Carpi (people)

showing Carpi occupying the region between the rivers Siret and Prut in Moldavia (eastern Romania) ]] The Carpi or Carpiani were an ancient people that resided, between not later than ca. AD 140 and until at least AD 318, in the former Principality of Moldavia (modern eastern Romania).

The archaeology of Moldavia in the period 106-318 shows the coexistence of two distinct material cultures, one sedentary, the other exhibiting the features of a nomadic steppe culture. The sedentary culture was on a material level not significantly higher than other barbarian regions on the fringes of the Roman empire.

The ethnic affiliation of the Carpi remains disputed, as there is no direct evidence in the surviving ancient literary sources. A strong body of modern scholarly opinion considers that the Carpi were a tribe of the Dacian nation. Other scholars have linked the Carpi to a variety of ethnic groups, including Sarmatians, Thracians, Germans, and Celts.

About a century after their earliest mention by Ptolemy, the Carpi emerged in ca. 240 as among Rome's most dangerous enemies. In the period 240-270 AD, the Carpi were an important component of a loose coalition of transdanubian barbarian tribes that included also Germanic and Sarmatian elements. These were responsible for a series of large and devastating invasions of the Balkan regions of the empire which nearly caused its disintegration.

In the period 270-318, the Roman "military emperors" acted to remove the Carpi threat to the empire's borders. Crushing multiple defeats were inflicted on the Carpi in 273, 297, 298-308 and in 317. After each, massive numbers of Carpi were forcibly transferred by the Roman military to the Roman province of Pannonia (modern western Hungary), as part of the emperors' policy of repopulating the devastated Danubian provinces with surrendered barbarian tribes. It is possible that the Carpi were largely removed from the Carpathian region by ca. 318. If any Carpi remained, they may have occupied, together with "free" Dacian elements, parts of the Roman province of Dacia, following its evacuation by the Romans in 272-5.

Name etymology

The Greco-Romans called this people the Carpi or Carpiani. Probably the earliest mention of them, under the name Καρπιανοί (Carpiani in Latin) is in the Geographia of the 2nd-century Greek geographer Ptolemy, composed ca. AD 140.

The name Carpi or Carpiani may derive from the same root as the name of the Carpathian mountain range that they occupied, also first mentioned by Ptolemy under the name Καρπάτης - Karpátes. The root may be the putative Proto-Indo-European word *ker/sker, meaning "peak" or "cliff" (cf. Albanian karpë "rock", Romanian (ş)carpă "precipice", and Latin scarpa). Scholars who support this derivation are divided between those who believe the Carpi gave their name to the mountain range (i.e. the name means "mountains of the Carpi") and those who claim the reverse. In the latter case, Carpiani could mean simply "people of the Carpathians". But the similarity between the two names may be coincidence, and they may derive from different roots. For example, it has been suggested that the name may derive from the Slavic root-word krepu meaning "strong" or "brave". Also, it had been suggested that Carpathian Mountains may derive from the Sanskrit root “kar” 'cut' that would give the meaning of ‘rugged mountains’.

's Geographia]] Some scholars consider that the following peoples recorded in ancient sources are the same as the Karpiani in Ptolemy: the Kallipidai mentioned in the Histories of Herodotus (composed around 430 BC) as residing in the region of the river Borysthenes (Dnieper); the Karpídai around the mouth of the river Tyras (Dniester) recorded in a fragment of Pseudo-Scymnus (composed ca. 90 BC);and the Harpii, located near the Danube delta, mentioned by Ptolemy himself. If so, their locations could imply that the Carpi had very gradually migrated westwards in the period 400 BC - AD 140, a view championed by Kahrstedt. These names' common element carp- appears frequently in Dacian and Thracian place- and personal names. But there is no consensus that these groups are actually one and the same as the Carpi. Bichir suggests that they were Thraco-Dacian tribes distantly related to the Carpi.

