There are no known societies that are unambiguously matriarchal, although there are attested matrilinear, matrilocal, and avunculocal societies, especially among indigenous peoples of Asia and Africa, such as those of the Minangkabau, E De (Rhade), Mosuo, Berbers and Tuareg and, in Europe, Basques and Sardinian people. Strongly matrilocal societies sometimes are referred to as matrifocal, and there is some debate concerning the terminological delineation between matrifocality and matriarchy. Even in patriarchical systems of male-preference primogeniture, there may occasionally be queens regnant, as in the case of Elizabeth I of England.
In 19th century Western scholarship, the hypothesis of matriarchy representing an early stage of human development—now mostly lost in prehistory, with the exception of some "primitive" societies—enjoyed popularity. The hypothesis survived into the 20th century and was notably advanced in the context of feminism and especially second wave feminism, but this hypothesis of matriarchy as having been an early stage of human development is mostly discredited today, most experts saying that it never existed.
Matriarchy is also the public formation in which the woman occupies the ruling position in a family (a primary cell of society). Matriarchy has even been found where a quarter of Black families in the U.S. were headed by single women; thus, families composing a substantial minority of a substantial minority could be enough for the latter to constitute a matriarchy within a larger nonmatriarchal society. In addition, some authors depart from the premise of a mother-child dyad as the core of a human group where the grandmother was the central ancestress with her children and grandchildren clustered around her in an extended family.
According to journalist Margot Adler, "[a] number of feminists note that few definitions of the word ["matriarchy"], despite its literal meaning, include any concept of power, and they suggest that centuries of oppression have made it impossible for women to conceive of themselves with such power."
Etymologically, according to the OED, the word matriarchy is first attested in 1885, building on an earlier matriarch, formed in analogy to patriarch, already in use in the early 17th century. By contrast, gynæcocracy, meaning 'rule of women', has been in use since the 17th century, building on the Greek word found in Aristotle and Plutarch.
The Matriarchal Studies school led by Heide Göttner-Abendroth calls for a more inclusive redefinition of the term: Göttner-Abendroth defines Modern Matriarchal Studies as the "investigation and presentation of non-patriarchal societies", effectively defining matriarchy as "non-patriarchy". She has also defined matriarchy as characterized by the sharing of power equally between the two genders. Similarly, Peggy Reeves Sanday (2004) favors redefining and reintroducing the word matriarchy, especially in reference to contemporary matrilineal societies such as the Minangkabau.
Some matriarchies have been described by historian Helen Diner as "a strong gynocracy" and "women monopolizing government" and she described matriarchal Amazons as "an extreme, feminist wing" of humanity and that North African women "ruled the country politically,"
Matrifocal societies are those in which women, especially mothers, occupy a central position. The term does not necessarily imply domination by women or mothers. The Nair community in Kerala and the Bunt community in Tulunadu in South India are prime examples of matrifocality. This can be attributed to the fact that a community, if males were largely warriors by profession, was bound to lose male members at youth, leading to a situation where the females assumed the role of running the family.
The notion of a "woman-centered" society was developed by J. J. Bachofen, whose three-volume Myth, religion, and mother right (1861) impacted the way classicists such as Jane Harrison, Sir Arthur Evans, Walter Burkert, and James Mellaart looked at the evidence of matriarchal religion in pre-Hellenic societies.
A claim of "matriarchy" in the ancient Near East is also found in The Cambridge ancient history (1975): "the predominance of a supreme goddess is probably a reflection from the practice of matriarchy which at all times characterized Elamite civilization to a greater or lesser degree".
The following excerpts from Lewis Morgan's "Ancient Society" will explain the use of the terms: "In a work of vast research, Bachofen has collected and discussed the evidence of female authority, mother-right, and of female rule, gynecocracy."
"Common lands and joint tillage would lead to joint-tenant houses and communism in living; so that gyneocracy seems to require for its creation, descent in the female line. Women thus entrenched in large households, supplied from common stores, in which their own gens so largely predominated in numbers, would produce the phenomena of mother right and gyneocracy, which Bachofen has detected and traced with the aid of fragments of history and of tradition."
