It has been suggested that Tabloid journalism be merged into this article or section. (Discuss) Proposed since July 2011.

British tabloids, July 5, 2011

A tabloid is a newspaper with compact page size smaller than broadsheet, although there is no standard for the precise dimensions of the tabloid newspaper format. The term "tabloid journalism", which tends to emphasize topics such as sensational crime stories, astrology, celebrity gossip and TV is commonly associated with tabloid sized newspapers, though some respected newspapers such as The Independent are in tabloid format, and in the United Kingdom the size is used by nearly all local newspapers. In the United States, it is commonly the format employed by alternative newspapers. As the term tabloid has now become linked to stories about crime and scandal,^{[where?][dubious – discuss]} some small-format papers which claim a higher standard of journalism refer to themselves as compact newspapers instead.

The tabloid newspaper format is particularly popular in the United Kingdom, where its page dimensions are roughly 430 × 280 mm (16.9 in × 11.0 in).

Larger newspapers, traditionally associated with higher-quality journalism, are often called broadsheets, and this designation often remains in common usage even if the newspaper moves to printing on smaller pages, as many have in recent years. Thus the terms tabloid and broadsheet are, in non-technical usage, today more descriptive of a newspaper's market position than its physical size.

The Berliner format used by many prominent European newspapers is sized between the tabloid and the broadsheet. In a newspaper context, the term Berliner is generally used only to describe size, not to refer to other qualities of the publication.

History[link]

The word "tabloid" comes from the name given by the London based pharmaceutical company Burroughs Wellcome & Co. to the compressed tablets they marketed as "Tabloid" pills in the late 1880s.^[1] Prior to compressed tablets, medicine was usually taken in bulkier powder form. While Burroughs Wellcome & Co. were not the first to derive the technology to make compressed tablets, they were the most successful at marketing them, hence the popularity of the term 'tabloid' in popular culture. The connotation of tabloid was soon applied to other small items, such as the Sopwith Tabloid aeroplane, and to the "compressed" journalism that condensed stories into a simplified, easily-absorbed format. The label of "tabloid journalism" (1901) preceded the smaller sheet newspapers that contained it (1918).

Dimensions[link]

A tabloid is defined as "roughly 17 by 11 inches (432 by 279 mm)" and commonly "half the size of a broadsheet"; confusion can arise because "many broadsheets measure roughly 29+¹⁄₂ by 23+¹⁄₂ inches (749 by 597 mm)", half of which is roughly 15 × 12 in (381 × 305 mm) not 17 × 11 in (432 × 279 mm).^{[citation needed]}

Types[link]

This unreferenced section requires citations to ensure verifiability.

Tabloid newspapers, especially in the United Kingdom, boast a very high degree of variation inasmuch as target market, political alignment, editorial style, and circulation are concerned. Thus, various terms have been coined to describe the subtypes of this versatile paper format. There are, broadly, two main types of tabloid newspaper: red top and compact. The distinction is largely of editorial style; both red top and compact tabloids span the width of the political spectrum from socialism to capitalist conservatism. Red top tabloids are so named due to their tendency, in British and Commonwealth usage, to have their mastheads printed in red ink; the term compact was coined to avoid the connotation of the word tabloid, which implies a red top tabloid, and has lent its name to tabloid journalism, which is journalism after the fashion of red top reporters.

Red top tabloids[link]

The red top tabloid is, for many, the prototypical example of the format; the ubiquity of this editorial style among newspapers of the tabloid format has made it persist in the minds of the public. Red top tabloids, named after their distinguishing red mastheads, employ a form of writing known as tabloid journalism; this style emphasises features such as sensational crime stories, astrology, gossip columns about the personal lives of celebrities and sports stars, and junk food news. Celebrity gossip columns which appear in red top tabloids and focus on their sexual practices, misuse of narcotics, and the private aspects of their lives often border on, and sometimes cross the line with, defamation.

Red tops tend to be written with a simplistic, straightforward vocabulary and grammar; their layout, more often than not, gives greater prominence to the picture than to the word. The writing style of red top tabloids is, ofttimes, accused of sensationalism; in other words, red tops have been accused of deliberately igniting controversy and selectively reporting on attention-grabbing stories, or those with shock value. In the extreme case, red top tabloids have been accused of lying or misrepresenting the truth to increase circulation. Irrespective of such criticism, it is undeniably true that red tops have more openly political leanings; stories can, and do, include calls for the resignation of a particular politician, or include political comment inside of an article. Poll results are oftentimes predicted by red top papers.

