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Kurdistan Province استان کردستان
—  Province  —
Location of Kurdistan within Iran
Coordinates: 35°18′41″N 46°59′46″E / 35.3113°N 46.9960°E / 35.3113; 46.9960Coordinates: 35°18′41″N 46°59′46″E / 35.3113°N 46.9960°E / 35.3113; 46.9960
Country	Iran
Capital	Sanandaj
Counties	10
Government
• Governor	Ali Reza Shahbazi[1]
Area
• Total	29,137 km2 (11,250 sq mi)
Population (2006)[2]
• Total	1,440,156
• Density	49/km2 (130/sq mi)
Time zone	IRST (UTC+03:30)
• Summer (DST)	IRST (UTC+04:30)
Main language(s)	Persian (official) local languages: Kurdish Azerbaijani[3][4][5]

Kurdistan Province or Kordestan Province or Kurdestan Province (Persian: استان کردستان‎, Ostān-e Kordestān, Kurdish: پارێزگای کوردستان, Parêzgeha Kurdistanê^{[citation needed]}) is one of the 31 provinces of Iran, not to be confused with the greater geographical area of Iranian Kurdistan. The province of Kurdistan is 28,817 km² in area which encompasses just one-fourth of the Kurdish inhabited areas of Iran or Iranian Kurdistan [2]. It is located in the west of Iran and bound by Iraq on the west, the province of west Azerbaijan to its north, Zanjan to the northeast, Hamedan to the east and Kermanshah to the south. The capital of Kurdistan Province is the city of Sanandaj (Kurdish: Sinne). Other counties with their major cities are Marivan, Baneh, Saqqez, Qorveh, Bijar, Kamyaran, Dehgolan, Diwandarreh and Sarvabad.

History[link]

The mountainous lands of this area first encouraged Aryan tribes to settle in this region after their immigration to Iran. It was from here where the first plan to overthrow the Assyrian Empire began, leading to their defeat in 612 BCE, and setting the stage for the commence of the Median empire.

When the Islamic Arabs attacked the Sassanid empire in 634 CE, many Kurds resisted their invasion, but were eventually brought under Muslim rule. In 835 CE, one of the Kurdish leaders revolted against Al-Mu'tasim, but was eventually suppressed. The Kurds revolted against the Arab Caliphs several times but were defeated.

During the next few hundred years, Kurdistan became the arena of conflict between various invaders, including the Mongols and Timurids. Its steady decline began in the 16th century, when sea traffic replaced the famous Silk Road.

Upon the order of Sultan Muhammad Khodabandeh (Öljaitü), a small town by the name of Soltanabad Chamchal was constructed in Bisutun region to function as the official and political center of Kurdistan in the Middle Ages. It remained the capital for nearly one-and-a-half centuries, until, in 1372 CE, the government moved to Hassanabad fort, 6 km south of Sanandaj (Sinne). Around 14th century, people from Ardalan tribe established themselves in Sinne (Sanandaj) as the rulers of this region.

According to Sharafnama written by Sharaf-al-Din Bitlisi, the earliest known leader of the tribe, Bawa Ardalan, was a descendant of "Ahmad b. Marwan", who ruled in Diyarbakır. He settled down among the Gorans in Kurdistan and toward the end of the Mongol period took over the "Şare Zor" (Sharazur) region, where he established himself as an absolute ruler. He is considered to be the founder of the Ardalan principality. The territories of Zardiawa (Karadagh), Khanaqin, Kirkuk, and Kifri, which were already the homelands of the Goran-Kurds, all belonged to this principality. The capital city of the principality was first in Sharazour, but was moved to Sinne later on. During the reign of Shah Ismail I, the founder of Safavid dynasty, Sunni Kurds (among them the Ardalans) were supported by Ottoman against the Shi'ite government of the Safavids. When Soleiman Khan Ardalan came to power in 1630 CE, the throne was transferred to Sanandaj (Sinne), and, from then on, the rulers contributed to the flourishing and development of the area.

The Ardalan Dynasty continued to rule the region until the Qajar monarch Nasser-al-Din Shah (1848-1896) ended their rule in 1867 CE.

Geography[link]

Kurdistan Province is a mountainous region that can be topographically divided into a western and an eastern section at Sanandaj. As a result of its elevation and mountains, Kurdistan province has many rivers, lakes, glaciers and caves, which render it rather picturesque. Consequently, Kurdistan has always attracted a large number of tourists and fans of mountaineering, ski and water-sports.

The Zarrineh River, 302 km long, is one of the longest rivers of this province. Its banks offer great opportunities for recreation and the river's plentiful water renders itself ideal for water sports. This river runs northwards and ultimately pours into Lake Urmia. The Sirvan River is another prominent river in this province. It runs over a long distance, eventually to join the Tigris in Iraq. The banks of this river are remarkably attractive. The Simineh River is also an important river in this province. A large number of marine species and birds live on the banks of the province's numerous rivers which they seem to find ideal habitats.

Lake Zarivar is the most beautiful water-way of the province, which lies at the feet to high mountains, providing a delightfully picturesque sight. Its water is sparklingly fresh. The lake has a maximum depth of 50 m and an average depth of 3 m. It is surrounded by thick forests. The whole collection of the lake, the mountains and forests generates a fascinating panorama. This lake, which has a length of 5 km and a maximum which width of 1.7 km, lies to the west of Marivan. Lake Vahdat's dam, to the north of Sanandaj (Sinne), provides excellent opportunities for fishing and water-sports.

Kurdistan benefits from many resourceful mineral water springs. The most outstanding of these are: Govaz to the northwest of Kamyaran, Abetalkh close to Bijar and Baba Gorgor to the north of Qorveh.

Cave Kereftoo, close to Divandarreh, is a unique natural and at the same time archeological site. Inside the cave there are a number of ancient buildings known as the Temple of Heraclius, because the name of this Greek god is carved on the ceiling of one of the halls. Cave Shoovi, 267 m long, is another prominent cave, which lies near the city of Baneh.

Mount Charkhaln 3,330 m high, mount Chehelcheshmeh, 3,173 m, Mount Hossein Bak, 3,091 m, and Mount Masjede Mirza, 3,059 m, are the other large mountains of Kurdistan.

Kurdistan has vast forests and refuges, where many animals and birds live, safely from the harms of the human beings: the leopard, ram, wild goat, hyena, jackal, wolf, fox, sable, weasel and such birds as the partridge, wild duck, stork, parrot and eagle.

Climate[link]

Kurdistan is one of the most mountainous(hilly) regions in Iran and has a generally mild and quite pleasant climate throughout the spring and summer. Winters are long and can be very cold with heavy snowfalls.

People and culture[link]

The population of the province in 1996 was 1,346,383 of which 52.42% were urban dwellers and 47.58% rural dwellers. The sex ratio of the province is 104. The Kurdish people are the majority population in this province, and they speak Sorani-Kurdish which is a northwestern Iranian language. The region's historical name is Ardalan.

The Kurdish language is categorized under the Indo-European group of languages, with a distinctive grammatical form. This language has various branches in Iran, such as the Sorani, Hewrami, Feyli, Kalhuri and Kurmanji. Majority of the people in Kurdistan province speak variants of Sorani Kurdish, sometimes called as "Ardalani" dialect. Hewrami Kurdish is also spoken around Marivan, in a region called "Hewramanî Text"(The Flat Hawraman). In eastern parts of the province including Bijar and Qorveh, the majority are Shiite Kurds. There also exists an Azeri minority in the villages around Qorveh.^[6][7]

Cities and towns[link]

Kurdistan Province counties
Baneh Bijar Divandarreh Kamyaran Marivan Qorveh Dehgolan Sanandaj Saqqez Sarvabad

• Sanandaj
• Dehgolan
• Saqez
• Marivan
• Kamyaran
• Baneh
• Diwandarreh
• Qorveh
• Bijar
• Sarvabad

Economy[link]

The major activities of the inhabitants are agriculture and modern livestock farming. Wheat, barley, grains and fruits are the major agricultural products. The chemical, metal, textile, leather and food industries are the main industrial activities in this province.