Although Bachofen and Lewis Morgan confined the "mother right" inside households, it was the basis of female influence upon the whole society. The authors of the classics never thought that gyneocracy could mean 'female government' in politics. They were aware of the fact that the sexual structure of government had no relation to domestic rule and to roles of both sexes.
Friedrich Engels, among others studying historical groups, formed the notion that some contemporary primitive peoples did not grasp the link between sexual intercourse and pregnancy. Research indicated that sexual intercourse occurred from early ages and pregnancy only occurred much later, seemingly unrelated to the sexual activity. He proposed that these cultures had no clear notion of paternity, according to this hypothesis; women produced children mysteriously, without necessary links to the man or men with whom they had sex. When realization of paternity occurred, according to the hypothesis, men acted to claim a power to monopolize women and claim their offspring as possessions and patriarchy began.
"Their system of kinship is matrilineal, and women hold a very good position, and wield great influence."
"The Trobrianders are matrilineal, that is, in tracing descent and settling inheritance, they follow the maternal line. A child belongs to the clan and village community of its mother, and wealth, as well as social position, are inherited, not from father to son, but from maternal uncle to nephew."
"As regards kinship, the main thing to be remembered is that the natives are matrilineal, and that the succession of rank, membership in all the social groups, and the inheritance of possessions descend in the maternal line."
By studying several different tribes of the Western Pacific (employing the method of comparison, popular in ethnography), Malinowski gave confirmations of Lewis Morgan's idea that matriarchy (gyneocracy) was a common feature of primitive societies at early stages, and that female rule needed matrilineality for its existence. He also confirmed that matrilineality often goes hand in hand with promiscuous free love (a fact that was discovered by Bachofen).
According to B. Malinowski:
"As a rule, amongst natives, a high position of women is associated with sex laxity."
"The sexual life of these natives [the Southern Massim tribe] is extremely lax. Even when we remember the very free standard of sex morals in the Melanesian tribes of New Guinea, such as the Motu or the Mailu, we still find these natives exceedingly loose in such matters. Certain reserves and appearances which are usually kept up in other tribes, are here completely abandoned. As is probably the case in many communities where sex morals are lax, there is a complete absence of unnatural practices and sex perversions. Marriage is concluded as the natural end of a long and lasting liaison." Her view is that in the past all human societies were matriarchal; then, at some point, most shifted to patriarchal and degenerated.
The controversy was reinforced further by the publication of The White Goddess by Robert Graves (1948) and his later analysis of classical Greek mythology and the vestiges of earlier myths that had been rewritten after a profound change in the religion of Greek civilization that occurred within its very early historical times.
From the 1950s, Marija Gimbutas developed a theory of an Old European culture in neolithic Europe which had matriarchal traits, replaced by the patriarchal system of the Proto-Indo-Europeans with the spread of Indo-European languages beginning in the Bronze Age.
From the 1970s, these ideas were taken up by popular writers of second-wave feminism and expanded with the speculations of Margaret Murray on witchcraft, by the Goddess movement, and in feminist Wicca, as well as in works by Elizabeth Gould Davis, Riane Eisler, and Merlin Stone.
The concept of a matriarchal golden age in the Neolithic Age has been denounced as feminist wishful thinking in The Inevitability of Patriarchy, in Why Men Rule, more recently by Philip G. Davis in Goddess Unmasked (1998), and by Cynthia Eller, professor at Montclair State University, in The Myth of Matriarchal Prehistory (2000). According to Eller, Gimbutas had a large part in constructing a myth of historical matriarchy by examining Eastern Europe cultures that she asserts, by and large, never really bore any resemblance in character to the alleged universal matriarchy suggested by Gimbutas and Graves. She asserts that in "actually documented primitive societies" of recent (historical) times, paternity is never ignored and that the sacred status of goddesses does not automatically increase female social status, and believes that this affirms that utopian matriarchy is simply an inversion of antifeminism. The feminist scenarios of Neolithic matriarchy have been called into question and are not emphasized in third-wave feminism.