Examples of British red top newspapers include The Sun, the Daily Star, the Daily Mirror and the Daily Sport.

Compact tabloids[link]

In contrast to red top tabloids, compacts use an editorial style more closely associated with broadsheet newspapers. In fact, most compact tabloids formerly used the broadsheet paper size, but changed to accommodate reading in tight spaces, such as on a crowded commuter bus or train. The term compact was coined in the 1970s by the Daily Mail, one of the earlier newspapers to make the change, although it now once again calls itself a tabloid. The purpose behind this was to avoid the association of the word tabloid with the flamboyant, salacious editorial style of the red top newspaper.

The early converts from broadsheet format made the change in the 1970s; two notable British papers that took this step at the time were the Daily Mail and the Daily Express. In 2007, The Independent also made the change for the same reasons, quickly followed by The Scotsman and The Times. On the other hand, The Morning Star had always used the tabloid size, but stands in contrast to both the red top papers and the former broadsheets; although The Morning Star emphasises hard news, it embraces socialism and is circulated mostly among blue-collar labourers.

Compact tabloids, just like broadsheet- and Berliner-format newspapers, span the political spectrum from progressive to conservative and from capitalist to socialist. The readership also differs greatly; one of Britain's most well-known tabloids, the Daily Mail, boasts a mostly female readership, whereas that of The Morning Star, in keeping with its political leanings, is of unionised labourers.

List of British tabloids[link]

Red tops[link]

• Daily Star
• Daily Mirror
• Daily Record
• The Sun

Compacts[link]

• Daily Express - middle-market conservative
• The Independent - upmarket progressive-liberal
• Daily Mail - middle-market conservative; large female readership
• The Morning Star - middle-market socialist (in the tradition of Karl Marx)
• The Scotsman - upmarket centrist
• The Times - upmarket centrist-conservative

International use[link]

The neutrality of this article is questioned because of its systemic bias. Please see the discussion on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until the issue is resolved. (April 2011)

North America[link]

"A photographer's photographer" quote by First Lady Mrs. Warren G. Harding who stated the Edward Jackson's photograph of her was "the best photo ever taken." The photo ran on the entire front page of the February 5, 1921 New York Daily News.

In the United States daily tabloids date back to the founding of the New York Daily News in 1919, followed by the New York Daily Mirror and the New York Evening Graphic in the 1920s. Competition among those three for crime, sex and celebrity news was considered a scandal to the mainstream press of the day. In comparison, today's American daily tabloids are generally much less overheated and less oriented towards scandal and sensationalism than their predecessors, or their British counterparts, reduced to sections of only one-three pages as Internet sources and magazines such as US Weekly have taken up the mantle of disseminating most gossip. The tabloid format is used by a number of respected and indeed prize-winning American papers.

Prominent US tabloids include nationally the Metro, locally, the New York Post, the Philadelphia Daily News, the Chicago Sun-Times, the Boston Herald, the New York Observer, Newsday on New York's Long Island, the San Francisco Examiner and Baltimore Examiner. (Newsday co-founder Alicia Patterson was the daughter of Joseph Patterson, founder of the New York Daily News.)

Former US tabloids that have ceased publication include Denver's Rocky Mountain News.

In Canada, many of the Sun Media newspapers are in tabloid format. There is also The Province, which is a tabloid in British Columbia, and has no connections to Sun Media. The Canadian publisher Black Press publishes newspapers in both tabloid (10+¹⁄₄ in/260 mm wide by 14+¹⁄₂ in/368 mm deep) and what it calls "tall tab" format, where the latter is 10+¹⁄₄ in (260 mm) wide by 16+¹⁄₄ in (413 mm) deep, larger than tabloid but smaller than the broadsheets it also publishes.^[2]

Europe[link]

The biggest tabloid (and newspaper in general) in Europe, by circulation, is Germany's Bild, with around 4 million copies (down from above 5 million in the 1980s). Although its paper size is bigger, its style was copied from the British tabloids.

In the UK, three previously broadsheet daily newspapers—The Independent, The Times, and The Scotsman—have switched to tabloid size in recent years, and two—Daily Express and Daily Mail—in former years, although all of the above call the format "compact" to avoid the down-market connotation of the word tabloid. Similarly, when referring to the down-market tabloid newspapers the alternative term "red-top" (referring to their traditionally red-coloured mastheads) is increasingly used, to distinguish them from the up- and middle-market compact newspapers. The Morning Star also comes in tabloid format; however, it avoids celebrity stories, instead favouring socialist issues and those relating to labour unions.