Colleges and universities[link]

• Kurdistan University of Medical Sciences
  • Tohid Medical Center
• University of Kurdistan
• population of kurdistan university is about 5500
• Islamic Azad University of Sanandaj

Attractions[link]

Iran's Cultural Heritage Organization lists 211 sites of historical and cultural significance in Kordestan province. Some, such as Hajar Khatoon Mosque in Sanandaj or Ghal'eh Kohneh in Bijar date back to the Sassanid era. For more info, see the provincial Cultural Heritage Organization website linked at the bottom of this page.

See also[link]

Iran portal

• Hajar Khatoon Mosque
• Iranian Kurdistan
• Ethnic minorities in Iran

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Kordestan province

• Sharafnama: History of the Kurdish Nation
• Kordestan Provincve Cultural Heritage Organization
• Kavan's Photography about Kurdistan
• Pālangān under snow - some photographs

		West Azerbaijan Province	Zanjan Province
	Sulaymaniyah Governorate, Iraq
		Kurdistan Province    East
		Kermanshah Province	Hamadan Province

v t e Kurdistan Province Capital Sanandaj Counties and Cities Baneh County Baneh Armardeh Buin-e Sofla Kani Sur Bijar County Bijar Babarashani Yasukand Dehgolan County Dehgolan Bolbanabad Divandarreh County Divandarreh Zarrineh Kamyaran County Kamyaran Muchesh Marivan County Marivan Chenareh Kani Dinar Qorveh County Qorveh Delbaran Dezej Serishabad Sanandaj County Sanandaj Shuyesheh Saqqez County Saqqez Saheb Sarvabad County Sarvabad Sights Abidar Zarivar Lake Hawraman Pir Shalyar Old bazaars of Sanandaj Hajar Khatoon Mosque Garden of ayatollah Mardokh Baba Gurgur's mausoleum Chehelcheshmeh biosphere (Diwandarreh) Lake of Vahdat dam (Sanandaj) Tengiwer inscription of Sargon II(Kamyaran) Garus ancient city Ahmadzadeh house House of Kurds (Asef's house) Khosroabad building Karaftu Ziwiyeh Grand mosque of Sanandaj(Dar-al ehsan) Avihang mosque Domenareh mosque (Double Minaret mosuqe),Saqqez Historic Quran of Negel Sanandaj museum of natural history Sanandaj museum Hajij

v t e Provinces of Iran Alborz Ardabil Bushehr Chaharmahal and Bakhtiari East Azerbaijan Isfahan Fars Gilan Golestan Hamadan Hormozgan Ilam Kerman Kermanshah Khuzestan Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Kurdistan Lorestan Markazi Mazandaran North Khorasan Qazvin Qom Razavi Khorasan Semnan Sistan and Baluchestan South Khorasan Tehran West Azerbaijan Yazd Zanjan

Kurdistan

Kurdish-inhabited areas.
Language	Kurdish, Turkish, Arabic and Persian
Location	Western and Northwestern Iranian Plateau: Upper Mesopotamia, Zagros, Southeastern Anatolia, including parts of northwestern Iran, northern Iraq, northeastern Syria and southeastern Turkey[1]
Area (Est.)	190,000 km²–390,000 km² 74,000 sq.mi–151,000 sq.mi
Population	25 to 30 Million (Kurdish Population) (Est.)[2]

Kurdistan ( (listen) (help·info) "Land of the Kurds";^[3] also formerly spelled Curdistan;^[4][5] ancient name: Corduene^{[6][7][8][9][10][11][12]}) is a roughly defined geo-cultural region wherein the Kurds form a prominent majority population, and Kurdish culture, language, and national identity have historically been based.^[13]

Contemporary use of Kurdistan refers to parts of eastern Turkey (Turkish Kurdistan), northern Iraq (Iraqi Kurdistan), northwestern Iran (Iranian Kurdistan) and northern Syria inhabited mainly by Kurds.^[14] Kurdistan roughly encompasses the northwestern Zagros and the eastern Taurus mountain ranges,^[15] and covers small portions of Armenia.

Iraqi Kurdistan first gained autonomous status in 1970 agreement with the Iraqi government and its status was re-confirmed as an autonomous entity within the federal Iraqi republic in 2005.^[16] There is also a province by the name Kurdistan in Iran, although it does not enjoy self-rule.

Some Kurdish nationalist organizations seek to create an independent nation state of Kurdistan, consisting of some or all of the areas with Kurdish majority, while others campaign for greater Kurdish autonomy within the existing national boundaries.^[17][18]

History[link]

Ancient period[link]

Various groups, among them the Guti, Hurrian, Mannai (Mannaeans), and Armenians had lived in this region in antiquity^[19] The original Mannaean homeland was situated east and south of the Lake Urmia, roughly centered around modern-day Mahabad.^[20] The Medes came under Persian rule during the reign of Cyrus the Great and Darius.

The Kingdom of Corduene, which emerged from the declining Seleucid Empire, was located to the south and south-east of Lake Van between Persia and Mesopotamia and ruled northern Mesopotamia and southeastern Anatolia from 189 BC to AD 384. At its zenith, the Roman Empire ruled large Kurdish-inhabited areas, particularly the western and northern Kurdish areas in the Middle East. Corduene became a vassal state of the Roman Republic in 66 BC and remained allied with the Romans until AD 384. Corduene was situated to the east of Tigranocerta, that is, to the east and south of present-day Diyarbakır in south-eastern Turkey.

Ancient Kurdistan as Kard-uchi, during Alexander the Great's Empire, 4th century BC

Some historians have correlated a connection between Corduene‎ with the modern names of Kurds and Kurdistan;^[7][21][22] T. A. Sinclair dismissed this identification as false,^[23] while a common association is asserted in the Columbia Encyclopedia.^[24]

Some of the ancient districts of Kurdistan and their corresponding modern names:^[25]

1. Corduene or Gordyene (Siirt, Bitlis and Şırnak)
2. Sophene (Diyarbakır)
3. Zabdicene or Bezabde (Gozarto d'Qardu or Jazirat Ibn or Cizre)
4. Basenia (Bayazid)
5. Moxoene (Muş)
6. Nephercerta (Miyafarkin)
7. Artemita (Van)

19th-century map showing the location of the Kingdom of Corduene in 60 B.C

One of the earliest records of the phrase land of the Kurds is found in a Syriac Christian document of late antiquity, describing the stories of Christian saints of the Middle East, such as the Abdisho. When the Sassanid Marzban asked Mar Abdisho about his place of origin, he replied that according to his parents, they were originally from Hazza, a village in Assyria. However they were later driven out of Hazza by pagans, and settled in Tamanon, which according to Abdisho was in the land of the Kurds. Tamanon lies just north of the modern Iraq-Turkey border, while Hazza is 12 km southwest of modern Irbil. In another passage in the same document, the region of the Khabur River is also identified as land of the Kurds.^[26]

Medieval period[link]

Map by Mahmud al-Kashgari (1074), showing Arz ul Akrad Arabic for land of Kurds located between Arz ush Sham (Syria), and Arz ul Iraqeyn (Iraq Arabi and Iraq Ajami).

In the tenth and eleventh centuries, several Kurdish principalities emerged in the region: in the North the Shaddadid (951–1174) (in east Transcaucasia between the Kur and Araxes rivers) and the Rawadid (955–1221) (centered in Tabriz and ruled all of Azarbaijan), in the East the Hasanwayhid (959–1015) (in Zagros between Shahrizor and Khuzistan) and the Annazid (990–1116) (centered in Hulwan) and in the West the Marwanid (990–1096) in south of Diyarbakır and north of Jazira.^[27][28]

Kurdistan in the Middle Ages was a collection of semi-independent and independent states called "emirates". It was nominally under indirect political or religious influence of Khalifs or Shahs. A comprehensive history of these states and their relationship with their neighbors is given in the text of "Sharafnama", written by Prince Sharaf al-Din Bitlisi in 1597.^[29][30] The emirates included Baban, Soran, Badinan and Garmiyan in present-day Iraq; Bakran, Bohtan (or Botan) and Badlis in Turkey, and Mukriyan and Ardalan in Iran.