Territory

During the period when they are attested by classical sources (ca. AD 140-300), the Carpi are believed by many scholars, on the basis of Ptolemy, to have occupied a region between the river Hierasus (Siret) and the river Porata (Prut) (i.e. the eastern part of the former principality of Moldavia). This was just outside "Dacia proper", as defined by Ptolemy, whose eastern border was the Hierasus. Ptolemy does not include the Carpi in his list of tribes resident in Dacia proper, even though this region, according to his own definition, comprised the whole Carpathian range. East of this river lay Sarmatia Europaea, a vast region stretching as far as the Crimea, predominantly, but by no means exclusively, populated by Sarmatian tribes.

According to Ptolemy, the Carpi's neighbours were: to the North, the Costoboci; to the South, in the Wallachian plain, the Roxolani Sarmatians; and to the East of the Prut, the Bastarnae (a Celto-Germanic or possibly Sarmatian group) and other Sarmatian tribes.

Material culture

There is no dispute among scholars that some Decebalic-era Dacian settlements in Moldavia (mostly West of the Siret, with a few on the East bank (including Piroboridava, identified with Poiana-Tecuci), were abandoned by 106, most likely, according to Bichir, as a result of the Roman conquest of Dacia. From this time, Bichir identifies two distinct cultures in Moldavia, existing side-by-side. A sedentary culture, labelled "Daco-Carpic" by Bichir, which started around 106 and disappeared around 318; and a smaller culture displaying the characteristics usually associated with nomadic peoples from the Eurasian steppes, labelled "Sarmatian" by Bichir.

By 1976, 117 sedentary settlements had been identified, the great majority (89) located West of the Siret (thus inside Dacia's borders as defined by Ptolemy). The inhabitants lived in both surface-dwellings and sunken-floor huts. The single-roomed surface-dwellings were made of wattle and beaten-earth, usually of rectangular or square form, varying from 9 sq m to 30 sq m in size. Each contained a clay hearth placed at the centre of the dwelling. The more numerous sunken-earth huts are usually of oval or round shape. The sedentary people generally cremated their dead, both adults and children, according to Bichir: all 43 purely "Daco-Carpic" (sedentary) cemeteries were cremation-only. The ashes from the cremation were, in the great majority of cases, buried inside urns. Some graves contained grave-goods, but no weapons (except for a single dagger). Mundane goods include: knives, keys, belt-buckles; valuable goods include Sarmatian-style mirrors, silver ear-rings, gold pendants and beads. Pottery found in sedentary sites includes hand-made "porous" type, grey wheel-made ware, red-fired pottery and imported Roman ware. Bichir describes the first two as continuing Dacian La Tène pottery, and points to the presence of the so-called "Dacian cup", a cup of distinctive design, as evidence of a Dacian base to this culture. However, he admits that the pottery also shows Roman and Sarmatian influence. The sedentary folk appear to have been generally illiterate, as no "Daco-Carpic" inscription has ever been found during the very intensive excavations carried out in the region. The sedentary culture did not issue its own coinage. However, Roman coinage circulated "intensely" in the Carpi's territory, according to Bichir. This is based on the large numbers of coin-hoards found in Moldavia (90) and ca. 100 isolated coins. However, the circulation of Roman coins seems to have virtually ceased after 218, as no coin-hoards and only 7 isolated coins have been found dating to later than Caracalla (ruled AD 211-218).

Nomadic-culture graves are predominantly inhumation-type, found in 38 places in Moldavia by 1976.

6 cemeteries in Bichir's list contain both cremation and inhumation graves. At the Poieneşti site (the only one fully investigated by 1976), 6 adults and 17 children were buried (compared with 62 cremated). Of these, 2 adults and 7 children were found to have artificially elongated crania. This custom, achieved by tightly binding an infant's skull during its early growth phase, is associated with steppe nomads. Bichir identifies the adults as nomads and the children as the progeny of mixed nomad-sedentary marriages. Heather, who supports this view, suggests that the Carpi name was adopted as the collective name of the Free Dacian tribes when they achieved a degree of political unification in the early 3rd century.

