Burmese Days is a novel by British writer George Orwell. It was first published in the USA in 1934. It is a tale about the waning days of British imperialism after World War I.

Background

Orwell spent five years from 1922 to 1927 as a police officer in the Indian Imperial Police force in Burma (now Myanmar). Burma had become part of the British Empire during the nineteenth century as an adjunct of British India. Migrant workers from India and China supplemented the native Burmese population. Although Burma was the wealthiest country in Southeast Asia under British rule, as a colony it was seen very much as a backwater. Among its exports, the country produced 75% of the world's teak from up-country forests. Orwell served in a number of locations including Maymyo, Myaungmya, Twante Syriam, Insein, Moulmein and Kathar. Kathar with its luxuriant vegetation, described by Orwell with relish, provided the physical setting for the novel but not the plot.

Burmese Days was several years in creation. Orwell was drafting it in Paris during the eighteen months he spent there in 1928 to 1929. He was still working on it in 1932 at Southwold while doing up the family home in the summer holidays. By December 1933 he had typed the final version. and in 1934 he delivered it by motorbike to his agent Leonard Moore for publication by Victor Gollancz, who had published his previous book. Gollancz, smarting from fears of prosecution with regard to another author's work, turned it down because he was worried about libel action. Gollancz published the work in July 1935.

Plot summary

Burmese Days is set in 1920s imperial Burma, in the fictional district of Kyauktada. As the story opens, U Po Kyin, a corrupt Burmese magistrate is planning to destroy the reputation of the Indian Dr. Veraswami. The Doctor's main protection is his friendship with John Flory who, as a pukka sahib (European white man), has higher prestige. U Po Kyin begins his campaign by sending anonymous letters with false stories about the doctor, and he even sends a subtly threatening letter to Flory.

Flory has become disillusioned with his lifestyle, living in a tiresome expatriate community centred round the European Club in a remote part of the country. On the other hand he has become so embedded in Burma that it is impossible for him to leave and return to England. His dilemma seems to be answered when Elizabeth Lackersteen, the orphaned niece of Mr Lackersteen, the local timber firm manager, arrives. Flory saves her when she thinks she is being attacked by a small water buffalo. He is immediately taken with her and they spend some time getting close, culminating in a highly successful shooting expedition. Elizabeth scores a hit with almost her first shot, and Flory shoots a leopard, promising the skin to Elizabeth as a trophy. It seems a match made in heaven. Under the surface, however, Elizabeth is appalled by Flory's relatively egalitarian attitude towards the natives, seeing them as 'beastly' while Flory extolls the virtues of their rich culture. Worse still are his interests in high art and literature which remind Elizabeth of her boondoggling mother who died in disgrace in Paris, poisoned by her painting materials whilst masquerading as a bohemian artist. Despite these reservations, of which Flory is entirely unaware, she is willing to marry him to escape poverty, spinsterhood and the unwelcome advances of her perpetually inebriated uncle.

Flory is about to ask her to marry him, when they are interrupted firstly by her aunt and secondly by an earthquake. Mrs. Lackersteen's interruption is deliberate because she has discovered that a military police lieutenant named Verrall is arriving in Kyauktada. As he comes from an extremely good family, she sees him as a better prospect as a husband for Elizabeth. Mrs. Lackersteen tells Elizabeth that Flory is keeping a Burmese mistress as a deliberate ploy to send her to Verrall. Indeed, he had been keeping one but had dismissed her almost the moment Elizabeth had arrived. No matter, Elizabeth is appalled and falls at the first opportunity for Verrall, who is arrogant and ill-mannered to all but her. Flory is devastated and after a period of exile attempts to make amends by delivering to her the leopard skin but an inexpert curing process has left the skin mangy and stinking and the gesture merely compounds his status as a poor suitor.

U Po Kyin's campaign against Dr. Veraswami turns out to be intended simply to further his aim of becoming a member of the European Club in Kyauktada. The club has been put under pressure to elect a native member and Dr. Veraswami is the most likely candidate. U Po Kyin arranges the escape of a prisoner and plans a rebellion for which he intends that Dr. Veraswami should get the blame. The rebellion begins and is quickly put down, but a native rebel is killed by acting Divisional Forest Officer, Maxwell. A few days later, the body of Maxwell is brought back to the town. This creates a tension between the Burmese and the Europeans, exacerbated by a vicious attack on native children by the spiteful Ellis. A large riot begins and Flory becomes the hero for bringing it under control with some support by Dr. Veraswami. U Po Kyin tries to claim credit but is disbelieved and Dr. Veraswami's prestige is restored.

