World empires and colonies in 1945
UN Human Development Index (HDI) for 2010. An HDI below 0.5 is considered to represent low development and an HDI 0.8 or more is considered to represent high development.
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0.900 and over
0.850–0.899
0.800–0.849
0.750–0.799
0.700–0.749
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0.650–0.699
0.600–0.649
0.550–0.599
0.500–0.549
0.450–0.499
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0.400–0.449
0.350–0.399
0.300–0.349
under 0.300
Data unavailable
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For an exact list of countries by their HDI, see the
List of countries by Human Development Index
Neocolonialism is the practice of using capitalism, globalization, and cultural forces to control a country (usually former European colonies in Africa or Asia) in lieu of direct military or political control. Such control can be economic, cultural, or linguistic; by promoting one's own culture, language or media in the colony, corporations embedded in that culture can then make greater headway in opening the markets in those countries.
The term "neocolonialism" was first coined by Kwame Nkrumah, the first post-independence president of Ghana, and has been discussed by a number of twentieth century scholars and philosophers, including Jean-Paul Sartre[1] and Noam Chomsky.[2]
"Neocolonialism" is a term used by post-colonial critics of developed countries' involvement in the developing world. Writings within the theoretical framework of neocolonialism argue that existing or past international economic arrangements created by former colonial powers were or are used to maintain control of their former colonies and dependencies after the colonial independence movements of the post–World War II period. The term neocolonialism can combine a critique of current actual colonialism (where some states continue administrating foreign territories and their populations in violation of United Nations resolutions[3]) and a critique of the involvement of modern capitalist businesses in nations which were former colonies. Critics adherent to neocolonialism contend that multinational corporations continue to exploit the resources of post-colonial states, and that this economic control inherent to neocolonialism is akin to the classical, European colonialism practiced from the 16th to the 20th centuries. In broader usage, neocolonialism may simply refer to the involvement of powerful countries in the affairs of less powerful countries; this is especially relevant in modern Latin America. In this sense, neocolonialism implies a form of contemporary "economic imperialism": that powerful nations behave like colonial powers of imperialism, and that this behavior is likened to colonialism in a post-colonial world.[citation needed]
"As long as imperialism exists it will, by definition, exert its domination over other countries. Today that domination is called neocolonialism."
Kwame Nkrumah, first president of
Ghana, and one of the coiners of the term "neocolonialism", pictured on a
Soviet stamp (1989).
The term neocolonialism first saw widespread use, particularly in reference to Africa, soon after the process of decolonization which followed a struggle by many national independence movements in the colonies following World War II. Upon gaining independence, some national leaders and opposition groups argued that their countries were being subjected to a new form of colonialism, waged by the former colonial powers and other developed nations. Kwame Nkrumah, who in 1957 became leader of newly independent Ghana, was one of the most notable figures to use the term. A classical definition of neocolonialism is given in his Neo-Colonialism, the Last Stage of Imperialism (1965).[5] The work is self-defined as an extension of Vladimir Lenin's Imperialism, the Last Stage of Capitalism (1916), in which Lenin argues that 19th century imperialism is predicated upon the needs of the capitalist system.[6] Nkrumah argues that "In place of colonialism as the main instrument of imperialism we have today neo-colonialism. [...] Neo-colonialism, like colonialism, is an attempt to export the social conflicts of the capitalist countries." He continues:
The result of neo-colonialism is that foreign capital is used for the exploitation rather than for the development of the less developed parts of the world. Investment under neo-colonialism increases rather than decreases the gap between the rich and the poor countries of the world. The struggle against neo-colonialism is not aimed at excluding the capital of the developed world from operating in less developed countries. It is aimed at preventing the financial power of the developed countries being used in such a way as to impoverish the less developed.[7]
Initially the term was popularised largely through the activities of scholars and leaders from the newly independent states of Africa and the Pan-Africanist movement. Many of these leaders came together with those of other post colonial states at the Bandung Conference of 1955, leading to the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement. The All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) meetings of the late 1950s and early 1960s spread this critique of makku- neocolonialism. Their Tunis conference of 1960 and Cairo conference of 1961 specified their opposition to what they labeled neocolonialism, singling out the French Community of independent states organised by the former colonial power. In its four page Resolution on Neocolonialism is cited as a landmark for having presented a collectively arrived at definition of neocolonialism and a description of its main features.[8] Throughout the Cold War, the Non-Aligned Movement, and organisations like the Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America defined neocolonialism as a primary collective enemy of these independent states.