However, there is a significant number of scholars who dispute that the Carpi were ethnic Dacians, and have identified them variously as Sarmatians, Thracians, Germans, Celts, or even proto-Slavs. This is because the region between the rivers Siret and Dniester was of great ethnic diversity during the Roman imperial era. In addition to Scytho-Sarmatian tribes (Roxolani, Agathyrsi), the ancient sources attest Germans (Taifali, Scirii, Bastarnae); Celts (some Bastarnae sub-groups, Taurisci, Anartes); Thracians ( Biessi and Thraces identified by Ptolemy between the Danube and Dniester); and Dacians (Tyragetae). Also, some modern authors surmise the existence of ethnic groups formed in loco from mixed origins (but mostly with an indigenous Dacian/Sarmatian base- e.g. the Goths).

Apart from a single name of doubtful meaning and validity in a Byzantine chronicle (see paragraph below), the evidence used to support the Dacian ethnicity of the Carpi is archaeological: namely, the discovery of pottery and other artefacts identified as "Dacian-style" by archaeologists such as Bichir at sites in the region of Moldavia seen as occupied by the Carpi in the period AD 100-300 (e.g. at Poieneşti, near Vaslui) as well as in burial rites. In particular, Bichir points to a cup of unusual design and "corded" decoration of pots as characteristically Dacian . However, determination of the Carpi's ethnicity by the typology, or by the relative quantity, of finds has been questioned by Niculescu. (See note ). Batty concurs that the presence of "Dacian-style" artefacts attests the material level of the indigenes but does not prove their ethnicity. These objections reflect modern archaeological theory, which considers that material cultures, as defined by archaeologists, are not a reliable guide to ethnicity.(see note )

Zosimus, a Byzantine chronicler writing around AD 500, records an invasion of Rome's Danubian provinces in 381 by a barbarian coalition of Huns, Scirii and Karpodakai ("Carpo-Dacians"). The latter term has been taken by some scholars as "proof" of the Carpi's Dacian ethnicity. In any case, the term is ambiguous. It has also been interpreted as the "Carpi and the Dacians" or "the Carpi mixed with the Dacians". According to the eminent classical scholar Kahrstedt, the term does not refer to the Carpi at all, but to Free Dacians who occupied the territory of the Carpi after the latter were deported by the Romans. He argues that, in ancient Greek, the first part of the term could only have a geographical meaning: i.e. Karpodakai means "the Dacians from the land of the Carpi". In the same vein, it has also been interpreted as "the Dacians of the Carpathians". and archaeological evidence: Bichir notes that the culture which he calls "Daco-Carpic" terminated in around 318. Such titles were ethnographic, not geographical (i.e. Dacicus meant "victorious over the Dacians", not "victorious in Dacia") The existence of a separate victory-title for the Carpi may imply that the Romans did not consider the Carpi to be Dacians. The same argument applies against a Sarmatian or Germanic identity for the Carpi, as Sarmaticus and Germanicus were also established titles in Philip's time.

However, Roman emperors used at first the general title Germanicus Maximus, but later more specific ones, such as Francicus and Alamannicus, for Germanic federations of tribes which become more individualized in time, so it is possible that Carpicus refers to a part of the "Free Dacian" tribes which, as Heather says, achieved a degree of political unification and became more clearly individualized in the early 3rd century.

The following table is mainly based on data presented by Bichir in the Appendix to his work:

{|class = wikitable |+IMPERIAL VICTORY TITLES: DACICUS AND CARPICUS ! Emperor !! Dacicus (Maximus)(date) !! Carpicus (Maximus)(date) !! Specimeninscription* |- |Trajan |106 | |AE (1927) 151 |- |Hadrian |118 | |CIL II.464 |- |Antoninus Pius |157 | |CIL VIII.20424 |- |Maximinus Thrax |236 | |AE (1905) 179 |- |Philip the Arab | |247 |Sear 2581 |- |Decius |249-51 | |CIL II.6345 |- |Gallienus |256/7 | |CIL II.2200 |- |Aurelian |275 |272 |CIL XIII.8973 |- |Diocletian, Galerius & colleagues | |296-305 (5 times) |AE (1959) 290 |- |Galerius | |305-11 (6th time) |CIL III.6979 |- |Constantine I |336 |317 |CIL VI.40776; CIL VIII.8412 |} Note: *Some of the titles above are attested in multiple inscriptions.