In the Netherlands, several newspapers have started publishing tabloid versions of their newspapers, including one of the major 'quality' newspapers, NRC Handelsblad, with nrc•next in 2006. Two free tabloid newspapers were also introduced in the early 2000s, 'Metro and Sp!ts, mostly for distribution in public transportation. In 2007 a third and fourth free tabloid appeared, 'De Pers' and 'DAG'. However, De Telegraaf, the Dutch newspaper that most closely resembles the style of British tabloid papers, comes in broadsheet.

In Norway, close to all newspapers have switched from the broadsheet to the tabloid format, which measures 280 x 400 mm. The three biggest newspapers are VG, Dagbladet, and Aftenposten, the former the most sensationalist one and the latter more serious.

In France the Nice Matin, a popular Southern France newspaper changed from Broadsheet to Tabloid on April 8, 2006. They changed the printing format in one day after test results showed that 74% liked the Tabloid format compared to Broadsheet. But the most famous tabloid dealing with crime stories is Le Nouveau Détective, created in the early XXth century. This weekly tabloid has a national circulation.

In Denmark tabloids in the British sense are known as 'formiddagsblade' (before-noon newspapers), the two biggest being BT and Ekstra Bladet. The old more serious newspaper Berlingske Tidende shifted from Broadsheet to Tabloid format in 2006, while keeping the news profile intact.

In Poland the newspaper Fakt, sometimes Super Express is considered as tabloid ^[3]

South Asia[link]

India: Tabloid journalism is still an evolving concept in India's conservative print media. The first tabloid, Blitz was started by Russy Karanjia on February 1, 1941 with the words "Our Blitz, India's Blitz against Hitler!". Blitz was first published in English and then branched out with Hindi, Marathi and Urdu versions. In 1974, Russy's daughter Rita founded the CineBlitz magazine. The first issue featured Zeenat Aman on the cover and a streaking Protima Bedi inside. The venerable Times of India too changed its entire content, tone and editorial style in 2002. It now features more sensationalist stories, snappy headlines, and Page3 parties. In 2005, Times of India brought out a dedicated Mumbai tabloid newspaper Mumbai Mirror which gives prominence to Mumbai-related stories and issues. Tehelka started off as a news portal in 2000 and broke the match-fixing story in Indian and International Cricket and later on a sting operation on defence deals in Indian Army. In 2007, it closes shop and reappeared in tabloid form and has been appreciated for its brand of investigative journalism. Other popular tabloid newspapers in English media are Mid-Day, an afternoon newspaper published out of and dedicated to Mumbai and business newspapers like MINT. There are numerous tabloids in most of India's official languages. There is an all youth tabloid by the name of TILT - The ILIKE Times.

Pakistan: In Pakistan, Khabrain is a tabloid newspaper popular in local lower middle class. If you ever happen to visit any barber shops or other small gathering places in cities like Multan, you can find a copy of this newspaper there. This news group introduced a new paper, Naya Akhbar which is comparably more sensational. At the local level, many sensational tabloids can be seen but unlike Khabrain or other big national newspapers, they are distributed only on local levels in districts.

Bangladesh: In Bangladesh, Manabzamin became the first and is now the largest circulated Bengali language tabloid in the world, in 1998. Published from Bangladesh, by renowned news presenter Mahbuba Chowdhury, the newspaper is ranked in the Top 10 Bengali news sites in the world, and is the only newspaper in Bangladesh which houses credentials with FIFA, UEFA, The Football Association, Warner Bros., and Sony Pictures Entertainment. Manabzamin is led by Editor-in-Chief Matiur Rahman Chowdhury, who is also the regional correspondent for Voice of America and political talkshow host in Bengali television stations Banglavision and Channel i.

China[link]

In the People's Republic of China, Chinese tabloids have exploded in popularity since the mid-1990s and have tested the limits of press censorship^{[citation needed]} by taking editorial positions critical of the government and by engaging in critical investigative reporting.^{[citation needed]}

Other countries[link]

When a tabloid is defined as "roughly 17 by 11 inches (432 by 279 mm)" and commonly "half the size of a broadsheet," confusion can arise because "Many broadsheets measure roughly 29+¹⁄₂ by 23+¹⁄₂ inches (749 by 597 mm)", half of which is roughly 15 × 12 in (381 × 305 mm) not 17 × 11 in (432 × 279 mm).