Verrall leaves Kyauktada without even saying goodbye to Elizabeth and she falls for Flory again. Flory is happy and plans to marry Elizabeth. However, U Po Kyin has not given up; he hires Flory's former Burmese mistress to create a scene in front of Elizabeth during the sermon at Sunday church. Flory is disgraced and Elizabeth refuses to have anything more to do with him. Overcome by the loss and seeing no future for himself, Flory kills himself and his dog.

Dr. Veraswami is demoted and sent to a different district and U Po Kyin is elected to the Club. U Po Kyin's plans have succeeded and he plans to redeem his life and cleanse his sins by financing pagodas. He dies of apoplexy before he can even start on building the first pagoda and his servant envisages him returning to life as a frog or rat. Elizabeth eventually marries Macgregor, the Deputy Commissioner and lives happily in contempt of the natives, who in turn live in fear of her.

Characters

John (in some editions, James) Flory: The central character is a timber merchant in his mid-thirties. He is acutely conscious of a large, dark blue birthmark on the left side of his face, which he tries to hide from everyone he meets. He is very friendly with the Indian Dr Veraswami, and appreciates Burmese culture. This brings him into conflict with members of the club, who dislike his slightly radical views. He does, however, see many natives as beasts. He is often the target of argument even though he dislikes quarrels. He suffers a great deal because all he can think about is Elizabeth and this causes him pain because she does not love him and refuses to listen to him and what he has to say about her. After getting hurt from her the final time, he commits suicide.

Elizabeth Lackersteen: An unmarried English girl who has lost both her parents and comes to stay with her sole relations, the Lackersteens, in Burma. Before her flighty mother died, they had lived together in Paris. Her mother fancied herself an artist, and Elizabeth grew to hate the bohemian lifestyle and cultural connections. Elizabeth is thin with short hair and wears glasses. After leaving Flory for the first time, she courts Verrall, who leaves abruptly without saying goodbye. After leaving Flory the second time (and following his suicide), she marries the Deputy Commissioner, Macgregor.

Mr. and Mrs. Lackersteen: Elizabeth's uncle and aunt. Mr. Lackersteen is the manager of a timber firm. He is a heavy drinker whose main object in life is to have a "good time". However his activities are curtailed by his wife who is ever watching "like a cat over a bloody mousehole". Mr. Lackersteen's lechery extends to making sexual advances towards his niece Elizabeth. Mrs. Lackersteen is an imaginative woman, thin and serpent-like, who plays the part of the memsahib and has not taken to the alien country or its culture. She strongly believes that a young woman should get married to anyone, literally anyone, that can provide her with a home and accompanying riches. She pesters Elizabeth into finding a husband: first she wants her to wed Verrall, then after he leaves, Flory.

Dr. Veraswami: An Indian doctor and a friend of Flory's. He has nothing but respect for the British colonists and often refers to his own kind as being lesser humans than the English. Veraswami and Flory often discuss various topics, with Veraswami presenting the British point of view and Flory taking the side of the Burmese. Veraswami is targeted by U Po Kyin in pursuit of membership of the European club and he loses his status when his friend Flory commits suicide. He goes away to work in another run-down hospital.

U Po Kyin: A corrupt and cunning magistrate who is hideously overweight but groomed perfectly, as he can afford anything. He feels he can commit whatever wicked acts he wants, because he will later expiate his sins by financing the building of pagodas. He carries out his vendetta against Flory and Veraswami, instigating a rebellion as part of the exercise. He loses pre-eminence when it is Flory and Vereswami who suppress a riot. When Flory dies, Kyin becomes a member of the European Club. Shortly after, he dies, unredeemed, before the building of the pagodas.