Conflict with Rome

Although the Carpi are recorded as resident in the Dacian region from at least the 140's onwards, they are not mentioned in Roman accounts of several campaigns in the Dacian region in the 2nd century. For example, in Rome's vast and protracted conflict with the trans-danubian tribes, known as the Marcomannic Wars (166-80), during which Dacia province suffered at least two major invasions (167, 170), only their neighbours the Costoboci are mentioned specifically. Silence on the role of the Carpi in these conflicts may imply that they were Roman allies in this period. The impact on the barbarian regions would have resulted in many weakened tribes and empty regions that may have induced the stronger tribes to exploit opportunities for expansion. A well-known example of the trend are the Goths. These were probably recorded by the Roman historian Tacitus, under the name Gotones, as inhabiting the area East of the Vistula river in central Poland in AD 100. By 250, the Goths had moved South into western Ukraine and were frequently raiding the empire in conjunction with local tribes.

It was in this context of upheaval that, in mid-3rd century, the Carpi emerged as a major barbarian threat to Rome's lower Danubian provinces. They were described by Jordanes as "a race of men very eager to make war, and often hostile to the Romans". A series of major incursions into the empire by the Carpi are recorded, either alone or in alliance with their neighbouring Sarmatian and/or Germanic tribes (inc. Roxolani, Bastarnae, Goths). However, the precise role of the Carpi in the coalition's incursions is not always clear, as the most comprehensive account, that of the 6th-century chronicler Zosimus, is chronologically confused and often denotes the participants under the vague term "Scythians" (meaning inhabitants of the geographical region called Scythia (i.e. roughly modern Ukraine), not ethnic Scythians).

The involvement of the Carpi in attacks by the "Free Dacians" into Roman Dacia is also uncertain. Supporters of a Dacian ethnicity for the Carpi have tended to assume that they participated in campaigns where Roman emperors claimed the title Dacicus Maximus, in addition to those resulting in a Carpicus Maximus acclamation. But all incursions in which the Carpi are specifically reported by ancient sources were into Moesia Inferior, not Dacia. Following is a list of recorded incursions unequivocally attributed to the Carpi by the sources:

Carpi attacks on the Danubian frontier (238-50)

coin issued by the Roman emperor Philip the Arab to commemorate his victory over the Carpi in AD 247. Obverse: Head of Philip wearing diadem, with legend: IMP(erator) PHILIPPVS AVG(ustus); Reverse: Figure of winged goddess Victory bearing palm and laurel-wreath, with legend: VICTORIA CARPICA. Mint: Rome. Date: undated, but must have been issued in period 247-9 This lends support to the possibility that until this time the Carpi had been long-term allies of the Romans and were aggrieved that they were in effect penalised for their loyalty. However, the governor succeeded in driving out the Carpi in 239. Kniva's invasion had apparently been provoked by the termination of the Goths' annual Roman subsidy by Decius' predecessor, Philip. Judging by their actions, the invaders' war aims were limited to pillage: the capture of as many slaves, horses, treasure and other goods as possible to take back to their homelands across the Danube.

Kniva's host apparently included Goths, Taifali and Vandals, as well as some renegade Roman army veterans. Thus, 30,000 is a more plausible, though still formidable, order of magnitude for Kniva's invasion, divided into two divisions. The Carpi contingent numbered 3,000 men, according to Jordanes.

When news of this disaster reached the remaining legions on the Danube, they proclaimed their commander Gallus emperor. The latter concluded a peace with the Goths which permitted them to return home with their booty and guaranteed resumed subsidies. Although Zosimus denounces the terms as shameful, it was probably the only realistic option open to Gallus in the circumstances. The Roman army would have suffered casualties at the high end of the range as a result of its close concentration of personnel and frequent movements between provinces, thus probably losing about a third of its effectives. Taking advantage of Roman military disarray, the transdanubian barbarians launched repeated massive invasions of imperial territory. The exact number, dates and events of these invasions are uncertain due to the confused and fragmentary nature of the sources. It is possible that there were invasions every year and that parts of the Danubian provinces were occupied by marauding war-bands of barbarians year-round during the period 251-70. From Zosimus, the following major events may be discerned:

