived from the original on 23 January 2008. http://web.archive.org/web/20080123213754/http://www.malaysia-today.net/MMblues/2005/11/stuff-politicians-are-made-of.htm. Retrieved 17 July 2008. 
• Kamarudin, Raja Petra (9 November 2005). "The Anwar Factor". Malaysia Today. http://web.archive.org/web/20071215090700/http://www.malaysia-today.net/loonyMY/2005/11/anwar-factor.htm. Retrieved 17 July 2008. 
• Yeoh, Oon (6 December 2005). "The return of Anwar Ibrahim". Malaysia Today. Archived from the original on 5 June 2008. http://web.archive.org/web/20080605075437/http://www.malaysia-today.net/Blog-e/2005/12/return-of-anwar-ibrahim.htm. Retrieved 17 July 2008. 

• Shari, Izatun (30 June 2008). "Najib denies involvement in Anwar sodomy allegation". The Star. http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2008/6/30/nation/20080630150522&sec=nation. Retrieved 17 July 2008. 

• "Anwar challenges PM and DPM to debate on fuel prices". The Star. 6 June 2008. http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2008/7/6/nation/20080706233209&sec=nation. Retrieved 17 July 2008. 

External links[link]

• Profile: Anwar Ibrahim

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Anwar Ibrahim

• Interview with Anwar Ibrahim: "We Face a Deficit of Democracy in Malaysia"

Home pages[link]

• Anwar Ibrahim Home Page
• Anwar Ibrahim Blog

Affiliations and appointments[link]

• Senior Fellow in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University,Washington D.C.
• Honorary President, AccountAbility

v t e Deputy Prime Ministers of Malaysia Abdul Razak Ismail Abdul Rahman Hussein Onn Mahathir Mohamad Musa Hitam Ghafar Baba Anwar Ibrahim Abdullah Badawi Najib Tun Razak Muhyiddin Yassin

This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (March 2010)

Mark David Danner (born November 10, 1958) is a prominent American writer, journalist, and educator. He is a former staff writer for The New Yorker and frequent contributor to The New York Review of Books. Danner specializes in U.S. foreign affairs, war and politics, and has written extensively on Haiti, Central America, the former Yugoslavia, and the Middle East. In 1999, he was named a MacArthur Fellow.^[1]

He is currently serving as a professor at the UC Berkeley Graduate School of Journalism.^[2]

Background and education[link]

Danner was born at Utica, New York. He attended Utica Free Academy, a public high school, and then Harvard, where he graduated, magna cum laude, with a degree in modern literature and aesthetics in 1981.^[3]

Career[link]

Early years[link]

After leaving Harvard, Danner joined the staff of The New York Review of Books, where he worked as an assistant to editor Robert B. Silvers from 1981 to 1984.^[4] In 1984, he moved to Harper's Magazine as a senior editor. In 1986, he joined The New York Times Magazine, where he specialized in foreign affairs and politics, writing pieces about nuclear weapons and about the fall of the Duvalier dictatorship in Haiti, among other stories.

[edit] The New Yorker and El Mozote

In 1990, Danner joined the staff of The New Yorker shortly after the magazine published his three-part series on Haiti, "A Reporter at Large: Beyond the Mountains".

On December 6, 1993, for only the second time in its history, The New Yorker devoted its entire issue to one article, Danner's piece, "The Truth of El Mozote", an investigation into the El Mozote massacre in El Salvador, thought to be the worst atrocity in modern Latin American history. The Mozote article became the basis for Danner's first book, The Massacre at El Mozote: A Parable of the Cold War, which was published in 1994. The New York Times Book Review recognized The Massacre at El Mozote as one of its "Notable Books of the Year."^[5]

[edit] The Balkans and The New York Review of Books

During the mid-1990s Danner began reporting on the wars in the Balkans, writing a series of eleven extended articles for The New York Review of Books, which began with Danner's cover piece, "The US and the Yugoslav Catastrophe" (November 20, 1997) and concluded with "Kosovo: The Meaning of Victory", (July 15, 1999).

His 16,000-word essay, "Marooned in the Cold War: America, the Alliance and the Quest for a Vanished World," which appeared in World Policy Journal (Fall 1997) provoked a prolonged exchange of letters and responses from Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke, Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott, Congressman Lee H. Hamilton, and Ambassador George F. Kennan.