Ma Hla May: Flory's Burmese mistress. After he throws her out to clear the decks for Elizabeth, she repeatedly blackmails him. Encouraged by U Po Kyin, she breaks up Flory and Elizabeth by creating a scene in front of the Europeans. Eventually she goes to work in a brothel elsewhere. The only reason she wants Flory to take her back is because she wants to live the life of a white man's mistress again.

Ko S'la: Flory's servant. Though he serves Flory well, he does not approve of many of his activities. He strongly opposes Flory's relationship with Ma Hla May and further protests when Flory hurts himself falling from a horse when trying to show off in front of Elizabeth.

Lieutenant Verrall: A military policeman who has a temporary posting in the town. He is the youngest son of a peer and looks down on everyone, making no concessions to civility and good manners. His only concern is playing polo and being athletically fit. Whether you're a white man or a native, does not matter to him. He is somewhat smug and self-centered. He uses Elizabeth for entertainment and ultimately leaves the town in a hurry without saying goodbye.

Mr MacGregor: Deputy Commissioner and Secretary of the Club. He is pompous and self-important but good-hearted, and ends up marrying Elizabeth.

Ellis: Another manager in a timber company and a vulgar and spiteful member of the Club who likes stirring up scandals. He expounds strong racist views and dislikes Flory because he is friendly with the native community.

Style

Orwell's biographer, Taylor, notes that "the most striking thing about the novel is the extravagance of its language: a riot of rococo imagery that gets dangerously out of hand"

Another of Orwell's biographers, Shelden, notes that Joseph Conrad, Somerset Maugham and E. M. Forster have been suggested as possible influences, but believes "the ghost of A. E. Housman hangs heavily over the book.

Orwell himself was to note in Why I Write (1946) that "I wanted to write enormous naturalistic novels with unhappy endings, full of detailed descriptions and arresting similes, and also full of purple passages in which my words were used partly for the sake of their sound. And in fact my first complete novel, Burmese Days.... is rather that kind of book."

Reactions

On its publication in Britain, Burmese Days earned a review in the New Statesman from Cyril Connolly as follows:

Burmese Days is an admirable novel. It is a crisp fierce and almost boisterous attack on the Anglo-Indian. The author loves Burma, he goes to great length to describe the vices of the Burmese and the horror of the climate, but he loves it, and nothing can palliate for him, the presence of a handful of inefficient complacent public school types who make their living there....I liked it and recommend it to anyone who enjoys a spate of efficient indignation, graphic description, excellent narrative, excitement and irony tempered with vitriol.

Orwell received a letter from the anthropologist Geoffrey Gorer as follows

Will you allow me to tell you how very much indeed I admire your novel Burmese Days: it seems to me an absolutely admirable statement of fact told as vividly and with as little bitterness as possible.

It was as a result of these responses that Orwell renewed his friendship with Connolly, which was to give him useful literary connections, a positive evaluation in Enemies of Promise and an outlet on Horizon. He also became a close friend of Gorer.

Excerpts

It was the beginning of the short winter, when Upper Burma seemed haunted by the ghost of England. Wild flowers sprang into bloom everywhere, not quite the same as the English ones, but very like them—honeysuckle in thick bushes, field roses smelling of pear-drops, even violets in dark places of the forest. The sun circled low in the sky, and the nights and early mornings were bitterly cold, with white mists that poured through the valleys like the steam of enormous kettles. One went shooting after duck and snipe. There were snipe in countless myriads, and wild geese in flocks that rose from the jeel with a roar like a goods train crossing an iron bridge.

Living and working among Orientals would try the patience of a saint. All of them, the officials particularly knew what it was to be baited and insulted. Almost every day, when Westfield or Mr McGregor or even Maxwell went down the street, the High School boys, with their young, yellow faces—faces smooth as gold coins, full of that maddening contempt that sits so naturally on the Mongolian face—sneered at them as they went past, sometimes hooted after them with hyena-like laughter. The life of the Anglo-Indian officials is not all jam. In comfortless camps, in sweltering offices, in gloomy dakbungalows smelling of dust and earth-oil, they earn, perhaps, the right to be a little disagreeable.