In Oman, TheWeek is a free, 48-page, all-colour, independent weekly published from Muscat in the Sultanate of Oman. Oman’s first free newspaper was launched in March 2003 and has now gone on to gather what is believed to be the largest readership for any publication in Oman. Ms Mohana Prabhakar is the managing editor of the publication. TheWeek is audited by BPA Worldwide, which has certified its circulation as being a weekly average of 50,300.

In Georgia, the weekly English-language newspaper The FINANCIAL switched to a compact format in 2005 and doubled the number of pages in each issue. Other Georgian-language newspapers have tested compact formats in the early 1990s.

In Russia and Ukraine, major English language newspapers like the Moscow Times and the Kyiv Post use a compact format.

In Argentina, one of the country's two main newspapers, Clarín, is a tabloid and in the Southern Philippines, a new weekly tabloid, The Mindanao Examiner, now includes media services, such as photography and video production, into its line as a source to finance the high cost of printing and other expenses. It is also into independent film making.

In Australia - The Advertiser, Herald Sun, The Sun-Herald, Daily Telegraph, The Courier Mail (All News Ltd papers), The West Australian, The Mercury, The Hamilton Spectator, The Portland Observer, The Casterton News and The Melbourne Observer.

In India - MiD DAY and Afternoon are the leading tabloids. MiD DAY is particularly known for publishing sensationalizing stories about celebrities.

In South Africa, the Bloemfontein based daily newspaper Volksblad became the first serious broadsheet newspaper to switch to tabloid, but only on Saturdays. Despite the format proving to be popular with its readers, the newspaper remains broadsheet on weekdays. "The Daily Sun" published by NEWS24 has since become South Africas biggest selling daily newspaper and is aimed primarily at the black working class. It sells in excess of 500 000 copies per day reaching approximately 3 000 000 000 readers. News is gathered widely and reports on the almost-unbelievable, headline-making stories which Daily Sun journalist/news gatherers write from their encounters with real people, and astounding ‘eye-witness’ accounts of bizarre occurrences which are literally stunning. Besides offering a sometimes satirical view of the seriousness of mainstream news, the Daily Sun confers weightiness upon issues that would likely be treated with laughing dismissal in traditional South African broadsheets. Thus, “The Daily Sun" features stories about tokoloshes (hob-goblins), ancestral visions and all things supernatural and wildly absurd, together with localised stories and main stream news. It is also published as "The Sunday Sun".

In Brazil, many newspapers are tabloids, including sports daily Lance! (which circulates in cities such as Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo), most publications from Grupo RBS (especially the Porto Alegre daily Zero Hora), and, in March 2009, Rio de Janeiro-based O Dia switched to tabloid from broadsheet. Its sister publication, Meia Hora has always been a tabloid, but in slightly smaller format than O Dia and Lance!.

As a weekly alternative newspaper[link]

The more recent usage of the term 'tabloid' refers to weekly or semi-weekly newspapers in tabloid format. Many of these are essentially straightforward newspapers, publishing in tabloid format, because subway and bus commuters prefer to read smaller-size newspapers due to lack of space. These newspapers are distinguished from the major daily newspapers, in that they purport to offer an "alternative" viewpoint, either in the sense that the paper's editors are more locally oriented, or that the paper is editorially independent from major media conglomerates.

Other factors that distinguish "alternative" weekly tabloids from the major daily newspapers are their less-frequent publication, and that they are usually free to the user, since they rely on ad revenue. As well, alternative weekly tabloids tend to concentrate on local- or even neighbourhood-level issues, and on local entertainment in the bars and local theatres.

Alternative tabloids can be positioned as upmarket (quality) newspapers, to appeal to the better-educated, higher-income sector of the market; as middle-market (popular); or as downmarket (sensational) newspapers, which emphasize sensational crime stories and celebrity gossip. In each case, the newspapers will draw their advertising revenue from different types of businesses or services. An upmarket weekly's advertisers are often organic grocers, boutiques, and theatre companies while a downmarket's may have those of trade schools, supermarkets, and adult services, both usually contain ads from local bars, auto dealers, movie theaters, and a classified ads section.^[4]

Criticisms[link]

Tabloids have often been criticised for being sensationalist and lacking journalistic integrity. Some critics go so far as to suggest a disenfranchisement of tabloid readers.^[5]

In 2010, Germany's interior minister has criticised the UK tabloids for their offensive references to the war in much of the coverage leading up to the England v Germany clash.^[6]

See also[link]

• Berliner
• Compact
• Newspaper format
• Paper size

References[link]