252-3: The Carpi joined Goths and 2 Sarmatian tribes (the Urugundi and the Borani) in an invasion of Roman territory, ravaging Moesia and Thrace. (Zosimus states that they then crossed into Asia Minor, but as this is inconsistent with the rest of the narrative, it is probably a confusion with the invasion of 256). Roman forces on the lower Danube were apparently unable to prevent them from marauding at will, probably due to their losses at Abrittus and the impact of the plague. Eventually, the barbarians were intercepted on their way home by the general Aemilianus, commander of the army of Pannonia. At first, his men were fearful of engaging the barbarians because of their aura of invincibility after Abrittus, but Aemilianus' leadership steadied them. At an unknown location near the Danube, the Romans launched a surprise attack and scored a crushing victory. They chased the barbarians over the river and deep into their homelands, recovering vast quantities of plunder and liberating thousands of Roman civilians who had been abducted. Possibly among the latter was a C. Valerius Serapio (probably a Greek) who dedicated an (undated) altar found at Apulum (Alba Iulia) in Dacia, as thanksgiving for his rescue from the Carpi (liberatus a Carpis)

Aemilianus was hailed as emperor by his victorious troops and marched on Rome, where Gallus' forces killed their leader rather than fight against the Danubian army. However, only 3 months later, Aemilianus was in his turn assassinated by the same troops, who defected to Valerian I (r. 253-60), the commander of forces on the Rhine, who had marched into Italy to rescue Gallus. This father-and-son team presided over the most chaotic period of Roman history (253-68) before the 5th century. The empire suffered multiple and massive barbarian invasions on the Rhine, Danube and in the East; at least 11 generals launched military coups; the empire was split into three autonomous pieces; and Valerian himself was captured by the Persians and died after several years in their captivity, the first Roman emperor to suffer such a humiliation. Recognising that there was no possibility of taking the City and sacking it, the Gothic-led host proceeded to ravage the whole of Italy. They were finally driven out by Gallienus' lieutenant Macrianus, who brought the Rhine army into Italy.

Further major "Scythian" invasions took place in 265-6 and possibly the largest of all, 267-8, which was a seaborne invasion which penetrated the Aegean Sea but was terminated by the crushing Roman victory at Naissus (268). But, unlike in previous invasions, the Carpi are not mentioned specifically by Zosimus and the other chroniclers and their role is thus uncertain.

Defeat and resettlement in the Empire (271-318)

(ruled 270-5), who began the policy of transferring large numbers of Carpi into the Roman empire]] (Caesar 293-305, Augustus 305-11), nemesis of the Carpi. Galerius scored 4 major victories over the Carpi in 298-305 and a further victory before 311. Legend: MAXIMIANUS NOBIL[issimus] C[aesar] ("The most noble Caesar, Maximianus": Maximianus was one of Galerius' adopted surnames). Bronze follis, issued before 305]]

The late 3rd century saw the military recovery of the empire under the iron rule of the so-called "Illyrian emperors", a tightly knit group of career-soldiers with shared origins in the Danubian provinces and regiments, whose successors (and often descendants) dominated the empire for over a century (268-379). These not only broke the transdanubian tribes on the battlefield, but also pursued a policy of large-scale resettlement of defeated tribespeople in the Danubian provinces of the empire. This was motivated by the need to re-populate the Danubian provinces, which had been ravaged by plague and barbarian invasions during the period 250-70. (See note ).

272: The emperor Aurelian (r. 270-5) scored a major victory over the Carpi, for which he was granted the title Carpicus Maximus by the Senate. He then resettled a large number of Carpi prisoners around Sopiana (Pécs, Hungary) in the Roman province of Pannonia. This inaugurated the mass resettlement policy.