'My dear doctor', said Flory, 'how can you make out that we are in this country for any reason but to steal? It's so simple. The official holds the Burman down while the businessman goes through his pockets. Do you suppose my firm, for instance, could get its timber contracts if the country weren't in the hands of the British? Or the other timber firms, or the oil companies, or the miners and planters and traders? How could the Rice Ring go on skinning the unfortunate peasant if it hadn't the Government behind it? The British Empire is simply a device for giving trade monopolies to the English—or rather to gangs of Jews and Scotchmen.' 'My friend, it iss pathetic to me to hear you talk so. It iss truly pathetic. You say you are here to trade? Of course you are. Could the Burmese trade for themselves? Can they make machinery, ships, railways, roads? They are helpless without you. What would happen to the Burmese forests if the English were not here? They would be sold immediately to the Japanese, who would gut them and ruin them. In your hands, actually they are improved. And while your businessmen develop the resources of our country, your officials are civilizing us, elevating us to their level, from pure public spirit. It is a magnificent record of self-sacrifice'.

The canoes, each hollowed out of a single tree-trunk, glided swiftly, hardly rippling the dark brown water. Water hyacinth with profuse spongy foliage and blue flowers had choked the stream so that the channel was only a winding ribbon four feet wide. The light filtered, greenish, through interlacing boughs. Sometimes one could hear parrots scream overhead, but no wild creatures showed themselves, except once a snake that swam hurriedly away and disappeared among the water hyacinth.

See also

Bibliography of George Orwell

References

Emma Larkin, Finding George Orwell in Burma.

External links

Burmese Days Searchable, indexed e-text.

Time">"Orwell's Burma", an essay in Time

Online version,

The Literary Encyclopedia

Another look at Burmese Days

Category:British novels Category:1934 novels Category:Burmese literature Category:Novels by George Orwell

Honorific-prefix	The Right Honourable
Name	Andrew Mitchell
Honorific-suffix	MP PC
Caption	Mitchell during the 2009 Conservative Party Conference.
Office	Secretary of State for International Development
Primeminister	David Cameron
Term start	12 May 2010
Predecessor	Douglas Alexander
Office1	Shadow Secretary of State for International Development
Leader1	Michael HowardDavid Cameron
Term start1	7 May 2005
Term end1	11 May 2010
Predecessor1	Alan Duncan
Successor1	Douglas Alexander
Constituency mp2	Sutton Coldfield
Term start2	7 June 2001
Predecessor2	Norman Fowler
Majority2	17,005 (33.6%)
Constituency mp3	Gedling
Term start3	11 June 1987
Term end3	1 May 1997
Predecessor3	Philip Holland
Successor3	Vernon Coaker
Birth date	March 23, 1956
Birth place	Hampstead, London, England
Party	Conservative
Alma mater	Jesus College, Cambridge
Website	www.andrew-mitchell-mp.co.uk

Andrew John Bower Mitchell (born 23 March 1956) is a British Conservative Party politician and the Member of Parliament (MP) for Sutton Coldfield. He was appointed as Secretary of State for International Development on 12 May 2010, and as a Privy Counsellor on 13 May 2010.

Early life

Andrew Mitchell was born in Hampstead in north London, and is the son of David Mitchell, a former Conservative MP and junior Government minister.

Education

Mitchell was educated at Rugby School, an independent school for boys in the market town of Rugby in Warwickshire, and, after a short-service commission in the Royal Tank Regiment, he went up to Jesus College, Cambridge, where he studied History. He was Chairman of the Cambridge University Conservative Association in Michaelmas 1977 and the President of the Cambridge Union in 1978.

Early career

Mitchell served as a United Nations peacekeeper in Cyprus during the 1970s, and went on to work and travel extensively in Africa and Asia. He served in the Royal Tank Regiment of the British Army before joining Lazard, one of the world's largest investment banks, where he worked with British companies seeking large-scale overseas contracts. Between 1981-89, he was a Manager at Touche Ross & Co., and from 1989–91, Financial Controller. Between 1991-93, he was Audit Manager at Storehouse PLC, and in 1993 he became Finance Director at W H Everett & Son Ltd. He is a Trustee of the E.M. Radiation Research Trust, which conducts research into radiation emissions, from sites such as mobile phone masts. He was also a Senior Strategy Advisor for Accenture, a famous management consultancy company.