Gina Rinehart
Born	Georgina Hope Hancock (1954-02-09) 9 February 1954 (age 58) Perth, Western Australia
Nationality	Australian
Occupation	Executive Chair
Known for	Richest person in Australia, Richest woman in the world[1]
Net worth	A$29.17 billion (2012 BRW)[1]
Spouse	• Greg (Milton) Hayward (1973–1981) • Frank Rinehart (1983–1990)
Children	• John Langley (Hayward) Hancock (b. 1976)[2] • Bianca Hope Hayward (b. 1979)[3] • Hope (Rinehart) Welker (b. 1986)[4] • Ginia Rinehart (b. 1987)[4]
Parents	• Lang Hancock and • Hope Margaret Nicholas

Georgina "Gina" Hope Rinehart (born 9 February 1954) is an Australian businesswoman in the mining industry. She is the heiress of Hancock Prospecting and the daughter of the late mining magnate Lang Hancock and Hope Margaret Nicholas. In the 2010s, Rinehart diversified her business interests to include media organisations, becoming the largest shareholder in Fairfax Media and acquiring a significant stake in Ten Network Holdings. During 2011, both Forbes Asia and Business Review Weekly reported that Rinehart was Australia's wealthiest person. In May 2012 BRW named her as the world's richest woman, having surpassed Christy Walton.^[5]

Three of Rinehart's children and beneficiaries, Hope Rinehart Welker, John Hancock and Bianca Rinehart, have commenced^[when?] legal action in the New South Wales Supreme Court over Rinehart's (as sole trustee) alleged delay of the vesting date of the Hope Margaret Hancock Trust.^[6]

Early life and family[link]

Rinehart was born at Perth, Western Australia, the daughter of Hope Margaret Nicholas and Lang Hancock. An only child, Rinehart lived with her parents at Nunyerry, 60 kilometres (37 mi) north of Wittenoom, until she was four,^[7] later boarding at St Hilda's Anglican School for Girls in Perth. She commenced studying economics at The University of Sydney^[8] and later worked for her father, gaining an extensive knowledge of the Pilbara iron-ore industry.^[9]

As a teenager Rinehart met Englishman Greg Milton, while both were working in Wittenoom. In 1973, aged 19, Rinehart married Milton and he changed his surname to Hayward. Together they had two children, John Langley^[2] and Bianca Hope.^[3] However, the marriage did not last and Rinehart and Hayward separated in 1979 and divorced in 1981.^[10][11] In 1983 she married Frank Rinehart,^[12] a 57 year old German American corporate lawyer. They had two children together, Ginia and Hope, born 18 months apart.^[13][14] Frank died in 1990.^[15]

She commenced an acrimonious legal fight with her stepmother, Rose Porteous, in 1992 over the circumstances of her father's death and control of the Hancock assets. The court cases and negotiations ultimately took 14 years to settle.^[16]

In 1999 her proposal was approved to name a mountain range after her family. The Hancock Range is situated about 65 km north-west of the town of Newman at 23°00′23″S 119°12′31″E / 23.00639°S 119.20861°E / -23.00639; 119.20861 and commemorates the family's contribution to the establishment of the pastoral and mining industry in the Pilbara region.^[17]

In 2003 following a falling out with Rinehart, her son, John Langley Hayward, changed his surname by deed poll to John Langley Hancock, and their relationship remains difficult.^[9][4] John's sister, Bianca Hope Hayward, tipped to take over the family business, served as a director of Hancock Prospecting and HMHT Investments until 31 October 2011, when she was replaced by her half-sister, Ginia Rinehart.^[4][18][19] Rinehart's other daughter, Hope, married Ryan Welker, an American and a director of Mineral Resources. Together they live in Sydney.^[4] Hancock Prospecting and Gina Rinehart have an 8 per cent stake in Mineral Resources.

Prior to his death, Lang Hancock established the Hope Margaret Hancock Trust, nominating Rinehart as trustee, with his four grandchildren named as beneficiaries. The Trust holds a significant proportion of the family's wealth.^[20] In 2011, Rinehart's daughter, Hope Rinehart Welker, commenced legal action in the NSW Supreme Court over a commercial dispute, seeking to have Rinehart removed as sole trustee. Her brother, John, and sister, Bianca, were later revealed as parties to the dispute.^[13][21][22] In an agreement reached between the aggrieved parties, the Court granted an interim non-publication order. In making the interim order, Justice Paul Brereton stated "This is not the first occasion of discord in the family, which has immense wealth, no small part of which resides in the trust. In the past, the affairs of the family, including such discord, has attracted considerable publicity in the media."^[23] However, in a judgement handed down on 7 October 2011, Justice Brereton said he intended to dismiss an application by Rinehart that there be a stay on court action and that the family be directed into mediation.^[20][24] In December, three justices of the NSW Court of Appeal lifted the suppression orders on the case. However, a stay was granted until 3 February 2012;^[25] and extended by the High Court of Australia until 9 March. Rinehart's application for suppression was supported by Ginia Rinehart; and opposed by Hope, John and Bianca, and media organisations.^[26] A subsequent application by Rinehart for a non-publication order on the grounds of fear of personal and family safety was dismissed by the NSW Supreme Court on 2 February 2012.^[27]