Denunciations of neocolonialism also became popular with some national independence movements while they were still waging anti-colonial armed struggle. During the 1970s, in the Portuguese colonies of Mozambique and Angola for example, the Marxist movements FRELIMO and MPLA, which were to eventually assume power upon those nations' independence, denounced neocolonialism as well as colonialism.
The term "paternalistic neocolonialism" involves the belief held by a neo-colonial power that their colonial subjects benefit from their occupation. Critics of neocolonialism, arguing that this is both exploitive and racist, contend this is merely a justification for continued political hegemony and economic exploitation of past colonies, and that such justifications are the modern reformulation of the civilizing mission concepts of the 19th century.
The classic example used to define modern neocolonialism is Françafrique: a term that refers to the continuing close relationship between France and some leaders of its former African colonies. It was first used by president of the Côte d'Ivoire Félix Houphouët-Boigny, who appears to have used it in a positive sense, to refer to good relations between France and Africa, but it was subsequently borrowed by critics of this close (and they would say) unbalanced relationship. Jacques Foccart, who from 1960 was chief of staff for African matters for president Charles de Gaulle (1958–69) and then Georges Pompidou (1969–1974), is claimed to be the leading exponent of Françafrique.[9] The term was coined by François-Xavier Verschave as the title of his criticism of French policies in Africa: La Françafrique, The longest Scandal of the Republic.[10]
In 1972, Mongo Beti, a writer in exile from Cameroon published Main basse sur le Cameroun, autopsie d'une décolonisation ('Cruel hand on Cameroon, autopsy of a decolonization'), a critical history of recent Cameroon, which asserted that Cameroon and other colonies remained under French control in all but name, and that the post-independence political elites had actively fostered this continued dependence.
Verschave, Beti and others point to a forty-year post-independence relationship with nations of the former African colonies, whereby French troops maintain forces on the ground (often used by friendly African leaders to quell revolts) and French corporations maintain monopolies on foreign investment (usually in the form of extraction of natural resources). French troops in Africa were (and it is argued, still are) often involved in coups d'état resulting in a regime acting in the interests of France but against its country's own interests.
Those leaders closest to France (particularly during the Cold War) are presented in this critique as agents of continued French control in Africa. Those most often mentioned are the recently deceased Omar Bongo, former president of Gabon, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, former president of Côte d'Ivoire, Gnassingbé Eyadéma, former president of Togo, Denis Sassou-Nguesso, of the Republic of the Congo, Idriss Déby, president of Chad, and Hamani Diori former president of Niger.
The French Community and the later Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie are defined by critics[who?] as agents of French neocolonial influence, especially in Africa. While the main thrust of this claim is that the Francophonie organisation is a front for French dominance of post-colonial nations, the relation with the French language is often more complex. Algerian intellectual Kateb Yacine wrote in 1966 that
- Francophonie is a neocolonial political machine, which only perpetuates our alienation, but the usage of French language does not mean that one is an agent of a foreign power, and I write in French to tell the French that I am not French.[11][12][citation needed]
After a hastened decolonization process of the Belgian Congo, Belgium continued to control, through The Société Générale de Belgique, an estimate of 70% of the Congolese economy following the decolonization process. The most contested part was in the province of Katanga where the Union Minière du Haut Katanga, part of the Société, had control over the mineral and resource rich province. After a failed attempt to nationalize the mining industry in the 1960s, it was reopened to foreign investment.
"We, politely referred to as 'underdeveloped', in truth are colonial, semi-colonial or dependent countries. We are countries whose economies have been distorted by imperialism, which has abnormally developed those branches of industry or agriculture needed to complement its complex economy. 'Underdevelopment', or distorted development, brings a dangerous specialization in raw materials, inherent in which is the threat of hunger for all our peoples. We, the 'underdeveloped', are also those with the single crop, the single product, the single market. A single product whose uncertain sale depends on a single market imposing and fixing conditions. That is the great formula for imperialist economic domination."