Political career

Mitchell was the only Conservative member of Islington Health Authority (IHA) in north London during the 1980s, and in that capacity, he called among other measures for the IHA to make greater use of competitive tendering in the allocation of service contracts.

Mitchell entered Parliament at 31 years old, as the MP for Gedling, in Nottinghamshire, between 1987 and 1997. In 1988, under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, he became PPS to William Waldegrave, who was Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. In 1990, he became PPS to John Wakeham, who was Secretary of State for Energy. In 1992, under John Major, he became Vice-Chairman of the Conservative Party, and in the same year was appointed as an Assistant Government Whip. In 1993, he became a Government Whip. In 1995, he became Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Department of Social Security, a position he held until 1997.

Mitchell lost his Commons seat in Tony Blair's Labour 'landslide' election of 1997, but in 2001, returned to Parliament as the MP for Sutton Coldfield, in Birmingham. He held no shadow ministerial or organisational position under the leadership of Iain Duncan Smith, but in 2003, in the first month of the new leadership of Michael Howard, he became Shadow Minister of State for Economic Affairs, and 2004, the Shadow Minister of State for Home Affairs, in which his primary brief was police matters. In May 2005, he was appointed to the Shadow Cabinet as Shadow Secretary of State for International Development. After Howard's decision to stand down as leader following the 2005 General Election defeat, Mitchell ran the unsuccessful leadership campaign of David Davis, but retained his Shadow Cabinet position under the newly-elected Conservative leader, David Cameron. He was re-elected at the May 2010 general election, and in the same month became the new Secretary of State for International Development at the Department for International Development (DfID).

Keep Justice Local campaign

In 2002, Mitchell successfully led the Keep Justice Local campaign across his constituency of Sutton Coldfield to safeguard the 50-year-old Courthouse (Magistrates' Court) from imminent closure. He presented a petition signed by over 5,500 constituents, protesting at plans to transfer the Courthouse's work to Birmingham.

However, once in government Mitchell changed his views on the closure of the courthouse after a decision was taken to close it December 2010. Mitchell quoted as saying: "We must now ensure that there's a widespread local discussion about the future of the site and the building. I know that our councillors are already looking at how best we can do this".

Voting record

In 1994, as MP for Gedling, Mitchell voted in the House of Commons for the restoration of the death penalty, although a large number of MPs voted against it. Between 2001 and 2010, as MP for Sutton Coldfield, his House of Commons voting record shows that he voted for: limiting climate change, Civil Partnerships for gay couples, greater autonomy for schools, a UK Referendum on the EU Lisbon Treaty, the replacement of Trident, the invasion of Iraq and the subsequent Iraq investigation, and limiting pollution from civil aviation. During the same period, he voted against: ID cards, the closure of Post Offices, both 42 days' and 90 days' detention without charge or trial, the DNA database, closer EU integration, the relaxation of gambling laws, Section 28 (although in 1988 he had voted in favour), employment discrimination against gay people, the legalisation of recreational drugs, a fully elected House of Lords and a ban on fox hunting. He was ranked by the Liberal Democrat Voice (connected to, but not part of, the Liberal Democrat Party) as one of the least authoritarian members of Parliament, scoring 3 out of 100 points for his votes between 2005 - 2010., with a joint ranking of 542 out of 619.

Work as a Member of Parliament

Mitchell has campaigned on a wide range of local issues, from the safety of mobile phone masts to the administration of justice, and has particularly focussed on local development where it appears to adversely affect his constituents. He deals with a wide range of issues for constituents, often dealing directly with government departments, agencies and other organisations on their behalf, and holds regular Advice Sessions for them. He also regularly visits local schools, businesses and voluntary organisations across Sutton Coldfield. He successfully brought about the restoration of Sutton Coldfield Civic Service and introduced the Sutton Coldfield Inter-Schools Debating Competition. He receives over 5,000 letters per year from constituents, and actively supports a number of local charities including Breastfriends, Norman Laud Association, the Sutton Coldfield Branch of the RNLI, Parkinson’s Disease Society, Sutton Coldfield Sea Cadets, Greenacres, and Sutton Coldfield Guiding.

