published: 11 Feb 2011
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Anton LaVey
Anton Szandor LaVey, (April 11, 1930 – October 29, 1997) born Howard Stanton Levey, was the American founder and High Priest of the Church of Satan as well as a writer, occultist, and musician. He was the author of The Satanic Bible and the founder of LaVeyan Satanism, a synthesized system of his understanding of human nature and the insights of philosophers who advocated materialism and individualism, for which he claimed no supernatural, metaphysical, or theistic inspiration.
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Emma Goldman
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Exeter Hall
Exeter Hall was a hall on the north side of The Strand, London, England. It was erected between 1829 and 1831 on the site of Exeter Exchange, to designs by John Peter Gandy, the brother of the visionary architect Joseph Michael Gandy. The site was formerly part of Exeter House, the London residence of the Earls of Exeter (formerly Burghley House and Cecil House), almost opposite the Savoy. The official opening date was March 29, 1831.
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United States
The United States of America (also referred to as the United States, the U.S., the USA, or America) is a federal constitutional republic comprising fifty states and a federal district. The country is situated mostly in central North America, where its forty-eight contiguous states and Washington, D.C., the capital district, lie between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, bordered by Canada to the north and Mexico to the south. The state of Alaska is in the northwest of the continent, with Canada to the east and Russia to the west across the Bering Strait. The state of Hawaii is an archipelago in the mid-Pacific. The country also possesses several territories in the Caribbean and Pacific.
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Adam Smith
http://wn.com/Adam_Smith -
Adamantios Korais
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Alan Ryan
Alan James Ryan, FBA (born 9 May 1940) was Warden of New College, Oxford, and Professor of Politics at the University of Oxford.
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Albert Camus
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Andrew Jackson
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Anthony Quinton
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Antiphon (person)
Antiphon the Sophist lived in Athens probably in the last two decades of the 5th century BC. There is an ongoing controversy over whether he is one and the same with Antiphon () of the Athenian deme Rhamnus in Attica (480–411 BC), the earliest of the ten Attic orators. For the purposes of this article, they will be treated as distinct persons.
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Anton LaVey
Anton Szandor LaVey, (April 11, 1930 – October 29, 1997) born Howard Stanton Levey, was the American founder and High Priest of the Church of Satan as well as a writer, occultist, and musician. He was the author of The Satanic Bible and the founder of LaVeyan Satanism, a synthesized system of his understanding of human nature and the insights of philosophers who advocated materialism and individualism, for which he claimed no supernatural, metaphysical, or theistic inspiration.
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Aristippus
Aristippus () of Cyrene, (c. 435-c. 356 BCE), was the founder of the Cyrenaic school of Philosophy. He was a pupil of Socrates, but adopted a very different philosophical outlook, teaching that the goal of life was to seek pleasure by adapting circumstances to oneself and by maintaining proper control over both adversity and prosperity. Among his pupils was his daughter Arete.
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Aristotle
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Arthur Schopenhauer
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Auberon Herbert
Auberon Edward William Molyneux Herbert (Highclere, 18 June 1838 – 5 November 1906) was a writer, theorist, philosopher, and member of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, son of the 3rd Earl of Carnarvon, brother of Henry Herbert, the 4th Earl, and father of the 9th Baron Lucas. He promoted a libertarian philosophy (that several authors consider related to libertarian anarchism) and took the ideas of Herbert Spencer a stage further by advocating voluntary-funded "government" that uses force only in defense of individual liberty and property. He is known as the originator of Voluntaryism.
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Avicenna
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Ayn Rand
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Baron de Montesquieu
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Benjamin Disraeli
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Benjamin Tucker
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Chandran Kukathas
Chandran Kukathas (born 12 September 1957) is a noted Malaysian-born Australian political theorist whose most famous contributions to the discipline have been in the debates concerning multiculturalism and liberalism. Kukathas currently holds a chair in Political Theory in the Department of Government, at the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE).