The concept of economic neocolonialism was given a theoretical basis, in part, through the work of Dependency theory. This body of social science theories, both from developed and developing nations, is predicated on the notion that there is a center of wealthy states and a periphery of poor, underdeveloped states. Resources are extracted from the periphery and flow towards the states at the center in order to sustain their economic growth and wealth. A central concept is that the poverty of the countries in the periphery is the result of the manner of their integration of the "world system", a view to be contrasted with that of free market economists, who argue that such states are progressing on a path to full integration. This theory is based on the Marxist analysis of inequalities within the world system, dependency argues that underdevelopment of the Global South is a direct result of the development in the Global North.
The basis of much of this Marxist theory is in theories of the "semi-colony", which date back to the late 19th century.[14]
Proponents of such theories include Federico Brito Figueroa a Venezuelan historian who has written widely on the socioeconomic underpinnings of both colonialism and neocolonialism. Brito's works and theories strongly influenced the thinking of current Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez.
In the late 20th century conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States, the charge of neocolonialism was often aimed at Western[15][16][17][18][19] -- and less often, Soviet[20][21] -- involvement in the affairs of developing nations. Proxy Wars, many in former colonised nations, were funded by both sides throughout this period. Cuba, the Soviet bloc, Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser, and some governments of newly independent African states, charged the United States with supporting regimes which they felt did not represent the will of their peoples, and by means both covert and overt, toppling governments which rejected the United States. The Tricontinental Conference, chaired by Moroccan politician Mehdi Ben Barka was one such organisation. Roughly designated as part of the Third World movement, it supported revolutionary anti-colonial action in various states, provoking the anger of the United States and France. Ben Barka himself led what was called the Commission on Neocolonialism of the organisation, which focused both on the involvement of former colonial powers in post colonial states, but also contended that the United States, as leader of the capitalist world, was the primary Neocolonialist power. Much speculation remains about Ben Barka disappearance in 1965. The Tricontinental Conference was succeeded organisation such as Cuba's Organization of Solidarity with the People of Asia, Africa and Latin America (OSPAAAL). Such organisations, feeding into what became the Non-Aligned Movement of the 1960s and 1970s used neocolonialism, in much the same way as Marxist dependency theory intellectuals did, to encompass all capitalist nations, and most especially the United States. This usage remains popular on the political left today, most especially in Latin America.
Further information: Multinational corporation#Criticism of Multinationals
Critics of neocolonialism also argue that investment by multinational corporations enriches few in underdeveloped countries, and causes humanitarian, environmental and ecological devastation to the populations which inhabit the neocolonies whose "development" and economy is now dependent on foreign market's and large scale trade agreements. This, it is argued, results in unsustainable development and perpetual underdevelopment; a dependency which cultivates those countries as reservoirs of cheap labor and raw materials, while restricting their access to advanced production techniques to develop their own economies. In some countries, privatization of national resources, while initially leading to immediate large scale influx of investment capital, is often followed by dramatic increases in the rate of unemployment, poverty, and a decline in per-capita income.[22] This is particularly true in the West African nations of Guinea-Bissau, Senegal, and Mauritania where fishing has historically been central to the local economy. Beginning in 1979, the European Union began brokering fishing rights contracts off the coast of West Africa. This continues to this day. Commercial unsustainable over-fishing from foreign corporations have played a significant role in the large-scale unemployment and migration of people across the region.[23] This stands in direct opposition to United Nations Treaty on the Seas which recognizes the importance of fishing to local communities and insists that government fishing agreements with foreign companies should be targeted at surplus stocks only.[24]
Proponents of ties which critics have labeled neocolonial argue that, while the First World does profit from cheap labor and raw materials in underdeveloped nations, ultimately, it does serve as a positive modernizing force for development in the Third World.
Critics of neocolonialism[who?] portray the choice to grant or to refuse granting loans (particularly those financing otherwise unpayable Third World debt), especially by international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank, as a decisive form of control. They argue that in order to qualify for these loans, and other forms of economic aid, weaker nations are forced to take certain steps favorable to the financial interests of the IMF and World Bank but detrimental to their own economies. These structural adjustments have the effect of increasing rather than alleviating poverty within the nation. Some critics[who?] emphasize that neocolonialism allows certain cartels of states, such as the World Bank, to control and exploit usually lesser developed countries (LDCs) by fostering debt. In effect, Third World governments give concessions and monopolies to foreign corporations in return for consolidation of power and monetary bribes. In most cases, much of the money loaned to these LDCs is returned to the favored foreign corporations. Thus, these foreign loans are in effect subsidies to corporations of the loaning state. This collusion is sometimes referred to as the corporatocracy. Organizations accused of participating in neo-imperialism include the World Bank, World Trade Organization and Group of Eight, and the World Economic Forum. Various "first world" states, notably the United States, are said to be involved, as described in Confessions of an Economic Hit Man by John Perkins.