Although Davis attracted a sizeable vote of party members in the contest, he was defeated by his younger challenger, David Cameron. Despite Davis's defeat, however, Mitchell retained his position in Cameron's new Shadow Cabinet.

Mitchell reaction to Davis resignation

In June 2008, David Davis took a decision to resign both his position as Shadow Home Secretary and his constituency seat, and to immediately stand for re-election, in protest at the Labour Government's proposal to extend detention without trial for terrorist suspects to 42 days. Andrew Mitchell was reported by the media to have met Davis on the House of Commons terrace and was seen to have "looked horrified" when Davis told him of his decision, and to have vigorously argued with him about it. His friends apparently said later that he was "incandescent" at not having been consulted beforehand. Davis allegedly replied: "It's too late — I've already done it", to which Mitchell allegedly responded: "You're nuts".

Direct involvement with developing world

Whilst still in Opposition, Mitchell visited countries throughout the developing world to establish in detail how aid could be most effectively and fairly delivered. He visited a number of countries in Africa and Asia containing some of the worst poverty in the world, such as Sierra Leone, Ghana, Ethiopia, Chad, Eritrea, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Kenya, Thailand, Cambodia and Burma (The Republic of the Union of Myanmar). In many of these places, he created video reports detailing local conditions and some of the NGO projects aimed at ameliorating them. Whilst in Burma, Mitchell challenged its Government by raising evidence of systematic human rights abuses in the country, and its continued imprisonment of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. He also emphasised the need to provide rapid and substantial aid to the victims of the 2010 Haiti earthquake.

Project Umubano

Mitchell led large groups of Conservative volunteers from a wide range of professions, including doctors, teachers, lawyers and entrepreneurs, in social development projects in Rwanda for three consecutive summers, from 2007 to 2009, as part of Project Umubano, and kept a detailed diary of their activities and experiences. The volunteers focussed on five areas: health, education, justice, the private sector, and a community centre construction project. In 2008, Mitchell himself taught English to over a thousand Rwandan primary school teachers.

BBC Gaza Appeal

Mitchell expressed support for the idea of a televised appeal for Gaza on the BBC in 2009, a subject which had aroused much controversy on both sides of the argument. He said that whilst the matter was ultimately for the BBC to decide, "We believe that they should allow the broadcast to proceed so that the British public, who have proved themselves so generous during recent emergencies in the Congo and Burma, can make their own judgment on the validity of the appeal".

Praise from news presenter Jon Snow

On 1 July 2010, at the end of the Global Poverty Debate in the House of Commons, according to both the verbatim transcript of www.parliament.uk, and the full video recording of the debate at BBC Democracy Live, the Minister of State for International Development, Alan Duncan, quoted the Channel 4 news presenter and journalist Jon Snow as having said the previous day that: "Andrew Mitchell is unquestionably the best prepared Secretary of State — nobody has waited longer in the wings and everyone in the sector knows of his commitment to the sector".

Emphasis on aid transparency and contributions 'guarantee'

As Secretary of State for International Development, Mitchell has repeatedly asserted the need for transparency in aid donations to other countries, with contributions fully accounted for and published, and intends Britain to lead the world in this transparency. He has made clear that value for money in aid donations are of critical importance and has provided a guarantee that British legislation will be amended to ensure that Britain's aid contributions will be maintained at 0.7% of UK GNI (Gross National Income) by 2013. He has also asked former international envoy and Liberal Democrat leader Paddy Ashdown to conduct a review of the UK's response to international humanitarian disasters, such as the 2010 Haiti earthquake, to see whether lessons can be learned from them.

Prize Winner of Westminster Dog of the Year Award

In 2009, Andrew Mitchell won the top prize among Parliamentarians for the Westminster Dog of the Year Award, for his dog Molly. Judges said that Molly, a seven-year old Welsh Springer Spaniel, had an "excellent condition and temperament", that she "stood out particularly because she is the ‘glue’ of her family“, and that Mitchell was "an owner who shows commitment to responsible dog ownership".

2009 expenses claims

The vast majority of claims made by Mitchell were for office expenses, but there was controversy among some of the media which reported that he had made a number of small claims for items such as a 'stick of glue', reportedly costing 13 pence. However, these items appear to have been for official Parliamentary use, and were accepted by the House of Commons Fees Office as legitimate expenses incurred as a result of his Parliamentary work.