Iraq and the War on Terror[link]

Danner began writing about the war on terror soon after September 11, 2001, publishing ""The Battlefield in the American Mind" in the New York Times in October of that year. He began speaking out against invading Iraq, notably in a series of debates with Christopher Hitchens, Leon Wieseltier, Michael Ignatieff, David Frum, William Kristol and others.^[6] He reported from Iraq for The New York Review of Books in a series of lengthy dispatches including "Iraq: How Not to Win a War"(September 25, 2003), "Delusions in Baghdad" (February 12, 2004), and ""The War of the Imagination" (December 21, 2006).

In May 2005 Danner wrote an essay for The New York Review accompanying the first American publication of the so-called "Downing Street Memo", the leaked minutes of a July 2002 meeting the minutes of a July 2002 meeting of high-level British officials confirmed that when it came to the debate over whether to go to war in Iraq, "the intelligence and facts were being fixed around the policy," and that the invasion of Iraq was in fact a foregone conclusion. The essay provoked a number of responses and led to two subsequent essays, all of which were collected, along with relevant documents and a preface by New York Times columnist Frank Rich, 2006 in The Secret Way to War: the Downing Street Memo and the Iraq War's Buried History.

Torture and Abu Ghraib[link]

Beginning in the spring of 2004, he wrote a series of essays for The New York Review on the emerging torture scandal that came to be known as Abu Ghraib. In October 2004, he collected these essays and gathered them, together with a series of government documents and reports, into his book, Torture and Truth: America, Abu Ghraib and the War on Terror.

In March 2009, Danner published an essay in The New York Review,' "US Torture: Voices from the Black Sites", which revealed the contents of a secret International Committee of the Red Cross report based on testimony from "high-value detainees" in the "War on Terror," who had been captured, held, and interrogated at secret US prisons—the so-called "black sites". Shortly thereafter, he published a second essay, "The Red Cross Report: What it Means' and released the full text of the report on The New York Review website. Weeks later, President Obama ordered released four Justice Department memos in which the Bush administration purported "to legalize torture." Senior Obama officials claimed that the memos' release was prompted by the Red Cross Report.^[7]

Other works[link]

Books[link]

In addition to The Massacre at El Mozote (1994), Torture and Truth (2004), and The Secret Way to War (2006), Danner is also the author of The Road to Illegitimacy: One Reporter's Travels through the 2000 Florida Recount (2003) and Stripping Bare the Body: Politics Violence War (2009).

Television and Commentary[link]

Danner co-wrote and helped produce two hour-long television documentaries for ABC News' Peter Jennings Reporting series: "While America Watched: The Bosnian Tragedy" and "House on Fire: America's Haitian Crisis", which both aired in 1994. As commentator, Danner has appeared on The Charlie Rose Show, The MacNeil-Lehrer NewsHour and Bill Moyers Journal on PBS, CNN's Prime News, Situation Room, and Anderson Cooper 360 ABC's World News Now, C-Span's Morning Show, and The Rachel Maddow Show on MSNBC.

Academic career[link]

In 2000 Danner became Professor of Journalism at the University of California, Berkeley. In 2002 he also accepted a Henry R. Luce professorship in Human Rights and Journalism at Bard College, where, in 2006, he was named the James Clarke Chace Professor of Foreign Affairs, Politics and the Humanities. At Berkeley, where he is now Chancellor's Professor of Journalism and Politics, he teaches on foreign affairs, politics, and literature, including on war and revolution, crisis management, Chekhov, and Dostoevsky. At Bard he conducts seminars on politics and literature, including on torture, utopia, Faust, the picaresque, and the politics of the War on Terror.^[8] In April 2010, Danner delivered the Tanner Lectures on Human Values at Stanford, entitled "Torture and the Forever War: Living in the State of Exception."^[9]

Honors and awards[link]

Danner’s work has been honored with a National Magazine Award, three Overseas Press Awards, and an Emmy. In 1999, he was named a MacArthur Fellow. In 2006 he was awarded the Carey McWilliams Award to honor that year's "major journalistic contribution to our understanding of politics."^[10] In 2008 and 2010 he was named the Marian and Andrew Heiskell Visiting Critic at the American Academy in Rome.

Bibliography[link]

Books

Essays

Lectures and Interviews

Anthologies and Introductions