[edit] Neocolonialism allegations against the IMF
Jeffrey Sachs demanded that the entire African debt (approximately $200 billion) be forgiven outright and recommended that African nations simply stop paying if the World Bank and IMF do not reciprocate:
- The time has come to end this charade. The debts are unaffordable. If they won't cancel the debts I would suggest obstruction; you do it yourselves. Africa should say: 'thank you very much but we need this money to meet the needs of children who are dying right now so we will put the debt servicing payments into urgent social investment in health, education, drinking water, control of AIDS and other needs.' (Professor Jeffrey Sachs, Director of The Earth Institute at Columbia University and Special Economic Advisor to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan).
Critics of the IMF have conducted studies as to the effects of its policy which demands currency devaluations. They pose the argument that the IMF requires these devaluations as a condition for refinancing loans, while simultaneously insisting that the loan be repaid in dollars or other First World currencies against which the underdeveloped country's currency had been devalued.[citation needed]
Due to its large cash reserves, the Chinese government has begun playing a significant role as counter-weight to IMF influence. Its often lax lending requirements have led some countries, such as Angola in 2006, to eschew all previously planned IMF loans.[25]
Historically, China and Somalia had a strong trading tie. In recent years, the People's Republic of China has built increasingly stronger ties with African nations.[26][27] China is currently Africa's largest trading partner.[28][29] As of August 2007, there were an estimated 750,000 Chinese nationals working or living for extended periods in different African countries.[30][31] China is picking up natural resources — oil, precious minerals — to feed its expanding economy and new markets for its burgeoning enterprises.[32][33] In 2006, two-way trade had increased to $50 billion.[34]
Not all dealings have involved direct monetary exchanges. In 2007, the governments of China and Democratic Republic of the Congo entered into an agreement whereby Chinese state-owned firms would provide various services (infrastructure projects) in exchange for access to an equivalent amount of materials extracted from Congolese copper mines.[25]
Human rights advocates and opponents of the Sudanese government portray China's role in providing weapons and aircraft as a cynical attempt to obtain petroleum and natural gas just as colonial powers once supplied African chieftains with the military means to maintain control as they extracted natural resources.[35][36][37] According to China's critics, China has offered Sudan support threatening to use its veto on the U.N. Security Council to protect Khartoum from sanctions and has been able to water down every resolution on Darfur in order to protect its interests in Sudan.[38]
Rich governments and powerful multinationals from South Korea are rapidly buying up the rights to millions of hectares of agricultural land in developing countries in an effort to secure its own long-term food supplies. The fact that South Korea is no longer "importing" food and resources that is being cultivated overseas implies that these lands are effectively Korean. This amounts to agricultural imperialism a new form of neocolonialism.[39] South Korea's largely mountainous land area of just over 100,000 square kilometer houses a population of nearly 50 million, yet the country's highly industrialized trillion-dollar economy was almost as large as the economy of the entire African continent in 2007.[40] Hence, the South Korean government is now using its massive financial resources to purchase cheap land overseas for energy and food, in order to fuel one of the world's fastest growing advanced economies.
South Korea's RG Energy Resources Asset Management CEO Park Yong-soo stressed that "the nation does not produce a single drop of crude oil and other key industrial minerals. To power economic growth and support people's livelihoods, we cannot emphasize too much that securing natural resources in foreign countries is a must for our future survival."[41] The head of the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), Jacques Diouf, has warned that the controversial rise in land deals could create a form of "neo-colonialism", with poor states producing food for the rich at the expense of their own hungry people.