The earliest medieval attestation of the toponym Kurdistan is found in a 12th century Armenian historical text by Matteos Urhayeci. He described a battle near Amid and Siverek in 1062 as to have taken place in Kurdistan.^[31][32] The second record occurs in the prayer from the colophon of an Armenian manuscript of the Gospels, written in 1200.^[33][34]

A later use of the term Kurdistan is found in Nuzhat-al-Qulub, written by Hamdollah Mostowfi in 1340.^[35]

Modern period[link]

Kurdish Independent Kingdoms and Autonomous Principalities circa 1835.

In the 16th century, after prolonged wars, Kurdish-inhabited areas were split between the Safavid and Ottoman empires. A major division of Kurdistan occurred in the aftermath of the Battle of Chaldiran in 1514, and was formalized in the 1639 Treaty of Zuhab.^[36] Prior to World War I, most Kurds lived within the boundaries of the Ottoman Empire in the province of Kurdistan.^{[citation needed]}. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the Allies contrived to create several countries within its former boundaries – according to the never-ratified Treaty of Sèvres, Kurdistan, along with Armenia, were to be among them. However, the reconquest of these areas by the forces of Kemal Atatürk (and other pressing issues) caused the Allies to accept the renegotiated Treaty of Lausanne and the borders of the modern Republic of Turkey – leaving the Kurds without a self-ruled region. Other Kurdish areas were assigned to the new British and French mandated states of Iraq and Syria.

At the San Francisco Peace Conference of 1945, the Kurdish delegation proposed consideration of territory claimed by the Kurds, which encompassed an area extending from the Mediterranean shores near Adana to the shores of the Persian Gulf near Bushehr, and included the Lur inhabited areas of southern Zagros.^[37][38]

At the end of the First Gulf War, the Allies established a safe haven in northern Iraq. Amid the withdrawal of Iraqi forces from three northern provinces, Iraqi Kurdistan emerged in 1992 as an autonomous entity inside Iraq with its own local government and parliament.

People[link]

The Kurds are a people of Indo-European origin. They speak an Iranic language known as Kurdish, and comprise the majority of the population of the region – however, included therein are Arab, Armenian, Assyrian, Azeri, Jewish, Ossetian, Persian, and Turkic communities. Most inhabitants are Muslim, but adherents to other religions are present as well- including Yazidis, the Yarsan, Alevis, Christians,^[39] and Jews.^[40]

The Zagros Mountains from space, September 1992.

Geography[link]

According to the Encyclopædia Britannica, Kurdistan covers about 190,000 km², and its chief towns are Diyarbakır (Amed), Bitlis (Bedlîs) and Van (Wan) in Turkey, Arbil (Hewlêr) and Slemani in Iraq, and Kermanshah (Kirmanşan), Sanandaj (Sine) and Mahabad (Mehabad) in Iran.^[41] According to the Encyclopaedia of Islam, Kurdistan covers around 190,000 km² in Turkey, 125,000 km² in Iran, 65,000 km² in Iraq, and 12,000 km² in Syria, with a total area of approximately 392,000 km².^[42]

Historic map from 1721, showing borders of Curdistan provinces in Persia.

Iraqi Kurdistan is divided into six governorates, three of which (and parts of others) are under the control of the Kurdistan Regional Government. Iranian Kurdistan encompasses Kurdistan Province and the greater parts of West Azerbaijan, Kermanshah, and Īlām provinces. Syrian Kurdistan (Kurdish: Kurdistana Binxetê^[43]) is located primarily in northeastern Syria, and covers the greater part of the province of Al Hasakah. The major cities in this region are Al-Qamishli (Kurdish: Qamişlû) and Al Hasakah (Kurdish: Hesaka).

Turkish Kurdistan encompasses a large area of south eastern Turkey and it is home to an estimated 15 to 20 million Kurds.^[44]

Subdivisions (Upper and Lower Kurdistan)[link]

In A Dictionary of Scripture Geography (published 1846), John Miles describes Upper and Lower Kurdistan as following:

Modern Curdistan is of much greater extent than the ancient Assyria, and is composed of two parts the Upper and Lower. In the former is the province of Ardelan, the ancient Arropachatis, now nominally a part of Irak Ajami, and belonging to the north west division called Al Jobal. It contains five others namely, Betlis, the ancient Carduchia, lying to the south and south west of the lake Van. East and south east of Betlis is the principality of Julamerick, south west of it is the principality of Amadia. the fourth is Jeezera ul Omar, a city on an island in the Tigris, and corresponding to the ancient Bezabde. the fifth and largest is Kara Djiolan, with a capital of the same name. The pashalics of Kirkook and Solimania also comprise part of Upper Curdistan. Lower Curdistan comprises all the level tract to the east of the Tigris, and the minor ranges immediately bounding the plains and reaching thence to the foot of the great range, which may justly be denominated the Alps of western Asia.^[45]

The northern, northwestern and northeastern parts of Kurdistan are referred to as upper Kurdistan, and includes the areas from west of Amed to lake Urmia.

The lowlands of southern Kurdistan are called lower Kurdistan. The main cities in this area are Kirkuk and Arbil.

Climate[link]

Much of the region is typified by an extreme continental climate – hot in the summer, bitterly cold in the winter. Despite this, much of the region is fertile and has historically exported grain and livestock. Precipitation varies between 200 and 400 mm a year in the plains, and between 700 and 3,000 mm a year on the high plateaux between mountain chains.^[42]

Forests[link]

Kurdistan is a mountainous region with a cold climate receiving annual precipitation adequate to sustain temperate forests and shrubs. Mountain chains harbor pastures and forested valleys, totaling approximately 16 million hectares (160,000 km²), including firs and other conifers, oaks, platanus, willow, and poplar.^[42]

Mountains[link]

Canyon in northern Iraq.

Mountains are important geographical and symbolic features of Kurdish life, as evidenced by the saying "Kurds have no friends but the mountains".^[46] Included in the region are Mount Judi and Ararat (both prominent in Kurdish folklore), Zagros, Shingar, Qendil, Shaho, Gabar, Hamrin, and Nisir.

Rivers[link]

The plateaus and mountains of Kurdistan, which are characterized by heavy rain and snow fall, act as a water reservoir for the Near and Middle East, forming the source of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, as well as other numerous smaller rivers, such as the Khabur, Tharthar, Ceyhan, Araxes, Kura, Sefidrud, Karkha, and Hezil. Among rivers of historical importance to Kurds are the Murat (Arasān) and Buhtān rivers in in Turkey; the Peshkhābur, the Little Zab, the Great Zab, and the Diyala in Iraq; and the Jaghatu (Zarrinarud), the Tātā'u (Siminarud), the Zohāb (Zahāb), and the Gāmāsiyāb in Iran.

These rivers, which flow from heights of three to four thousand meters above sea level, are significant both as water sources and for the production of energy. Iraq and Syria dammed many of these rivers and their tributaries, and Turkey has an extensive dam system under construction as part of the GAP (Southeast Anatolia Project); though incomplete, the GAP already supplies a significant proportion of Turkey's electrical energy needs. Due to the extraordinary archaeological richness of the region, almost any dam impacts historic sites.^[47]

Lakes[link]

Kurdistan extends to Lake Urmia in Iran on the east and to semi-contiguous Kurdish-inhabited regions to the west on the Mediterranean. The region includes Lake Van, the largest body of water in Turkey; the only lake in the Middle East with a larger surface is Lake Urmia – though not nearly as deep as Lake Van, which has a much larger volume. Urmia, Van, as well as Zarivar Lake west of Marivan, and Lake Dukan near the city of Sulaymaniyah, are frequented by tourists.^[47]

Petroleum and mineral resources[link]

KRG-controlled parts of Iraqi Kurdistan are estimated to contain around 45 billion barrels (7.2×10^⁹ m³) of oil, making it the sixth largest reserve in the world. Extraction of these reserves began in 2007. Iraq's former Baath regime controls the resources of Kirkuk and Mosul, cities claimed by the KRG to be included in its territory.