296-305: In 296, the emperor Diocletian (r. 284-305) went to war against the Carpi, the Romans' first conflict with this tribe since it was defeated by Aurelian 23 years earlier. The war ended in 296/7 with a crushing Roman victory. Diocletian claimed the title Carpicus Maximus. In 298, Diocletian relieved his Caesar (deputy emperor), Galerius, on the Persian front, while Galerius took over command of Roman forces on the lower Danube. In an intensive series of campaigns, Galerius inflicted 4 further major defeats on the Carpi in the period 298-305. (The precise dates and details of these campaigns are unknown, although from the dating of inscriptions it can be deduced that there were major victories in 299 and 302). By the time they abdicated in 305, Diocletian and his co-emperor Maximian, along with their two Caesars and designated successors (Galerius and Constantius Chlorus), were each claiming 5 Carpicus titles. (It was apparently the practice of the Tetrarchs to claim victory-titles collectively, thus all four claimed Carpicus titles for the victories achieved by Galerius).

305-11: After acceding as Augustus (full emperor) in 305, Galerius is recorded as claiming the Carpicus title for a 6th time, some time during his reign.

318: Constantine I is recorded as holding the Carpicus Maximus title in an inscription of that year. This most likely represents a victory over the Carpi in 316-7, when Constantine is documented as resident in the Balkans for the first time since his appointment as Caesar in 306 (Ref: Odahl, 2004 ).

Each of these acclamations probably implied the slaying of at least 5,000 Carpi (as traditionally required for the grant of a Triumph in Rome). For the Carpi, these defeats were accompanied by mass deportations and resettlement inside the empire. According to Ammianus, Diocletian's regime continued to settle Carpi in Pannonia, and, apparently, in Scythia Minor (i.e. the coastal region of modern Romania). Eutropius reports that "enormous numbers" were transferred. Heather interprets these reports as implying hundreds of thousands of deportees. According to Victor, the entire remaining Carpi people were transferred into the empire. (Ammianus does mention the Carpi twice, but only those settled inside the empire). Beyond 318, specific evidence of Carpi continuity is limited to Zosimus' reference to Karpodakai joining in a barbarian invasion of the empire in the 380's. But this notice, even if historically valid, may not refer to the Carpi (see Ethno-linguistic Affiliation, above).

Even if some Carpi did remain in Moldavia, it is clear that they lost their political independence, according to Heather. Transylvania, on the other hand, appears to have been dominated in the 4th century by another probably Germanic group, the Taifali. These Germanic kingdoms were overwhelmed by the Huns, resulting in the great Gothic-led migration that culminated in the Roman disaster at the Battle of Adrianople in 378. The Carpi are nowhere mentioned in Ammianus' detailed account of these epic events, again suggesting that any remaining Carpi may have lost their distinct identity.

Notes

Batty's book: Everett L. Wheeler, in an article for the Journal of Military History, heavily criticises Batty's work, "Rome and the Nomads: The Pontic-Danubian Realm in Antiquity": "Batty (p. 250), who strangely omits discussion on the Sîntana de Muresh-Cernjachov culture, is skeptical on Romanian scholars’ identification of various ethnicities (Costoboci, Carpi, Bastarnae) with specific material cultures, although his own views lack appreciation of archaic ethnic terms in late authors for various tribes of their own day, and he uncritically accepts material in (e.g.) Pliny’s Natural History, where earlier sources are indiscriminately mixed with contemporary ethnographical descriptions...Batty’s uncritical acceptance of Ovid’s writings from Tomis as accurate ethnography (Rome and the Nomads pp. 320–38) partially finds correction in J. G. F. Hinds: Ovid and the Barbarians beyond the Lower Danube (Tristia II.191–2; Strabo Geog VII.3.17), Dacia 51 (2007): 241–45" [48]

See also

Free Dacians

Costoboci

Late Roman army

Dacians

Citations

References

Ancient

Ammianus Marcellinus Res Gestae (ca. 395)

Eusebius of Caesarea Historia Ecclesiae (ca. 320)

Eutropius Historiae Romanae Breviarium (ca. 360)

Anonymous Historia Augusta (ca. 400)

Jordanes Getica (ca. 550)

Lactantius. De Mortibus Persecutorum (On the Deaths of the Persecutors).