In 2008, the South Korean multinational Daewoo Logistics secured 1.3 million hectares of farmland in Madagascar, half the size of Belgium, to grow maize and crops for biofuels. Roughly half of the country's arable land, as well as rainforests of rich and unique biodiversity, were to be converted into palm and corn monocultures, producing food for export from a country where a third of the population and 50 percent of children under 5 are malnourished, using workers imported from South Africa instead of locals. Those living on the land were never consulted or informed, despite being dependent on the land for food and income. The controversial deal played a major part in prolonged anti-government protests on the island that resulted in over a hundred deaths.[39] Shortly after the Madagascar deal, Tanzania announced that South Korea was in talks to develop 100,000 hectares for food production and processing for 700 to 800 billion won. Scheduled to be completed in 2010, it will be the largest single piece of agricultural infrastructure South Korea has ever built overseas.[39]
In 2009, Hyundai Heavy Industries acquired a majority stake in a company cultivating 10,000 hectares of farmland in the Russian Far East and a wealthy South Korean provincial government secured 95,000 hectares of farmland in Oriental Mindoro, central Philippines, to grow corn. The South Jeolla province became the first provincial government to benefit from a newly created central government fund to develop farmland overseas, receiving a cheap loan of $1.9 million for the Mindoro project. The feedstock is expected to produce 10,000 tonnes of feed in the first year for South Korea.[42] South Korean multinationals and provincial governments have also purchased land in Sulawesi, Indonesia, Cambodia and Bulgan, Mongolia. The South Korean government itself announced its intention to invest 30 billion won in land in Paraguay and Uruguay. Discussions with Laos, Myanmar and Senegal are also currently underway.[39]
The South Korean government's strategy is quickly yielding results and despite predicting that farmland is shrinking on the country, the government announced in August 2009 that South Korea would enjoy a 10% increase in rice production in 2009, the first since 2005, yet there are already pile-ups of mountains of rice purchased by the government to keep rice prices stable.[39]
Although the concept of neocolonialism was originally developed within a Marxist theoretical framework and is generally employed by the political left, the term "neocolonialism" is also used within other theoretical frameworks.
One variant of neocolonialism theory critiques the existence of cultural colonialism, the desire of wealthy nations to control other nations' values and perceptions through cultural means, such as media, language, education and religion, ultimately for economic reasons.
One element of this is a critique of "Colonial Mentality" which writers have traced well beyond the legacy of 19th century colonial empires. These critics argue that people, once subject to colonial or imperial rule, latch onto physical and cultural differences between the foreigners and themselves, leading some to associate power and success with the foreigners' ways. This eventually leads to the foreigners' ways being regarded as the better way and being held in a higher esteem than previous indigenous ways. In much the same fashion, and with the same reasoning of better-ness, the colonised may over time equate the colonisers' race or ethnicity itself as being responsible for their superiority. Cultural rejections of colonialism, such as the Negritude movement, or simply the embracing of seemingly authentic local culture are then seen in a post colonial world as a necessary part of the struggle against domination. By the same reasoning, importation or continuation of cultural mores or elements from former colonial powers may be regarded as a form of Neocolonialism.
Postcolonialism is a set of theories in philosophy, film, political sciences and literature that deal with the cultural legacy of colonial rule. Postcolonialism deals with cultural identity in colonized societies, referencing neocolonialism as the background for contemporary dilemmas of developing a national identity after colonial rule: the ways in which writers articulate and celebrate that identity (often reclaiming it from and maintaining strong connections with the colonizer); the ways in which the knowledge of the colonized (subordinated) people has been generated and used to serve the colonizer's interests; and the ways in which the colonizer's literature has justified colonialism via images of the colonized as a perpetually inferior people, society and culture.
Theories of postcolonial studies include Subaltern Studies (specifically its postcolonial manifestations), Frantz Fanon's "psychopathology of colonization", and filmmakers of the Latin American Third Cinema (such as Tomás Gutiérrez Alea of Cuba or Kidlat Tahimik of the Philippines).
While critiques of postcolonialism/neocolonialism theory is widely practiced in literary theory, international relations theory also has defined "postcolonialism" as a field of study. While the lasting effects of cultural colonialism is of central interest in cultural critiques of neocolonialism, their intellectual antecedents are economic theories of neocolonialism: Marxist dependency theory and mainstream criticism of capitalist neoliberalism. critical international relations theory frequently references neocolonialism from Marxist positions as well as postpositivist positions, including postmodernist, postcolonial and feminist approaches, which differ from both realism and liberalism in their epistemological and ontological premises.