As of July 2007, the Kurdish government solicited foreign companies to invest in 40 new oil sites, with the hope of increasing regional oil production over the following 5 years by a factor of five, to about 1 million barrels per day (160,000 m³/d).^[48] Gas and associated gas reserves are in excess of 100×10^¹² cu ft (2,800 km³).

Other mineral resources that exist in significant quantities in the region include coal, copper, gold, iron, limestone (which is used to produce cement), marble, and zinc. The world's largest deposit of rock sulfur is located just southwest of Arbil (Hewlêr).^[49]

Conflict and controversy[link]

Kurdish PKK militant.

The incorporation into Turkey of the Kurdish-inhabited regions of eastern Anatolia was opposed by many Kurds, and has resulted in a long-running separatist conflict in which thousands of lives have been lost. The region saw several major Kurdish rebellions, including the Koçkiri Rebellion of 1920 under the Ottomans, then successive insurrection under the Turkish state – including the 1924 Sheikh Said Rebellion, the Republic of Ararat in 1927, and the 1937 Dersim Rebellion. All were forcefully put down by the authorities. The region was declared a closed military area from which foreigners were banned between 1925 and 1965.^[50][51][52]

The city of Batman, eastern Turkey

In 1983, the Kurdish provinces were placed under martial law in response to the activities of the militant separatist and terrorist organization, Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).^[53][54] A guerrilla war took place through the 1980s and 1990s in which much of the countryside was evacuated, thousands of Kurdish-populated villages were destroyed, and numerous extrajudicial summary executions were carried out by both sides.^[55] More than 37,000 people were killed in the violence and hundreds of thousands more were forced to leave their homes.^[56] Volatility in the region eased following the capture of PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan in 1999, and, with the encouragement of European Union, the adoption of tolerance policies toward Kurdish cultural activities by the Turkish state. After 2004, political violence increased, and the Turkish-Iraqi border region remains tense.^[57]

Education[link]

See also[link]

Kurdistan portal

• Kurdistan Okrug
• Kurdistan Regional Government
• Turkish Kurdistan
• Iranian Kurdistan
• Iraqi Kurdistan
• Kurds in Syria
• List of Kurdish dynasties and countries

References[link]

Coordinates: 37°00′N 43°00′E / 37°N 43°E / 37; 43

Ali Khamenei سید علی حسینی خامنه‌ای Əli Xameneyi
2nd Supreme Leader of Iran
Incumbent
Assumed office 4 June 1989
President	Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani Mohammad Khatami Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
Prime Minister	Mir-Hossein Mousavi
Preceded by	Ruhollah Khomeini
3rd President of Iran
In office 13 October 1981 – 3 August 1989
Prime Minister	Mahdavi Kani (Acting) Mir-Hossein Mousavi
Preceded by	Mohammad-Ali Rajai
Succeeded by	Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani
Leader of the Islamic Republican Party
In office 15 July 1981 – 15 May 1987
Deputy	Mir-Hossein Mousavi
Preceded by	Mohammad-Javad Bahonar
Succeeded by	Party dissolved
Personal details
Born	Seyed Ali Hosseini Khamenei (1939-07-17) 17 July 1939 (age 72) Mashhad, Iran
Political party	Combatant Clergy Association (1977–present)
Other political affiliations	Islamic Republican Party (1979–1987)
Spouse(s)	Khojaste Khamenei (1964–present)[1]
Children	Mojtaba Mostafa Masoud Meysam Hoda Boshra
Religion	Usuli Twelver Shia Islam

Grand Ayatollah^[2] Sayyed Ali Hosseini Khamenei (Persian: سید علی حسینی خامنه ای‎, Azerbaijani: سید علی حسینی خامنه‌ای – Seyyid Əli Xameneyi, pronounced [ʔæˈliː hoseiˈniː xɒːmeneˈʔiː] ( listen); born 17 July 1939)^[3] is the Supreme Leader of Iran,^[4] and a Twelver Shi'a marja.^[4][5] He had also served as the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran from 1981 to 1989. In 2010, Forbes selected him 26th in the list of 'World's Most Powerful People'.^[6]

Holding absolute power in his country, he has been described as one of only three people having "important influence" during the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran ^[7][8][9]. Khamenei was the victim of an attempted assassination in June 1981 that paralyzed his right arm^[10][11], although so far the biggest challenge to his leadership has been the mass protests following the June 2009 presidential elections^[12] during which he strongly supported president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.^[13] They have had a falling out since.^[14]

Early life[link]

Khamenei holds the title of Sayyed, which means that he claims direct patrilineal descent from Ali ibn Abi Talib. Some^[which?] of Khamenei's ancestors are from Tafresh in today's Markazi province, and had migrated from their original home in Tafresh to Tabriz.^[15][16] Born in Mashhad,^[3][17] he is second eldest of eight children, and two of his brothers are also clerics. His younger brother, Hadi Khamenei, is a renowned newspaper editor and cleric.^[18] Khamenei is Iranian Azeri on his father's side^{[19][20][21][22]} and his mother is a Yazd-native Persian.^[23]

He attended religious studies classes at the rudimentary and advanced levels in the hawza of Mashhad, under his mentors such as Haj Sheikh Hashem Qazvini, and Ayatollah Milani, and then went to Najaf in 1957.^[24] After a short stay he left Najaf to Mashhad, and in 1958 he settled in Qom. Khamenei attended the classes of Ayatollahs Husain Borujerdi and Ruhollah Khomeini. Later, he was involved in the Islamic activities of 1963 which led to his arrest in the city of Birjand, in Southern Khorasan Province. Shortly thereafter, he was released and resumed teaching in Mashhad's religious schools and mosques, teaching the Nahj al-Balagheh.^[24] According to his official biography, Khamenei spent a “clandestine life” in Tehran in the year 1966–1967 after which he was arrested by the police and imprisoned.

Literary scholarship[link]

Khamenei is fluent in both Persian and Arabic.^[25] He has translated several books into Persian from Arabic, including the works of the famous Egyptian Islamist theoretician Sayyid Qutb. He is a less fluent speaker of the Azerbaijani language, his father's native language^[26] and has some understanding of English.^[27]

In his analysis of the Persian poetry of Allameh Muhammad Iqbal, he states that "Iqbal was not acquainted with Persian idiom, as he spoke Urdu at home and talked to his friends in Urdu or English. He did not know the rules of Persian prose writing."^[28] Nevertheless, he admires Iqbal.^{[citation needed]}

Like many other politically active clerics at the time, Khamenei was far more involved with politics than religious scholarship.^[29]

Political life and presidency[link]

Mohammad-Ali Rajai visiting Khamenei in hospital after an assassination attempt by the MKO on 27 June 1981

Khamenei was a key figure in the Islamic revolution in Iran and a close confidant of Ayatollah Khomeini.^{[citation needed]}

Khomeini appointed Khamenei to the post of Tehran's Friday prayers in 1979, after forced resignation of Grand Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri from the post, when he criticised Khomeini for torture of prisoners. He served briefly as the Deputy Minister for Defence and as a supervisor of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards. He also went to the battlefield as a representative of the defense commission of the parliament. In June 1981, Khamenei narrowly escaped an assassination attempt when a bomb, concealed in a tape recorder at a press conference, exploded beside him. He was permanently injured, losing the use of his right arm.^[30]

In 1981, after the assassination of Mohammad-Ali Rajai, Khamenei was elected President of Iran by a landslide vote in the Iranian presidential election, October 1981 and became the first cleric to serve in the office. Ayatollah Khomeini had originally wanted to keep clerics out of the presidency but later changed his views.^{[citation needed]}