Fletcher, William, trans. Of the Manner in Which the Persecutors Died. From Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series, Vol. 7. Edited by Alexander Roberts, James Donaldson, and A. Cleveland Coxe. Buffalo, NY: Christian Literature Publishing Co., 1886. Online at New Advent

Ptolemy Geographia (ca. 140)

Sextus Aurelius Victor De Caesaribus (361)

Tacitus Germania (ca. 100)

Zosimus Historia Nova (ca. 500)

Modern

Batty, Roger (2008): Rome and the Nomads: the Pontic-Danubian region in Antiquity

Barrington (2000): Atlas of the Greek & Roman World

Bichir, Gh. (1976): The History and Archaeology of the Carpi from the 2nd to the 4th centuries AD English trans.:BAR series 16(i)

CAH: Cambridge Ancient History 1st Ed. Vol. XII (1939): The Imperial Crisis and Recovery

Cameron, Alan (1969): Theodosius the Great and the Regency of Stilicho in Harvard Studies in Classical Phililogy n. 73

Carrié, Jean-Michel & Rousselle, Aline. L'Empire Romain en mutation- des Sévères à Constantin, 192–337.

CIL: Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum ("Corpus of Latin Inscriptions")

AE: Année Epigraphique ("Epigraphic Year" - periodical)

Gibbon, Edward (1792): The history of the decline and fall of the Roman empire

Goffart, Walter A. (2006): Barbarian tides: the migration age and the later Roman Empire

Heather Peter, J. (2007): The fall of the Roman Empire: a new history of Rome and the Barbarians

Heather Peter, J. (2009): Empires and Barbarians: Migration, Development and the Birth of Europe

Hodder, I. (1994): Archaeological Theory today

Holder, Paul (2003): Auxiliary Deployment in the Reign of Hadrian

Jones, A.H.M. (1964): Later Roman Empire

Köbler, Gerhard (2000): Indo-germanisches Wörterbuch (online)

Lenski Noel Emmanuel (2006): The Cambridge Companion to the Age of Constantine, ISBN 978-0-521-81838-4

Maenchen-Helfen Otto J. (1973) The world of the Huns : studies in their history and culture edited by Max Knight, published by Berkeley, University of California Press, ISBN 0-520-01596-7

Martini, Peter I., Chesworth Ward ((2010): Landscapes and Societies: Selected Cases

Millar, Fergus (1970): The Roman Empire and its Neighbours

Millar, Fergus, (1981): The Roman Empire and its neighbours

Minns. Ellis Hovell (2011) “Scythians and Greeks: A Survey of Ancient History and Archaeology on the North Coast of the Euxine from the Danube to the Caucasus” published by Cambridge Library Collection Archaeology (1st ed 1913) ISBN 9781108024877

Müller (1883): Edition of Ptolemy's Geographia

Niculescu, G-A. : Nationalism and the Representation of Society in Romanian Archaeology (online paper)

Odahl, Charles Matson. Constantine and the Christian Empire. New York: Routledge, 2004. Hardcover ISBN 0-415-17485-6 Paperback ISBN 0-415-38655-1

Parvan Vasile (1926) : Getica, publisher Cultura Nationala

Sir William Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1878)

Philip Smith (1854) in Dictionary of Greek and Roman geography, Volume 1 edited by Sir William Smith

Stathakopoulos, D. Ch. (2007): Famine and Pestilence in the late Roman and early Byzantine Empire

Thompson, E.A. (1982): Zosimus 6.10.2 and the Letters of Honorius in Classical Quarterly 33 (ii)

Tomaschek Gratz University (1883): Les restes de la langue dace in "Le Museon Revue Internationale Volume 2, Louvain"

Van Den Gheyn, S. J. (1930): Populations Danubiennes, Études D’ethnographie compareee in "Revue des questions scientifiques, Volumes 17-18, 1930" by "Société scientifique de Bruxelles, Union catholique des scientifiques français, ISSN: 0035-2160

External links

Niculescu: Archaeological interpretation in Romania

Category:Ancient peoples Category:Ancient tribes in Romania Category:Ancient tribes in Moldova Category:Wars involving the Roman Empire Category:Dacia Category:Ancient tribes in Dacia