There have been other critiques that the modern conservation movement, as taken up by international organizations such as the World Wide Fund for Nature, has inadvertently set up a neocolonialist relationship with underdeveloped nations.[43]
- ^ Sartre, Jean-Paul (2001-03-27). Colonialism and neo-colonialism. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-19146-3.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam; Edward S. Herman (1979-07-01). The Washington connection and Third World fascism. Black Rose Books Ltd.. p. 42ff. ISBN 978-0-919618-88-6.
- ^ United Nations General Assembly Resolutions 1514 and 1541
- ^ "At the Afro-Asian Conference in Algeria" speech by Che Guevara to the Second Economic Seminar of Afro-Asian Solidarity in Algiers, Algeria on February 24, 1965
- ^ Ali Mazrui; Willy Mutunga, ed. Debating the African Condition: Governance and leadership. Africa World Press, 2003 ISBN 1-59221-147-X pp.19-20, 69.
- ^ Vladimir Ilyich Lenin. Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. transcribed from Lenin’s Selected Works, Progress Publishers, 1963, Moscow, Volume 1, pp. 667–766.
- ^ From the Introduction. Kwame Nkrumah. Neo-Colonialism, The Last Stage of Imperialism. First Published: Thomas Nelson & Sons, Ltd., London (1965). Published in the USA by International Publishers Co., Inc., (1966);
- ^ Wallerstein, p 52: 'It attempted the one serious, collectively agreed upon definition of neocolonialism, the key concept in the armory of the revolutionary core of the movement for African unity.' Also William D. Graf, review of Yolamu R. Barongo, Neocolonialism and African Politics: a Survey of the Impact of Neocolonialism on African Political Behaviour (1980); Canadian Journal of African Studies, p 601: 'The term itself originated in Africa, probably with Nkrumah, and received collective recognition at the 1961 All-African People's Conference.'
- ^ Kaye Whiteman The man who ran Francafrique - French politician Jacques Foccart's role in France's colonization of Africa under the leadership of Charles de Gaulle - Obituary in The National Interest, Fall, 1997.
- ^ François-Xavier Verschave. La Françafrique, le plus long scandale de la République. Paris (ISBN 2234049482).
- ^ http://www.afrique-du-nord.com/article.php3?id_article=1877 (Quote by Kateb Yacine in French)
- ^ http://www.arabesques-editions.com/fr/biographies/kateb-yacine1974605.html?page=0%2C1 (Quote by Kateb Yacine in French)
- ^ "Cuba: Historical exception or vanguard in the anticolonial struggle?" speech by Che Guevara on April 9, 1961
- ^ Ernest Mandel, "Semicolonial Countries and Semi-Industrialised Dependent Countries", New International (New York), No.5, pp.149-175
- ^ ANURADHA M . CHENOY. Soviet new thinking on national liberation movements: continuity and change. pp. 145-162 in Soviet foreign policy in transition. Roger E. Kanet, Deborah Nutter Miner, Tamara J. Resler, International Committee for Soviet and East European Studies. Cambridge University Press, (1992) ISBN 0-521-41365-6 see especially pp. 149-50 of the internal definintions of neocolonialism in soviet bloc academia.
- ^ Rosemary Radford Ruether. Christianity and Social Systems: Historical Constructions and Ethical Challenges. Rowman & Littlefield, (2008) ISBN 0-7425-4643-8 p. 138: "Neocolonialism means that European powers and the United States no longer rule dependent territories directly through their occupying troops and imperial bureaucracy. Rather, they control the area's resources indirectly through business corporations and the financial lending institutions they dominate...."
- ^ Yumna Siddiqi. Anxieties of Empire and the Fiction of Intrigue. Columbia University Press, (2007) ISBN 0-231-13808-3 pp.123-124 giving the classical definition limited to US and European colonial powers.
- ^ Thomas R. Shannon. An introduction to the world-system perspective. Second Edition. Westview Press, (1996) ISBN 0-8133-2452-1 pp. 94-95 classicially defined as a capitalist phenomenon.
- ^ William H. Blanchard. Neocolonialism American style, 1960-2000. Greenwood Publishing Group, (1996) ISBN 0-313-30013-5 pp.3-12, definition p.7.