Khamenei and Hussein-Ali Montazeri

In his presidential inaugural address Seyd Ali Khamenei vowed to eliminate "deviation, liberalism, and American-influenced leftists".^[31] Vigorous opposition to the regime, including nonviolent and violent protest, assassinations, guerrilla activity and insurrections, was answered by state repression and terror in the early 1980s, both before and during Khamenei's presidency. Thousands of rank-and-file members of insurgent groups were killed, often by revolutionary courts. By 1982, the government announced that the courts would be reined in, although various political groups continued to be repressed by the government in the first half of the 1980s.^[32]

Khamenei during Iran-Iraq War

Khamenei helped guide the country during the Iraq-Iran War in the 1980s, and developed close ties with the now-powerful Revolutionary Guards. As president, he had a reputation of being deeply interested in the military, budget and administrative details.^[30] After the Iraqi army was expelled from Iran in 1982, Khamenei became one of the main opponents of Khomeini's decision to counter-invade into Iraq, an opinion Khamenei shared with Prime Minister Mir-Hossein Mousavi, with whom he would later conflict during the 2009 Iranian election protests.^[33]

He was re-elected to a second term in 1985, capturing 85.66% of total votes.^[34]

Supreme Leader (Vali-e faqih)[link]

Seyed Ali Khamenei succeeded Ayatollah Khomeini, the leader of the Islamic Revolution, after Khomeini's death, being elected as the new Supreme Leader by the Assembly of Experts on 4 June 1989. Initially, a council of three members, Ali Meshkini, Mousavi Ardabili and Khamenei, was proposed for Leadership. After the assembly rejected the idea of a Leadership Council, and Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Golpaygani failed to get enough votes, Khamenei was elected the Leader by two thirds of the votes.^[35][36]

The concept that the ruler of the land should be an Islamic jurist serving as "guardian" (Vali faqih ولی فقیه in Persian), was developed by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in a lecture series made book. In this kind of theocratic "guardianship" leadership (Velayat-e Faqih, ولایت فقیه ), no political decision is lawful until it is approved by the guardian jurist who is called Leader (رهبر Rahbar in Persian) by the Iranian constitution. Even the taking of office by the democratically elected president is subject to the approval of the Leader.^{[citation needed]}

Khamenei's approach to leadership[link]

Khamenei's era as leader has differed from that of his predecessor Khomeini. He has continued Khomeini's policy of "balancing one group against another, making sure that no single side gains too much power."^[30][37] But lacking Khomeini's charisma and clerical standing, he has developed networks, first inside the armed forces, and then among the clerics administering the major religious foundations (or bonyads), and seminaries of Qom and Mashhad.^[37] According to Vali Nasr, he has brought many of the powers of the presidency with him into the office, turning it into an "omnipotent overseer of Iran's political scene". Officials under Khamenei influence the country's various powerful, and sometimes bickering, institutions, including "the parliament, the presidency, the judiciary, the Revolutionary Guards, the military, the intelligence services, the police agencies, the clerical elite, the Friday prayer leaders and much of the media", as well as various "nongovernmental foundations, organizations, councils, seminaries and business groups".^[30] Under him, the government is said to resemble "a clerical oligarchy more than an autocracy."^[37]

To maintain "the image of the Leader as 'guide', rather than executive", Khamenei stays aloof from day-to-day politics. He gives no press conferences or interviews, and, as noted in Hooman Majd's book:

[He] speaks only at special gatherings, such as an occasional Friday prayer or commemoration ceremonies of one sort or another. The Leader meets with foreign dignitaries (almost exclusively Muslim) but limits any televised and public words to generalities, such as Iran's support for the country (or entity like Hamas or Hezbollah) whose emissary he is meeting, Iran's peaceful and Islamic nature, and Iran's eagerness to expand trade and contacts with the friendly country in question. He pointedly does not meet with representatives of Western powers. The Leader does not travel overseas; if anyone wishes to see him, that person must travel to Iran.^[38]

Apart from his time in Najaf as a student, Khamenei travelled to Libya during his time as President.^[39][40]

Despite this policy, as leader, Khamenei reserves the right to "inject himself into the process and 'correct' a flawed policy or decision."^[41]

In his speeches Khamenei regularly mentions many familiar themes of the 1979 revolution: justice, independence, self-sufficiency, fundamentalist Islamic government and resolute opposition to Israel and United States, while rarely mentioning other revolutionary ideals such as democracy and greater government transparency.^[31] Dealing with the presidents who have served during his reign, Khamenei has successfully scuttled President Rafsanjani's attempts to find a modus vivendi with the United States, President Khatami's aspirations for a more democratic Islamic state, and President Ahmadinejad's desire for confrontation.^[31]

Election as Leader & title of "Grand Ayatollah"[link]

At the time of Khomeini's death Khamenei was not a marja or an ayatollah, and the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran required the Leader to be a marja. However, Ayatollah Khomeini had not been satisfied with the field of candidates to replace him and in April 1989, three months before his death, assigned a team to revise the constitution so that the Leader of Iran need only be an expert on Islamic jurisprudence and possess the "appropriate political and managerial skills".^[31][42] This new amendment to the constitution had not been put to a referendum yet, so after voting for Khamenei, the Assembly of Experts internally titled him a temporary office holder until the new constitution became effective. The choice of Khamenei is said to be a political one,^[43] but the "political elite" of the Islamic Republic "rallied behind Khamenei" and his status was "elevated overnight" from Hojjat ol-Islam to Ayatollah.^{[citation needed]}

His status as marja is controversial. In 1994, after the death of Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Ali Araki, the Society of Seminary Teachers of Qom declared Khamenei a new marja. However, four of Iran's dissident grand ayatollahs declined to recognize Khamenei as a marja.^[44] Nevertheless, according to narjes.org a cleric only needs acceptance of a few grand ayatollahs to be recognized as marja.^[45] Khamenei refused the offer of marja'iyat for Iran, as he explained, due to other heavy responsibilities, but agreed to be the marja for the Shi'as outside of Iran. His acceptance of marja'iyat for Shi'as outside Iran does not have traditional precedence in Shi'ism. Marja'iyat can be, and in modern times it increasingly is, transitional.^[43] This title has been widely criticised by Muslim scholars who do not recognise Khamenei as an Ayatollah-Ozma or Marja-e-Taqlid.^[46]

Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Shirazi, who was under house-arrest at the time for his opposition to Grand Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, did not accept Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as a marja. According to "Human Rights in Iran" (2001) by Pace University's Reza Afshari, Shirazi was "indignant" over recognition of Khamenei as the Leader and a marja. Shirazi (who died in late 2001) apparently favored a committee of Grand Ayatollahs to lead the country.^{[citation needed]} Other marjas who questioned the legitimacy of Khamenei's marja'yat were dissident clerics: Grand Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, Grand Ayatollah Hassan Tabatabai-Qomi and Grand Ayatollah Yasubedin Rastegar Jooybari.^[44] In 1997 the more senior Grand Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, "questioned the powers of the Leader" and was punished with the closure of his religious school, an attack on his office in Qom" and a period of house arrest.^[5]

Fatwas[link]

As a Grand Ayatollah (disputed or not), Khamenei has issued thousands of fatwas in answer to questions from Shi'a petitioners, "on everything from Islamic law to betting on basketball, student loans to children in day care with non-Muslims, women on motorcycles to staying in hotels used by Buddhists". He has ruled against the wearing of neckties and the listening to music and news from foreign sources, but not nose piercing (as long as adornments are covered).^[47]

Fatwa regarding companions of Muhammad[link]

In 2010, Imam Khamenei issued a fatwa which bans any insult to the Sahabah (companions of Muhammad) as well as Muhammad's wives. This fatwa has been argued by some that the fatwa was issued in a grand effort to make reconcile legal, social, and political disagreements between the two largest sects in Islam: Sunni and Shia.^{[citation needed]}