Allegations of lobbying on behalf of donors

Articles in the Sunday Times and the Guardian newspapers of 31 October 2010 report that Mitchell pressured the Foreign Office and colleagues to lobby Ghana (successfully) for the lifting of a ban on cocoa company Armajaro Holdings, which had been a repeated donor to Mitchell's parliamentary office and also a donor to the Conservative Party. Ghana had imposed the ban as the company was believed by the Ghanaian government to have been smuggling cocoa out of Ghana.

Personal life

Mitchell is married to a G.P. and has two children, and lives in his constituency of Sutton Coldfield and in Islington in north London. His wealth is estimated at £2m.

See also

Cameron Ministry

References

External links

Andrew Mitchell official constituency website

Profile: Andrew Mitchell BBC News, 10 February 2005

Pan-African Free Trade Agreement: Helping Africa through Free Trade – Andrew Mitchell talks at the Cato Institute

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Category:1956 births Category:Alumni of Jesus College, Cambridge Category:Conservative Party (UK) MPs Category:Living people Category:Members of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom Category:Members of the United Kingdom Parliament for English constituencies Category:Old Rugbeians Category:Presidents of the Cambridge Union Society Category:UK MPs 1987–1992 Category:UK MPs 1992–1997 Category:UK MPs 2001–2005 Category:UK MPs 2005–2010 Category:UK MPs 2010–

Office	Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council of Myanmar
Primeminister	Khin NyuntSoe WinThein Sein
Deputy	Maung Aye
Term start	23 April 1992
Predecessor	Saw Maung
Office2	Prime Minister of Myanmar
Term start2	23 April 1992
Term end2	25 August 2003
Predecessor2	Saw Maung
Successor2	General Khin Nyunt
Birth date	February 02, 1933
Birth place	Kyaukse, British Burma (now Myanmar)
Spouse	Kyaing Kyaing

Senior General Than Shwe (; ; born 2 February 1933) is a central figure in Myanmar's ruling military junta. He holds various positions of power that render him head of state; these include Commander-in-Chief of the Tatmadaw, head of Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), and since 23 April 1992 chairman of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). SPDC is the name of the former State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), established in 1988.

Early life and politics

Than Shwe was born in Minzu village, near Kyaukse, Mandalay Province, British Burma. After working as a postman he enlisted in the Burmese army, where he participated in the government's powerful counter-insurgency campaign against ethnic-Karen guerrillas in eastern Burma.

After the military coup in 1962 by General Ne Win, Than Shwe continued to rise steadily through the ranks, working for the military's Psychological Warfare Department. He reached the rank of Lieutenant Colonel in 1972, Colonel in 1978, Commander of the South West Regional Command in 1983, Vice Chief of Staff of the Army, Brigadier-General and Deputy Minister of Defence in 1985 and then Major-General in 1986.

He also obtained a seat on the ruling Burma Socialist Programme Party's Central Executive Committee.

Ascent to Power

The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) was created after the military organised another coup in response to the democracy uprising of 1988, and Than Shwe was appointed as one of 21 members of the cabinet headed by General Saw Maung.

On 23 April 1992, Saw Maung unexpectedly resigned, citing health reasons, and Than Shwe replaced him as Chairman of the Council, head of state, Secretary of Defence and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces.

Style of leadership

Than Shwe has relaxed some state control over the economy, and has been a vocal supporter of Burma's participation in the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). He also oversaw a large crackdown on corruption, which saw the sackings of a number of cabinet ministers and regional commanders in 1997.

The convention for the "Discipline Democracy New Constitution" was convened from 9 January 1993 to 3 September 2007, a period of more than 14 years and 8 months. Although the main opposition party, National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi, which won the multi-party democracy general election in 1990, did not participate, the chairman of National Convention Lieutenant General Thein Sein announced that the creation of the "Constitution" had been accomplished.

Than Shwe has continued the suppression of the free press in Burma, and has overseen the detention of journalists who oppose his regime. While he oversaw the release of Aung San Suu Kyi during the late 1990s, he also oversaw her return to detention in 2003. Despite his relaxation of some restrictions on Burma's economy, his economic policies have been often criticized as ill-planned.