- ^ Hugh Seton-Watson. Nations and states: an enquiry into the origins of nations and the politics of nationalism. Taylor & Francis, (1977) ISBN 0-416-76810-5 Seton-Watson gives the traditional history of the word neocolonialism as an anti-capitalist term, (pp.339-339), but uses it to apply to the Soviet bloc as well (p.322, passim)
- ^ Edward M. Bennett. COLONIALISM AND NEOCOLONIALISM pp.285-291 in Encyclopedia of American foreign policy. Alexander DeConde, Richard Dean Burns, Fredrik Logevall eds. Second Edition. Simon and Schuster, (2002) ISBN 0-684-80657-6 P. 285 defines neocolonialism as traditionally linked to colonial powers: "the Soviets practiced imperialism not colonialism."
- ^ "World Bank, IMF Threw Colombia Into Tailspin" The Baltimore Sun, April 4, 2002
- ^ "Europe Takes Africa’s Fish, and Boatloads of Migrants Follow" The New York Times, January 14, 2008
- ^ United Nations 2007
- ^ a b China's Quest for Resources - A ravenous dragon The Economist, March 13, 2008
- ^ Military backs China's Africa adventure, Asia Times
- ^ Mbeki warns on China-Africa ties
- ^ http://english.cntv.cn/program/bizasia/20101015/101588.shtml
- ^ http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/Company%20Industry/-/539550/850122/-/t43ipjz/-/index.html
- ^ Chinese flocking in numbers to a new frontier: Africa
- ^ Chinese imperialism in Africa
- ^ China, Africa, and Oil
- ^ Is China Africa's new imperialist power?
- ^ "Is China the new colonial power in Africa?" Taipei Times, November 1, 2006
- ^ "CHINA’S INVOLVEMENT IN SUDAN: ARMS AND OIL". Human Rights Watch. 2007-12-23. http://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/sudan1103/26.htm.
- ^ Goodman, Peter S. (2007-12-23). "China Invests Heavily In Sudan's Oil Industry". Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A21143-2004Dec22.html. Retrieved May 20, 2010.
- ^ Reeves, Eric (2007-04-16). "Artists abetting genocide?". Boston Globe. http://www.boston.com/news/globe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2007/04/16/artists_abetting_genocide/.
- ^ "The Increasing Importance of African Oil". Power and Interest News Report. 2007-03-20. http://www.pinr.com/report.php?ac=view_report&report_id=460.
- ^ a b c d e http://koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/biz/2009/12/123_56697.html
- ^ Report for Selected Countries and Subjects, IMF.org
- ^ http://koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2009/07/123_48943.html
- ^ http://koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/nation/2009/07/113_48556.html
- ^ In a manner consistent with Immanuel Wallerstein’s World Systems Theory (Wallerstein, 1974) and Andre Gunder Frank’s Dependency Theory (Frank, 1975).
- Opoku Agyeman. Nkrumah's Ghana and East Africa: Pan-Africanism and African interstate relations (Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1992).
- Ankerl, Guy (2000). Global communication without universal civilization. INU societal research. Vol.1: Coexisting contemporary civilizations : Arabo-Muslim, Bharati, Chinese, and Western. Geneva: INU Press. ISBN 2-88155-004-5.
- Bill Ashcroft (ed., et al.) The post-colonial studies reader (Routledge, London, 1995).
- Yolamu R Barongo. Neocolonialism and African politics: A survey of the impact of neocolonialism on African political behavior (Vantage Press, NY, 1980).
- Mongo Beti, Main basse sur le Cameroun. Autopsie d'une décolonisation (1972), new edition La Découverte, Paris 2003 [A classical critique of neocolonialism. Raymond Marcellin, the French Minister of the Interior at the time, tried to prohibit the book. It could only be published after fierce legal battles.]
- Frédéric Turpin. De Gaulle, Pompidou et l'Afrique (1958-1974): décoloniser et coopérer (Les Indes savantes, Paris, 2010. [Grounded on Foccart's previously inaccessibles archives]
- Kum-Kum Bhavnani. (ed., et al.) Feminist futures: Re-imagining women, culture and development (Zed Books, NY, 2003). See: Ming-yan Lai's "Of Rural Mothers, Urban Whores and Working Daughters: Women and the Critique of Neocolonial Development in Taiwan's Nativist Literature," pp. 209–225.
- David Birmingham. The decolonization of Africa (Ohio University Press, 1995).
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