Amman Message[link]

Khamenei is one of the Ulama signatories of the Amman Message, which gives a broad foundation for defining Muslim orthodoxy.^[48]

Fatwa against nuclear weapons[link]

Khamenei with Major General Mansour Sattary (1948–1995) former Commander of Islamic Republic of Iran Air Force.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has issued a fatwa saying the production, stockpiling and use of nuclear weapons was forbidden under Islam.^[49] The fatwa was cited in an official statement by the Iranian government at an August 2005 meeting of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in Vienna.^[50], However a group of former Iranian diplomats said that Khamenei had told a group of Iranian security and intelligence officials that his fatwa would not restrict Muslims in Iran from pursuing and building a nuclear weapon.^[51] The impact and applicability of the fatwa has also been put into question for various other reasons, including the possibility that the fatwa may have been pronounced under the Shia doctrine of taqiyya (a form of permitted lying in the interest of defending the faith), or that it may be changed and even reversed by Khamenei in the future- much as then Supreme Leader Khomeini, during the Iran-Iraq war, reluctantly reversed his previous doctrinal ban on indiscriminate weaponry and ordered the resumption of research into its development, including nuclear bombs.^[52]

Iran's nuclear program has been a subject of international debate for decades. The Iranian government claims the purpose of its nuclear development is to produce electricity, while some western countries accuse it of trying to create nuclear weapons.^[53]

Relationship with the press[link]

In 2000 he was listed by the Committee to Protect Journalists as "one of the top ten enemies of the press and freedom of expression",^[54] and was named to the Time 100 in 2007.^[55] Opposition journalists Ahmad Zeidabadi, Mohsen Sazegara, Mohammad Nourizad and Akbar Ganji were arrested and investigated^{[56][57][58][59]} for spreading critical articles containing unproven charges against Khamenei's policies as the leader and some organizations.^[60][61] According to the Iran's Press Law "spreading rumors and lies and distorts the words of others" is not allowed.^[62] Also, according to the law, "spreading libel against officials, institutions, organizations and individuals in the country or insulting legal or real persons who are lawfully respected, even by means of pictures or caricatures" is not allowed.^[62]

Among his controversial actions were his rejection of a bill presented by the Iranian parliament in 2000 that aimed to reform the country's press law, and the disqualification of thousands of parliamentary candidates for the 2004 Iranian legislative election by the Guardian Council he appointed.^[5]

Political power following reform era[link]

According to Karim Sadjadpour of the American Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, several factors have strengthened Khamenei in recent years:

(1) A vast network of commissars stationed in strategic posts throughout government bureaucracies, dedicated to enforcing his authority; (2) the weak, conservative-dominated parliament, headed by Khamenei loyalist Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel (whose daughter is married to the Leader's son); (3) the rapidly rising political and economic influence of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards, whose top leaders are directly appointed by Khamenei and have always been publicly deferential to him; (4) the political disengagement of Iran's young population ....; and (5) most significant[ly], the 2005 presidential election, which saw hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad trounce Khamenei's chief rival ... Hashemi Rafsanjani ...^[31]

Challenges following 2009 election protest[link]

In mid August 2009 a group of unnamed former reformist lawmakers appealed to the Assembly of Experts — the constitutional body charged with electing and (in theory) supervising and removing the Leader – to investigate Leader Ali Khamenei's qualification to rule.^[63] A week later another anonymous letter was issued "calling Iran’s leader a dictator and demanding his removal," this one by a group of Iranian clerics.^[64] The letters were called a blow to Khamenei's "status as a neutral arbiter and Islamic figurehead"^[64] and an "unprecedented challenge to the country's most powerful man"^[63] though not a blow to his actual power as leader. The New York Times reports "the phrase `death to Khamenei` has begun appearing in graffiti on Tehran walls, a phrase that would have been almost unimaginable not long ago."^[64]

The letter was addressed to the head of the Assembly of Experts, Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, a "powerful former president" who also questions the election results. According to the Associate Press it is unlikely the letter's demands would be met as "two-thirds of the 86-member assembly are considered strong loyalists of Khamenei and would oppose" any investigation of him.^[63]

According to The New York Times an 11-page anonymous letter by a group of Iranian clerics was issued 15 August "calling Iran’s leader a dictator and demanding his removal."^[65][66]

According to the New York Times, a "prominent Iranian cleric and a former lawmaker said on Sunday that they had spoken to some of the authors and had no doubt the letter was genuine." According to this cleric the letter's signatories number "several dozen, and are mostly midranking figures from Qum, Isfahan and Mashhad," and that a “the pressure on clerics in Qum is much worse than the pressure on activists because the establishment is afraid that if they say anything they can turn the more traditional sectors of society against the regime,” "^[64]

Dispute with President Ahmadinejad[link]

Early in his presidency, Pres. Ahmadinejad was sometimes described as "enjoy[ing] the full backing" of the Supreme Leader^[67], and even as being his "protege."^[68] In Ahmadinejad's 2005 inauguration the supreme leader allowed Ahmadinejad to kiss his hand and cheeks in what was called "a sign of closeness and loyalty,"^[69] and after the 2009 election fully endorsed Ahmadinejad against protesters.^[70] However as early as January 2008 signs of disagreement between the two men developed over domestic policies,^[67] and by November 2010 several sources detected a "growing rift" between the two.^[71] The disagreement has been described as centering on Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, a top adviser and close confidant of Ahmadinejad^[72] and opponent of "greater involvement of clerics in politics",^[73] who was First Vice President of Iran until being ordered to resign from the cabinet by the supreme leader. In 2009 Ahmadinejad dismissed an opponent of Mashaei, Intelligence Minister Gholam-Hossein Mohseni-Eje'i, and two years later another Intelligence minister, Heydar Moslehi, resigned after being asked to by Ahmadinejad, but was reinstated by the supreme leader^[68] within hours.^[74] Ahmadinejad responded with an "11-day walkout" of cabinet meetings, religious ceremonies, and other official functions^[71][74] which was denounced by clerics, parliamentarians and military commanders, who accused him of ignoring orders from the supreme leader.^[72] Several people "said to be close" to the president and Mashaei (such as Abbas Amirifar and Mohammed Sharif Malekzadeh) were arrested on charges of being "magicians" and invoking djinns.^[71] On 6 May 2011 it was reported that Ahmadinejad had been given an ultimatum to accept the leader's intervention or resign^[75], and on 8 May he welcoming Moslehi back to a cabinet meeting.^[72] The events have been said to have "humiliated and weakened" Ahmadinejad, though the president has denied that there was any rift between the two,^[72][73] and in a 3 June 2011 speech, Khamenei called for unity among the ruling conservatives, stating that the administration of Ahmadinejad "has been able to accomplish many great tasks."^[76]

Domestic policy[link]

Khamenei standing beside the tomb of General Ali Sayyad Shirazi, Chief of the Armed Forces of Iran during the Iran-Iraq war

Khamenei is regarded by some as the figurehead of the country's conservative establishment.^[5] He is the commander in chief of all armed forces and appoints the head of judiciary system and national radio and television.^{[citation needed]}

Khamenei supported Mesbah Yazdi describing him as one of Iran's most credible ideologues prior to the 2005 election, but has reportedly "recently been concerned about Mesbah's political ambitions."^[77] Mesbah is a critic of reform movement in Iran and is seen as President Ahmadinejad's spiritual guide.^{[citation needed]}

In 2007, Khamenei requested that government officials speed up Iran's move towards economic privatization. Its last move towards such a goal was in 2004, when Article 44 of the constitution was overturned. Article 44 had decreed that Iran's core infrastructure should remain state-run. Khamenei also suggested that ownership rights should be protected in courts set up by the Justice Ministry; the hope was that this new protection would give a measure of security to and encourage private investment.^[78][79]

Additionally, Khamenei has stated that he believes in the importance of nuclear technology for civilian purposes because "oil and gas reserves cannot last forever."^[80][81]