In March when the suppression order was lifted, it was revealed that Rinehart had delayed the vesting date of the trust, which prompted the court action by her three older children.^[28]

Business activities[link]

Following the death of her father in March 1992, Rinehart became Executive Chairman of Hancock Prospecting Pty Limited (HPPL) and the HPPL Group of companies. All companies within the group are privately owned.

Recent years has seen Rinehart focus on developing Hancock Prospecting's undeveloped deposits, raising capital through joint venture partnerships and turning reserves into revenue producing mines.^[8]

Rinehart, via Hancock Prospecting, shares 50% of the profits generated by the Hope Downs mine which is operated by Rio Tinto and produces 30 million tonnes of iron ore annually. Another joint venture with Mineral Resources Limited at Nicholas Downs, northwest of Newman is producing 500 million tonnes of ferruginous manganese.^{[citation needed]} The Alpha Coal and Kevin's Corner projects in Central Queensland, both with production due to commence in 2013, are expected to produce 30 million tonnes of coal each.^[29] The Roy Hill iron ore project, south of Port Hedland, in the Pilbara is expected to begin production in 2013 with a yield of 55 million tonnes a year.^[30][31]

In 2010 Rinehart took a 10% stake in Ten Network Holdings; James Packer had acquired an 18% stake in the same company shortly before. Since then she has also acquired a substantial stake in Fairfax Media. This foray into media ownership is a major change from previous corporate activities which have been mainly resource-related.^[32] In February 2012 she increased her stake in Fairfax to over 12%, becoming the largest shareholder of the company.^[33][34]

Political activities[link]

Rinehart has been a vocal opponent of the Federal Government's proposed Mineral Resource Rent Tax as well as the Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme. In 2010 Rinehart departed from her previously private persona and joined with Andrew Forrest and others in opposing the schemes.^[35]

Rinehart also founded the anti-tax and climate change sceptic lobby group ANDEV, ("Australians for Northern Development & Economic Vision")^[36] and has paid for the trips of climate change sceptic Christopher Monckton to Australia.^[37][38]

Wealth[link]

Rinehart first appeared on the 1992 BRW Rich 200 list, published annually in the Business Review Weekly (BRW), following the death of her father earlier that year. She has appeared every year since, and became a billionaire in 2006. Due to Australia's mining boom in the early 21st century, Rinehart's wealth has increased significantly since 2010, and she has diversified investments into media, taking holdings in Ten Network Holdings and Fairfax Media. According to BRW, she became Australia's richest woman in 2010, and Australia's richest person in 2011, and the first woman to lead the list. In 2012, Rinehart became the world's richest woman, surpassing Wal-Mart owner Christy Walton. BRW estimates her wealth at A$29.17 billion, with Ivan Glasenberg being her closest rival, with net wealth estimated at A$7.4 billion.^[39] BRW stated that it was now possible Rinehart would become the first person with a net wealth of US$100 billion.^[40]

In 2007 she first appeared on Forbes Asia Australia's 40 Richest, with an estimated wealth of US$1 billion;^[16] more than doubling that the next year to US$2.4 billion; and then, in spite of the global financial crisis, by 2011 had more than trebled to US$9 billion;^[9] and doubled again in 2012 to US$18 billion.^[41] Releasing the results in February 2011, Forbes was the first to name her as Australia's richest person; with BRW conferring the same title in May that year.

In June 2011, Citigroup estimated that she was on course to overtake Carlos Slim, the Mexican magnate worth £46 billion (US$74 billion) and Bill Gates, who is worth £35 billion (US$56 billion), mainly because she owns her companies outright. Using a price-to-earnings ratio of 11:1 that applied at that time to her business partner, Rio Tinto, the Australian internet business news service, SmartCompany, stated: "It is possible to see Rinehart’s portfolio of coal and iron ore production spinning off annual profits approaching US$10 billion," giving her a "personal net worth valuation of more than US$100 billion."^[42][43] In January 2012, there were further media reports that Rinehart's estimated wealth has increased to A$20 billion following estimates that the Roy Hill project was notionally valued at A$10 billion.^[44][45] Forbes magazine listed her wealth in 2012 as US$18 billion.