He maintains a low profile. He tends to be seen as being sullen, humourless and rather withdrawn, a hardliner, skilled manipulator and an opponent of the democratization of Burma. He marks national holidays and ceremonies with messages in the state-run newspapers, but rarely talks to the press. The lavish wedding of his daughter, involving diamonds and champagne, was particularly controversial in a country whose people continue to suffer enormous poverty and enforced austerity.

For many years, Than Shwe was seen as something of a figurehead as head of state, with the power over policy being held by his ministers. More recent reports suggest that, in recent years, he has been consolidating his power over the country. When he reached the mandatory retirement age of 60, he simply extended it, which has led to suggestions that he may remain as head of state for the rest of his life.

Power struggles have plagued Burma's military leadership. Than Shwe has been linked to the toppling and arrest of Prime Minister Khin Nyunt in 2004, which has significantly increased his own power. The former premier, who said he supported Aung San Suu Kyi's involvement in the National Convention, was seen as a moderate at odds with the junta's hardliners.

Than Shwe is said to rely heavily on advice from his soothsayers, a style of ruling dating back to Ne Win, a leader who once shot his mirror to avoid bad luck.

In May and November 2006 he met with the United Nations special envoy Ibrahim Gambari in the newly-built capital of Naypyidaw, which had replaced Yangon in the previous year, and permitted Gambari to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi. However, Than Shwe refused to meet Gambari when he visited Burma in November 2007 and again on 10 March 2008.

In early May 2008, Than Shwe refused many foreign aid workers from entering the country in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis (May 2, 2008). This led to many criticisms from the UN as well as the international community.

In early July 2009, the UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon visited Myanmar and held talks with General Than Shwe. The military junta rejected UN Secretary General's request to meet with Aung San Suu Kyi. Than Shwe also commented on the upcoming 2010 Burmese election, saying that by the time the UN chief next visits Burma, ""I will be an ordinary citizen, a lay person, and my colleagues will too because it will be a civilian government."

On 27 August 2010, rumors surfaced that Than Shwe and his deputy, Gen. Maung Aye, along with six other top military officers, had resigned their military posts, and that he was expected to remain head of state until at least the end of the 2011 fiscal year, when he would transfer his position to the elected president. The rumor was proven false as the Burmese state media referred to him as Senior General three days later.

Health and family

Than Shwe's wife, Kyaing Kyaing, is an ethnic Pa-O. They have five daughters, Aye Aye Thit Shwe, Dewa Shwe, Khin Pyone Shwe, Kyi Kyi Shwe, and Thandar Shwe, and three sons, Kyaing San Shwe, Thant Zaw Shwe and Htun Naing Shwe. Than Shwe is known to be a diabetic, He rarely makes public appearances.

Than Shwe flew to Singapore on 31 December 2006. Concerns about Than's health intensified after he failed to appear at an official Independence Day dinner for military leaders, officials, and diplomats on 4 January 2007. It was the first time since he took power in 1992 that Than did not host the annual dinner. Than Shwe had checked out of Singapore's General Hospital, where he had been receiving treatment, and returned to Burma two weeks later.

In 2006, a home video footage of the wedding of Than Shwe's daughter, Thandar Shwe, was leaked on the Internet, which sparked controversy and criticism from Burmese and foreign media for the lavish and seemingly ostentatious reception.

After days of anti-government protests, there were unconfirmed reports that Than Shwe's wife and pets fled the country on 27 September 2007, possibly to Laos.

International media

Than Shwe ranked No. 4 on Parade Magazine's 2009 "World's Worst Dictators" list.

See also

Naypyidaw

Tatmadaw

References

Bibliography

Johnson, Robert (2005). A region in turmoil: South Asian conflicts since 1947. Reaktion Books. ISBN 978-1861892577.

External links

Than Shwe Watch at the Irrawaddy

Than Shwe's daughter's wedding - YouTube

Than Shew's search/Information from Myanmar Search Engine

Category:1933 births Category:Living people Category:Heads of state Category:Burmese generals Category:Current national leaders Category:Cancer patients Category:Burma Socialist Programme Party politicians Category:People from Mandalay Region