On 30 April 2008, Ali Khamenei backed President Ahmadinejad’s economic policy and said the West was struggling with more economic difficulties than Iran, with a "crisis" spreading from the United States to Europe, and inflation was a widespread problem. The Iranian leader said that the ongoing economic crisis which has crippled the world has been unprecedented in the past 60 years. “This crisis has forced the UN to declare state of emergency for food shortages around the globe but foreign radios have focused on Iran to imply that the current price hikes and inflation in the country are the results of carelessness on the part of Iranian officials which of course is not true”, he said. Khamenei emphasized that no one has the right to blame the Iranian government for Iran’s economic problems. He also advised people and the government to be content and avoid waste in order to solve economic problems. “I advise you to keep in your mind that this great nation is never afraid of economic sanctions”, he added.^{[82][83][84][85]}

Islamization of universities[link]

In a speech given in 2002 Khamenei stressed that he was not satisfied with the performance of then minister of science and higher education Mostafa Moeen, since he had allowed students to pursue activities deemed against Islam in his point of view, such as practicing and studying music, arts, traveling abroad to the land of non-believers, and conducting field trips that were not religious in nature. In the speech Khamenei asks for stricter control on these issues urging the universities to enforce Islamic values.^[86]

Science and technology[link]

Ali Khamenei has been supportive of scientific progress in Iran. He was among the first Islamic clerics to allow stem cell research and therapeutic cloning.^[87][88] In 2004, Khamenei said that the country's progress is dependent on investment in the field of science and technology. He also said that attaching a high status to scholars and scientists in society would help talents to flourish and science and technology to become domesticated, thus ensuring the country's progress and development.^[89]

Minorities[link]

Khamenei’s regime has been characterized by a number of measures that evidenced lack of tolerance towards other minority groups. A memorandum from 1991 signed by Ali Khamenei, states that the Bahá’í community, Iran’s largest religious minority, should be dealt with in such a way “that their progress and development are blocked”, and stipulates that Bahá’ís be denied livelihoods and university education.^[90] A number of persecutions, such as the barring Bahá’ís from higher education and the arrest of the country’s Bahá’í leaders, caused international outcry and condemnatory rhetoric from several high-ranking individuals and organizations.

His attitude towards the Sunni has also caused dissension. Khamenei is reported to oppose the building of a Sunni mosque in Iran's capital, Tehran. According to a Tehran resident quoted by the Asia Times newspaper, reformist former president Mohammad Khatami stated that Khamenei's opposition was the reason he had not followed through on his campaign promise to allow the building of a Sunni mosque in Tehran.^[91] Khamenei kept quiet after Caspian Airlines Flight 7908 incident that led to 168 deaths. No national mourning was announced and that generated anger among Iranian Christian/Armenian community and other Iranians.^[92] This is in contrast to incidents like the death of Iraqi cleric Mohammed Baqr al-Hakim, where Khamenei sent a message and a three day national mourning was announced.^[93]

National Radio and Television[link]

Khamenei at grave of martyrs killed during Iran-Iraq War

Khamenei directly appoints the head of IRIB and the organization works under his responsibility. The state controls most radio and television news outlets, and it is often these pro-government voices that disseminate the official hard-line rhetoric. Many people complain of propaganda in state-controlled media.^[94]

Interpretation of Islamic law[link]

As "Vali faqih", or Leader, Ali Khamenei issued a fatwa ruling stating that the decisions of the Vali faqih "in all the matters that concerns Muslims and Islam," are "the will and decision of the whole nation."^[95]

In 2000, Ali Khamenei sent a letter to the Iranian parliament forbidding the legislature from debating a revision of the Iranian press law. He wrote: "The present press law has succeeded to a point in preventing this big plague. The draft bill is not legitimate and in the interests of the system and the revolution."^[96] His use of "extra-legislative power" has been criticized widely by reformists and opposition groups. In reaction to the letter, some Parliament members voiced outrage and threatened to resign.^[97] Kayhan and Jomhuri-ye Eslami are two newspapers published under the management of Khamenei.

In late 1996, following a fatwa by Khamenei stating that music education corrupts the minds of young children, many music schools were closed and music instruction to children under the age of 16 was banned by public establishments (although private instruction continued).^[98] Khamenei stated, "The promotion of music [both traditional and Western] in schools is contrary to the goals and teachings of Islam, regardless of age and level of study."^[99]

In 1999, Khamenei issued a fatwa stating that it was permitted to use a third-party (donor sperm, ova or surrogacy) in fertility treatments. This was in clear opposition to the fatwa on ART by Gad El-Hak Ali Gad El-Hak of Egypt's Al-Azhar University in the late 1980s which permitted ART (IVF and similar technologies) as long there is no third-party donation (of sperm, eggs, embryos, or uteruses).^[100] This led to an upswing of fertility tourism in Iran.^[101]

In 2002, he ruled that human stem cell research was permissible under Islam, with the condition that it be used to create only parts as opposed to a whole human.^[102]

In 2002 Khamenei intervened against the death sentence given to Hashem Aghajari for arguing that Muslims should re-interpret Islam rather than blindly follow leaders. Khamenei ordered a review of the sentence against Aghajari and it was later commuted to a prison sentence.^[5]

In July 2007, Khamenei criticized Iranian women's rights activists and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW): "In our country ... some activist women, and some men, have been trying to play with Islamic rules in order to match international conventions related to women," Khamenei said. "This is wrong." Khamenei made these comments two days after Iranian women's rights activist Delaram Ali was sentenced to 34 months of jail and 10 lashes by Iran's judiciary.^[103] Iran's judiciary works under the auspices of the supreme leader and is independent from the government.

With regard to women's dress, Khamenei believes in the need for compulsory hijab.^[104]

Khamenei claims that "Today, homosexuality is a major problem in the western world. They [western nations] however ignore it. But the reality is that homosexuality has become a serious challenge, pain and unsolvable problem for the intellectuals in the west."^[105]

In 2007, Iranian police under the direction of Khamenei launched a "Public Security Plan", arresting dozens of "thugs" to increase public security. The arrested "thugs" are sometimes beaten on camera in front of neighborhood inhabitants, or forced to wear hanging watering cans used for lavatory ablutions around their necks.^[106] During the first three months of the campaign, 62,785 women were stopped by police in Tehran for not strictly adhering to Islamic dress code. Of these, 1,837 were arrested.

Elections[link]

As Supreme Leader, Khamenei has influence over elections in his appointment of half of the members of the Council of Guardians, who approve or disqualify candidates for office. In February 2004 the Council of Guardians, disqualified thousands of candidates, including 80 incumbents (including the deputy speaker), many of the reformist members of the parliament, and all the candidates of the Islamic Iran Participation Front party from running in the 2004 parliamentary elections. It did not allow to run in the election. The conservatives won about 70% of the seats. The parliamentary election held on 20 February 2004 in Iran was a key turning point in that country's political evolution. The election marked the conclusive end of the campaign for political and social reform initiated by Mohammad Khatami after he was elected president in a landslide vote in May 1997.^[107]

During the 2005 presidential election, Khamenei's comments about importance of fighting corruption, being faithful to the ideals of the Islamic revolution, as well as on the superior intelligence and dynamism of those who studied engineering, were interpreted by some as a subtle endorsement of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (who had a PhD in traffic engineering).^[31] After the election, and until recently Khamenei, was outspoken in his support for Ahmadinejad, and "defended him publicly in ways which he never" had reformist president Khatami. Khamenei would later certify the results of the 2009 Iranian Presidential election.^[31]

Khamenei has taken a firm stand against what has been described as "greatest domestic challenge in 30 years" to the leadership of the Islamic Republic – the 2009 Iranian election protests. He has stated that he will neither reconsider vote results nor bow to public pressure over the disputed reelection of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.^[108] "By Allah's favor, the presidential election was accurately held, and the current matters should be pursued legally."^[109] In a public appearance on 19 June he expresses his support for the declared winner Ahmadinejad and accused foreign powers – including Britain, Israel and the United States – of helping foment protest against the election results.^[110] In particular, he singled out Britain, perceiving the country as the "most evil" of its enemies.^[111] He said that the Iranian people will respond with an "iron fist" if Western powers meddle in Iran's internal affairs.^[112]