Wealth rankings[link]

Year	BRW Rich 200		Forbes Australia's 40 Richest
	Rank	Net worth (AUD)	Rank	Net worth (USD)
2006	&100000000000000080000008	$1.80 billion
2007[16][46]	&100000000000000040000004	$4.00 billion	&1000000000000001400000014	$1.00 billion
2008[47][48]	&100000000000000050000005	$4.39 billion	&100000000000000060000006	$2.40 billion
2009[49][50]	&100000000000000040000004	$3.47 billion	&100000000000000070000007	$1.50 billion
2010[11][51]	&100000000000000050000005	$4.75 billion	&100000000000000090000009	$2.00 billion
2011[8][9]	&100000000000000010000001	$10.31 billion	&100000000000000010000001	$9.00 billion
2012[41][1]	&100000000000000010000001	$29.17 billion	&100000000000000010000001	$18.00 billion

Legend
Icon	Description
	Has not changed from the previous year
	Has increased from the previous year
	Has decreased from the previous year

Philanthropy[link]

In a 2006 Business Review Weekly article reviewing the way Australia's rich support philanthropy, it was noted that Rinehart prefers to keep a low profile.^[52] Rinehart is publicly known for funding the construction of a girl's orphanage in Cambodia^[53] and supporting the Hope Scholarship Award Program for girls run by SISHA, a Cambodian non-profit organisation campaigning against human trafficking.^[54][55] Rinehart has also supported St Hilda's Anglican School for Girls, where the school hall is named in honour of her mother.^[9]

Bibliography[link]

• Leser, David (1999) (paperback). The Whites of Their Eyes. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. pp. 296. ISBN 978-1-86508-114-4. http://davidleser.com/slippages/uploads/download/file/df-9-150-40.pdf. 

References[link]

Further reading[link]

• "Lang Hancock's daughter comes of age". The Australian Women's Weekly (1932-1982) (1932-1982: National Library of Australia): p. 10. 19 February 1975. http://nla.gov.au/nla.news-article48073755. Retrieved 14 January 2011. 
• Cadzow, Jane (21 January 2012). "The iron lady". The Age (Australia). http://www.theage.com.au/executive-style/management/the-iron-lady-20120116-1q1u6.html. Retrieved 17 February 2012. 
• Ferguson, Adele (26 June 2012). "Gina Rinehart". Pan Macmillan (Australia). http://www.panmacmillan.com.au/display_title.asp?ISBN=9781742610979&Author=Ferguson,%20Adele. Retrieved 26 June 2012. 

External links[link]

• Video portrait on ABC's Hungry Beast [content blocked outside Australia.]

Senator The Honourable Stephen Conroy
Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy
Incumbent
Assumed office 3 December 2007
Preceded by	Helen Coonan
Personal details
Born	(1963-01-18) 18 January 1963 (age 49) Ely, Cambridgeshire, UK
Nationality	Australian
Political party	Australian Labor Party
Religion	Catholic
Website	www.minister.dbcde.gov.au

Stephen Michael Conroy (born 18 January 1963 in Ely, Cambridgeshire, England) is an Australian politician and the current Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy in the Gillard Ministry. He has been an Australian Labor Party member of the Australian Senate since May 1996, representing the state of Victoria.^[1]

Early life[link]

Conroy's parents worked at an air-force base, where his mother Jean monitored radar and his father Bill was a sergeant. In December 1973 the Conroys moved to Canberra, where he attended Daramalan College. He obtained a Bachelor of Economics at the Australian National University in Canberra. His involvement in student politics was minimal, although he helped organise a rally against student fees.^[2][3]

Politics[link]

After university, Conroy worked as an advisor to Ros Kelly and Barry Jones. He moved to Melbourne to pursue a political career where he met Robert Ray, and served for a time as Superannuation Officer with the Transport Workers Union and as a City of Footscray councillor.