The original evidence recognized by Gimbutas, however, of Neolithic societies being more egalitarian than the Bronze Age Indo-European and Semitic patriarchies remains valid. Gimbutas herself has not described these societies as "matriarchal", preferring the term "woman-centered" or "matristic". Del Giorgio, in The Oldest Europeans (2006), insists on a matrifocal, matrilocal, matrilineal Paleolithic society.
While the existence of numerous matrilineal or avuncular societies is undisputed, it has been recognized since the 1970s that there are no societies which are matriarchal in the strong sense that some societies are patriarchal. Joan Bamberger in her 1974 The Myth of Matriarchy argued that the historical record contains no reliable evidence of any society in which women dominated. Although in 1977 cultural anthropologist Jules de Leeuwe argued that some societies were "mainly gynecocratic" (others being "mainly androcratic"), Several Church Fathers spoke of the Amazons as a real people. Medieval authors continued a tradition of locating the Amazons in the North, Adam of Bremen placing them at the Baltic Sea and Paulus Diaconus in the heart of Germania.
Historian Ronald Hutton has argued that there is no necessary correlation between the worship of female deities and relative levels of social or legal egalitarianism, noting the late classical Greek and Roman religions, in which goddesses played important roles. The changes from the earlier mythology are not considered in her analysis, however, and the late classical myths were dominated by male deities. Hutton has also pointed out that, in more recent European history, in 17th century Spain, there were many religious institutions staffed exclusively by women.
In Greek mythology, Zeus is said to have swallowed his pregnant wife, the goddess Metis, who was carrying their daughter, Athena. The mother and child created havoc inside Zeus. Either Hermes or Hephaestus split Zeus's head, allowing Athena, in full battle armor, to burst forth from his forehead. Athena was thus described as being "born" from Zeus. Zeus was pleased with the outcome a prophecy that his son would surpass him had not been fulfilled. Robert Graves suggested that this myth displaced earlier myths that had to change when a major cultural change brought patriarchy to replace a matriarchy.
Apparently as criticism, about 2,400 years ago, in 390 BCE, Aristophanes wrote a play, Ecclesiazusae, about women gaining legislative power and governing Athens, Greece, on a limited principle of equality. In the play, Praxagora, a character, argues that women should rule because they are superior to men, not equal, and yet she declines to assert publicly her right to rule, although elected and although acting in office. The play also suggests that women would rule by not allowing politics, in order to prevent disappointment, and that affirmative action would be applied to heterosexual relationships.
However, despite popular belief, there was no "Celtic matriarchy" nor were the pre-Christian Celts considerably more advanced in their treatment of women than other ancient societies. The Irish Brehon laws were written in a very patriarchal and patrilineal tone, as were the surviving Welsh legal tracts. Caesar describes the Gauls as holding the ultimate power of life and death over their wives, and accounts from ancient Ireland seem to indicate that before the coming of Christianity women were seen as a form of chattel. However, it does seem that the Picts who inhabited the north of Scotland recognized equality between the sexes and was to a certain extent matrilineal. Later, there was a trend toward allowing women greater property rights and a higher position in marriage, but never did their status rise considerably above that of other Northern European societies. Both Celts and Germans respected women more than many southern and eastern European cultures.
In first-wave feminist discourse, either Elizabeth Cady Stanton or Margaret Fuller (it is unclear who was first) introduced the concept of matriarchy and the discourse was joined in by Matilda Joslyn Gage. Victoria Woodhull, in 1871, called for men to open the U.S. government to women or a new constitution and government would be formed in a year; and, on a basis of equality, she ran to be elected President in 1872. Charlotte Perkins Gilman, in 1911 and 1914, argued for "[a] woman-centered, or better mother-centered, world" and described "'[g]overnment by women'". She argued that a government led by either sex must be assisted by the other, both genders being "useful ... and should in our governments be alike used", because men and women have different qualities.
In feminist literature, matriarchy and patriarchy are not conceived as simple mirrors of each other. While matriarchy sometimes means "the political rule of women", that meaning is often rejected, on the ground that matriarchy is not a mirroring of patriarchy. Patriarchy is held to be about power over others while matriarchy is held to be about power from within, and Margot Adler having argued that matriarchal power is not possessive and not controlling, but is harmonious with nature.