Human rights[link]

Khamenei with former Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva

Khamenei has called human rights a fundamental principle underlying Islamic teachings, that precedes western concern for human rights by many centuries. Human Rights in Islam include the rights to live, to be free, and to benefit from justice and welfare. He has attacked Western powers who have criticized the rights record of the Islamic Republic for hypocrisy by economically oppressing people in Third World countries and supporting despots and dictators.^[113]

However under Khamenei's interpretation this does not extend to religious rights for Bahá'ís. Khamenei supported persecution of Bahá'ís and signed documents recommending several organized methods of oppression and ways of decreasing the influence of Bahá'ís in Iran and abroad.^[114] According to a letter from the Chairman of the Command Headquarters of the Armed Forces in Iran addressed to the Ministry of Information, the Revolutionary Guard and the Police Force, Khamenei has also ordered the Command Headquarters to identify people who adhere to the Bahá'í Faith and to monitor their activities and gather any and all information about the members of the Bahá'í Faith.^[115][116]

In response to Western complaints of human rights abuses in Iran he has stated that the American administration has committed many crimes and is therefore not fit to judge the Islamic Republic.^[117]

In a visit with hardline cleric Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi, Khamenei praised Mesbah’s books and thoughts as being original, very useful, solid and correct. He also stated that the Islamic world needs these ideas today more than any time in the past.^[118] Mesbah Yazdi advocates a return to the values of the 1979 Iranian revolution and is a prominent opponent of the Reformist movement in Iran.

When on 17 September 1992, 3 Iranian-Kurdish opposition leaders and their interpreter were assassinated in the Mykonos restaurant in Berlin, Berlin's highest criminal court issued an international arrest warrant for the Iranian intelligence minister for ordering the assassination and implied Khamenei was one of the masterminds behind the attack.^[119]

Ali Khamenei appoints the commander of the para-military Basij forces that the opposition claim killed dozens of Iranian protesters after the presidential election of June 2009.^{[120][121][122]} There is a petition to the International Court of Justice in Hague, to investigate, prosecute and arrest Ali Khamenei for his role in repeated human rights abuses in Iran.

People charged for criticizing Ali Khamenei[link]

Insulting the Leader is a crime in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Those believed to have insulted Khamenei may be arrested or may be punished on a less formal basis such as by being beaten by vigilantes. Even Khamenei's family members have not been immune to this, as his younger brother, the reformist cleric Hadi Khamenei, was "brutally beaten ... after a sermon in which he criticized the powers of the Supreme Leader," by Basij militia loyal to him.^[31] Some writers, journalists and politicians who have been charged with "insulting Ali Khamenei" include:

• Ahmad Zeidabadi^[123]
• Abdollah Nouri^[124]
• Mohammad Nourizad
• Issa Saharkhiz
• Mohsen Sazegara
• Akbar Ganji

However, many clerics are known to criticize the leader, like the case when a letter was addressed to the head of the Assembly of Experts, Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, a "powerful former president" who also "questioned" the election results after the 2009 elections.

Foreign policy[link]

Khamenei and Vladimir Putin

Khamenei has "direct responsibility" for foreign policy, which "cannot be conducted without his direct involvement and approval". He has a foreign policy team independent of the president's "which includes two former foreign ministers" and "can at any time of his choosing inject himself into the process and `correct` a flawed policy or decision."^[125] His foreign policy is said to steer a course that avoids either confrontation or accommodation with the West.^[31]

Opposition to the United States[link]

Khamenei has been described as consistent in his opposition to the United States and the Western World in general, reportedly including this theme into his speeches no matter whether the topic is foreign policy, agriculture or education. He has declared that it is "clear that conflict and confrontation between" Islamic Republic of Iran and the U.S. "is something natural and unavoidable" since the United States "is trying to establish a global dictatorship and further its own interests by dominating other nations and trampling on their rights." However, while "cutting ties with America is among our basic policies," and "any relations would provide the possibility to the Americans to infiltrate Iran and would pave the way for their intelligence and spy agents," Khamenei holds the door open to relations with the U.S. at some future date, saying "we have never said that the relations will remain severed forever. Undoubtedly, the day the relations with America prove beneficial for the Iranian nation I will be the first one to approve of that."^[31] However, in a speech to Iranian students on 29 October 2008, which was quoted on Iranian TV (as translated by MEMRI), Khamenei stated that "the Iranian people's hatred for America is profound. The reason for this [hatred] is the various plots that the U.S. government has concocted against Iran and the Iranian people in the past 50 years. The Americans have not only refused to apologize for their actions, but have continued with their arrogant actions."^[126]

On 4 June 2006, Khamenei said that Iran would disrupt energy shipments from the Persian Gulf region (about 20% of the world's daily supply of oil passes from the Persian Gulf through the Strait of Hormuz very close to Iran's coast^[127]) should the country come under attack from the US, insisting that Tehran will not give up its right to produce nuclear fuel.

On 14 September 2007, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei (on 1st Friday prayer of Ramadan) predicted that George Bush and American officials will one day be tried in an international criminal court to be held "accountable" for the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq.^[128] He has also blamed the United States for "blind terrorism" after its invasion of Iraq.^[129] He asserts that the United States is the main cause of insecurity in Iraq.

On 21 March 2009, a day after US President Barack Obama unprecedentedly offered Iran a "new beginning" of diplomatic engagement between the two old foes, Khamenei said a change of US "words" was not enough and added: "We will watch and we will judge (the new US administration) ... You change, our behavior will change."^[130]

In June 2011, Khamenei accuses the United States government of terrorism and rejected the American definition of terrorism; he was quoted as saying, "The U.S. and the European governments that follow it describe Palestinian combatant groups who fight for the liberation of their land as terrorists."^[131]

Condemnation of 11 September 2001 attacks[link]

After the September 11, 2001 attacks, Khamenei condemned the act and the attackers and called for a condemnation of terrorist activities all over the world, but warned strongly against a military intervention in Afghanistan.^[132] He is quoted as saying, "Mass killings of human beings are catastrophic acts which are condemned wherever they may happen and whoever the perpetrators and the victims may be".^[132]

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict[link]

Khamenei remains a steadfast opponent of the State of Israel and Zionism. In 2001 Khamenei famously remarked that "this cancerous tumor of a state [Israel] should be removed from the region" and that "no one will allow a bunch of thugs, lechers and outcasts from London, Washington and Moscow to rule over the Palestinians." On the same occasion he proposed that "Palestinian refugees should return and Muslims, Christians and Jews could choose a government for themselves, excluding immigrant Jews."^[133]

According to anti-regime change activist Abbas Edalat, in 2005 Khamenei responded to President Ahmadinejad's remark that Zionism should be "wiped off the map" by saying that "the Islamic Republic has never threatened and will never threaten any country."^[134] Moreover Khamenei's main advisor in foreign policy, Ali Akbar Velayati, refused to take part in a Holocaust conference. In contrast to Ahmadinejad's remarks, Velayati said that the Holocaust was a genocide and a historical reality.^[135]

In a sermon for Friday prayers in Tehran on 19 September 2008, Khamenei stated that "it is incorrect, irrational, pointless and nonsense to say that we are friends of Israeli people," and that he had raised the issue "to spell an end to any debates".^[136] The remarks were made in reference to earlier comments by Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, a vice president in charge of tourism, and president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who had both insisted that Iran was the enemy of the Zionist state but not of the Israeli people.^{[citation needed]}

In a September 2009 sermon, Khamenei was quoted as saying, "the Zionist cancer is gnawing into the lives of Islamic nations."^[137]

Personal life and health[link]

Khamenei in military