He was appointed to the Senate in 1996 when Gareth Evans resigned to contest a seat in the Lower House. In October 1998, Conroy joined the Opposition Shadow Ministry and became Deputy Opposition Leader in the Senate. He was Shadow Minister for Trade, Corporate Governance and Financial Services from 2003 to 2004, and became Shadow Minister for Communications and Information Technology in October 2004.^[2][3]

Conroy is a leading member of the Labor Right and was criticised in early 2006 by members of the Socialist Left and Simon Crean for working for the replacement of several long-serving MPs with new members, including Bill Shorten, Richard Marles, Mark Dreyfus, Nathan Murphy and Matt Carrick.^{[citation needed]}

After Simon Crean's win in the Hotham pre-selection, where Conroy supported Martin Pakula for the position, Crean attacked Conroy repeatedly, calling on him to resign his position as Deputy Leader of the Opposition in the Senate.^[4]

In April 2009, Conroy faced criticism after he made comments disparaging the ISP iiNet's defence in a Supreme Court case against a number of film studios and Channel Seven. Opposition spokesmen described the comments as prejudicial.^[5] After iiNet won, Conroy said it was disappointing the two sides had ended up in court.^[6]

In February 2010, he admitted using his influence to have a former Labor politician Mike Kaiser, take the position of Government Relations and External Affairs Executive with the National Broadband Network^[7] Kaiser was previously forced to retire from the Labor party due to electoral fraud.

Also in February 2010, he was reported to spent some time while on holiday with Kerry Stokes weeks before cutting license fees that are charged to free-to-air networks, including Stokes' broadcasting network, Channel Seven.^[8]

In June 2010, Conroy was criticized by SAGE-AU for "misinformation that verged on fear-mongering" when he suggested Google street view cars could have captured internet banking details in their recording of wireless network traffic, as these are generally exchanged over secure HTTPS connections.^[9][10]

Portfolio[link]

Conroy is Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy in the First Rudd Ministry. In that role, he is responsible for internet censorship,^[11] the proposed National Broadband Network^{[citation needed]}, and the proposed switch to digital television as a complete replacement for analogue.^[3][12] In May 2010 he was appointed as a founding member to a new United Nations commission, the Broadband Commission for Digital Development.^[13]

Internet censorship[link]

Conroy has faced severe criticism over his Internet censorship policies from various groups. While initially promoted as a way to block child pornography, the censorship policy has been extended to include legal material traditionally refused classification by the Office of Film and Literature Classification, including sites depicting drug use, crime, sex, cruelty, violence or "revolting and abhorrent phenomena" that "offend against the standards of morality".^[14] On 19 March 2009 it was reported that ACMA's blacklist of banned sites had been leaked online, and had been published by Wikileaks. About half of the list was child-porn related; the remainder included sites dealing with legal porn, online gambling, euthanasia, Christianity and fringe religions; sites belonging to a tour operator, dentist and animal carers were also listed.^[15] Conroy described the leak and publication of the blacklist as "grossly irresponsible" and that it undermined efforts to improve "cyber safety".^[16]

In June 2009 he was named "Internet villain of the year" at the 11th annual Internet industry awards in the UK, for "individuals or organisations that have upset the Internet industry and hampered its development – those whom the industry loves to hate."^[17]

In December 2009 "Internet pranksters" registered the domain name stephenconroy.com.au^[18] which was swiftly removed by auDA^[19] raising concerns^[20] about auDA's political neutrality and the further potential for suppression of political speech after the proposed mandatory Internet filter is legislated.

In May 2010, Conroy was accused of deliberately misrepresenting iiNet's position with regards to the new internet filter.^[21] His department could also not say where he obtained other figures from, such as how he believes that 85% of ISPs support the new filter.^[22]

Personal life[link]

Senator Conroy is a Catholic, and is said to be socially conservative. While he voted against the abortion drug RU486 in a conscience vote,^[23] he has claimed not to have taken a conservative position on all issues:

"I think the point I made was that while I would prefer there to be a parliamentary framework for the RU486, I think it was, debate, if the actual issue was before Parliament I would probably vote for the distribution of the pill. People often say, oh no Steve's a conservative Catholic, but they won't ever find on my voting record something that backs that up. I voted against the Northern Territory's euthanasia legislation. I voted for some of the cloning debate. So I voted in, I like to consider the issues on their merits and I voted what some would characterise as conservatively and some would characterise as progressively on a number of issues."^[24][25]

Conroy and his wife, Paula Benson, have a daughter born in November 2006 with the assistance of an egg donor and a surrogate mother, both friends of the Conroys. The procedures were performed in New South Wales instead of their home state Victoria, where altruistic surrogacy is banned.^[23][26][27]

He was a national volleyball representative as a teenager and has been the President of Volleyball Victoria since 2004.^[3][28]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Stephen Conroy's website as minister for DBCDE
• Stephen Conroy's parliamentary webpage as senator for Victoria

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