A minority of feminists, generally radical or lesbian, which, comparable to Israel, would serve as a "place of potential refuge". According to Dale Spender, Phyllis Chesler wrote in her book Women and Madness that "the only way women can protect themselves is if they dominate particular institutions and can use them to serve women's interests. Reproduction is a case in point." Chesler replied that while Spender's reading of Women and Madness was "excellent" and most of the views that Spender attributed to her were accurate, some were not. Monique Wittig authored, as fiction, Les Guérillères, describing a "female State". Scholarly interpretations of it include that women win a war against men, "reconcil[e]" with "those men of good will who come to join them", through polyandry, decide how to govern, Another interpretation is that the author created an "'open structure' of freedom". Mary Daly wrote of hag-ocracy, "the place we ["[w]omen traveling into feminist time/space"] govern", and of reversing phallocratic rule in the 1990s (i.e., when published). She considered equal rights as tokenism that works against sisterhood, even as she supported abortion being legal and other reforms. She considered her book female and anti-male.
Some such advocacies are informed by work on past matriarchy: According to Prof. Linda M. G. Zerilli, "an ancient matriarchy ... [was "in early second-wave feminism"] the lost object of women's freedom." Prof. Cynthia Eller found widespread acceptance of matriarchal myth during feminism's second wave. Jill Johnston envisioned a "return to the former glory and wise equanimity of the matriarchies" in the future Her work inspired efforts at implementation by the Lesbian Organization of Toronto (LOOT) in 1976–1980 and in Los Angeles. One organization that was named The Feminists was interested in matriarchy and was one of the largest of the radical feminist women's liberation groups of the 1960s. Two members wanted "'the restoration of female rule'", but the organization's founder, Ti-Grace Atkinson, would have objected had she remained in the organization, because, according to a historian, "[she] had always doubted that women would wield power differently from men." Robin Morgan wrote of women fighting for and creating a "gynocratic world". Margot Adler reported, "[i]f feminists have diverse views on the matriarchies of the past, they also are of several minds on the goals for the future. A woman in the coven of Ursa Maior told me, '[r]ight now I am pushing for women's power in any way I can, but I don't know whether my ultimate aim is a society where all human beings are equal, regardless of the bodies they were born into, or whether I would rather see a society where women had institutional authority.'"
An egalitarian model is also promoted. On egalitarian matriarchy, Heide Göttner-Abendroth's International Academy for Modern Matriarchal Studies and Matriarchal Spirituality (HAGIA) organized conferences in Luxembourg in 2003 and Texas in 2005.
"[A] deep distrust of men's ability to adhere to" future matriarchal requirements may invoke a need "to retain at least some degree of female hegemony to insure against a return to patriarchal control", as is equalitarianism. On the other hand, if men can be trusted to accept equality, probably most feminists seeking future matriarchy would accept an equalitarian model. "feminist matriarchalists run the gamut" and by . A claim that women have unique characteristics that prevent women's assimilation with men has been apparently rejected by Ti-Grace Atkinson. On the other hand, not all advocates based their arguments on biology or essentialism.
A criticism of choosing who governs according to gender or sex is that the best qualified people should be chosen, regardless of gender or sex. On the other hand, merit was considered insufficient for office, because a legal right granted by a sovereign (e.g., a king), was more important than merit.
Diversity within a proposed community can make it especially challenging to complete forming the community. However, some advocacy includes diversity.
Prof. Christine Stansell, a feminist, wrote that, for feminists to achieve state power, women must democratically cooperate with men. "[W]omen must take their place with a new generation of brothers in a struggle for the world's fortunes. Herland, whether of virtuous matrons or daring sisters, is not an option.... [T]he well-being and liberty of women cannot be separated from democracy's survival." (Herland was feminist utopian fiction by Charlotte Perkins Gilman, featuring a community entirely of women except for three men who seek it out, strong women in a matriarchal utopia, although Charlotte Perkins Gilman was herself a feminist advocate of society being gender-integrated and of women's freedom.)
Other criticisms of superiority are that it is reverse sexism or discriminatory against men, it is opposed by most people including most feminists, women do not want such a position, governing takes women away from family responsibilities, women are too likely to be unable to serve politically because of menstruation and pregnancy, public affairs are too sordid for women, superiority is not traditional, it is impractical because of a shortage of women with the ability to govern at that level of difficulty, it is contradicted by current science on genderal differences,
Pursuing a future matriarchy would tend to risk sacrificing feminists' position in present social arrangements, and many feminists are not willing to take that chance. Within none of the following religions is the respective view necessarily universally held: In Islam, some Muslim scholars hold that female political leadership is prohibited. The prohibition has been attributed to a hadith of the founder of Islam, Muhammad. The hadith says, "A people which has a woman as leader will never prosper." The hadith's transmission, context, and meaning have been questioned. The prohibition has also been attributed as an extension of a ban on women leading prayers "in mixed gatherings" (which has been challenged) and to a restriction on women traveling (an attribution also challenged). Possibly, the hadith applies only against being head of state and not other high office. One source would allow a woman to "occupy every position except that of khalīfa (the leader of all Muslims)." One exception to the head-of-state prohibition was accepted without a general acceptance of women in political leadership. Political activism at lower levels may be more acceptable to Islamist women than top leadership positions. The Muslim Brotherhood has stated that women may not be president or head of state but may hold other public offices but, "[a]s for judiciary office, .... [t]he majority of jurispudents ... have forbidden it completely." In a study of 82 Islamists in Europe, 80% said women could not be state leaders but 75% said women could hold other high positions. In 1994, the Muslim Brotherhood said that "'social circumstances and traditions'" may justify gradualism in the exercise of women's right to hold office (below head of state). Whether the Muslim Brothers still support that statement is unclear. As reported in 1953, "Islamic organizations held a conference in the office of the Muslim Brothers .... [and] claim[ed] ... that it had been proven that political rights for women were contrary to religion". Some nations have specific bans. In Iran at times, women have been forbidden to fill some political offices because of law or because of judgments made under the Islamic religion. As to Saudi Arabia, "Saudi women ... are ... not allowed to enter parliament as anything more than advisors; they cannot vote, much less serve as representatives". In Judaism, among orthodox leaders, a position, beginning before Israel became a modern state, has been that for women to hold public office in Israel would threaten the state's existence, according to educator Tova Hartman, who reports the view has "wide consensus". When Israel ratified the international women's equality agreement known as CEDAW, it reserved nonenforcement for any religious communities that forbid women from sitting on religious courts. "[T]he tribunals that adjudicate marital issues are by religious law and by custom entirely male." "'Men's superiority' is a fundamental tenet in Judaism". Likud party-led "governments have been less than hospitable to women's high-level participation." In Buddhism, some hold that "[t]he Buddha allegedly hesitated to admit women to the Saṅgha ...." "[I]n certain Buddhist countries—Burma, Cambodia, Laos, Sri Lanka, and Thailand—women are categorically denied admission to the Saṅgha, Buddhism's most fundamental institution." "Throughout history, the support of the Saṅgha has been actively sought as a means of legitimation by those wishing to gain and maintain positions of political power in Buddhist countries." Hindu nationalist political leaders only include women as "exception[s]" and even their legitimacy is debated without a conclusion from "India's most extensive all-male Hindu nationalist organization, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh" (article). That an exception is allowed is offered only by the organization's "women's wing".
Among criticisms is that a future matriarchy, as a reflection of spirituality, is conceived as timeless and ahistorical, and thus may be unrealistic or even meaningless as a goal to secular feminists. Many of what are labeled as matriarchies may be more accurately labeled as matrifocal, matristic, or gynocentric instead, thus lowering the number of true or narrowly-defined matriarches that existed in the past as models for the future. Parts of a thealogical history of matriarchy may be unsupported by secular modern historical scholarship.
Category:Matriarchy Category:Forms of government Category:Prehistory Category:Prehistoric art Category:Prehistoric religion Category:Family Category:Motherhood Category:Mother goddesses Category:Anthropology Category:Cultural anthropology Category:Archaeology Category:Sociology Category:Sociobiology Category:Biology of gender Category:Feminist theory Category:Feminism and society Category:Feminism and history Category:Feminist spirituality Category:Women's rights Category:Gender studies Category:Women Category:Greek loanwords
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