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David D. Friedman
David Director Friedman (born February 12, 1945) is an American writer who became a leading figure in the anarcho-capitalist community with the publication of his book The Machinery of Freedom (1973, revised 1989). He has also authored the books Price Theory: An Intermediate Text (1986), ''Law's Order (2000), Hidden Order: The Economics of Everyday Life (1996), and Future Imperfect'' (2008).
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David Hume
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David Laws
David Anthony Laws (born 30 November 1965) is a British politician. He is Liberal Democrat Member of Parliament for Yeovil and former Chief Secretary to the Treasury.
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David Lloyd George
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David Ricardo
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Diogenes of Sinope
Diogenes of Sinope ( Diogenes ho Sinopeus), was a Greek philosopher and one of the founders of Cynic philosophy. Also known as Diogenes the Cynic, he was born in Sinope (modern-day Sinop, Turkey) in 412 or 404 BCE
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Edmund Burke
Edmund Burke PC (12 January [NS] 1729 9 July 1797) was an Irish statesman, author, orator, political theorist, and philosopher who, after relocating to England, served for many years in the House of Commons of Great Britain as a member of the Whig party. He is mainly remembered for his support of the cause of the American Revolutionaries, and for his later opposition to the French Revolution. The latter led to his becoming the leading figure within the conservative faction of the Whig party, which he dubbed the "Old Whigs", in opposition to the pro-French-Revolution "New Whigs," led by Charles James Fox. Burke was praised by both conservatives and liberals in the nineteenth century and since the twentieth century he has generally been viewed as the philosophical founder of modern conservatism, as well as a representative of classical liberalism.
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Emma Goldman
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Epicurus
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Frederic Bastiat
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Friedrich Hayek
Friedrich August Hayek CH (8 May 189923 March 1992), born Friedrich August von Hayek, was an Austrian-born economist and philosopher best known for his defense of classical liberalism and free-market capitalism against socialist and collectivist thought. He is considered to be one of the most important economists and political philosophers of the twentieth century. Hayek's account of how changing prices communicate signals which enable individuals to coordinate their plans is widely regarded as an important achievement in economics. Hayek also produced significant work in the fields of systems thinking, jurisprudence, neuroscience and the history of ideas.
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Friedrich Nietzsche
Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche (; in English , ) (October 15, 1844 August 25, 1900) was a 19th-century German philosopher and classical philologist. He wrote critical texts on religion, morality, contemporary culture, philosophy and science, displaying a fondness for metaphor, irony and aphorism.
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Frédéric Bastiat
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Georges Palante
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Giuseppe Mazzini
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Han Ryner
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Hans-Hermann Hoppe
Hans-Hermann Hoppe (born September 2, 1949) is an Austrian school economist of the anarcho-capitalist tradition, and a Professor Emeritus of economics at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas.
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Harriet Martineau
Harriet Martineau (June 12, 1802 – June 27, 1876) was an English social theorist and Whig writer, often cited as the first woman sociologist.
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Harry Browne
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Henry David Thoreau
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Henry George
Henry George (September 2, 1839 – October 29, 1897) was an American writer, politician and political economist, who was the most influential proponent of the land value tax, also known as the "single tax" on land. He inspired the philosophy and economic ideology known as Georgism, which is that everyone owns what he or she creates, but that everything found in nature, most importantly land, belongs equally to all humanity. His most famous work is Progress and Poverty written during 1879; it is a treatise on inequality, the cyclic nature of industrial economies and possible remedies.
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Herbert Spencer
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Immanuel Kant
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Isabel Paterson
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Isaiah Berlin
Sir Isaiah Berlin OM (6 June 1909 – 5 November 1997) was a Russian-British social and political theorist, philosopher and historian of ideas, regarded as one of the leading thinkers of the twentieth century, and as the dominant liberal scholar of his generation. He excelled as an essayist, conversationalist and raconteur; and as a brilliant lecturer who improvised, rapidly and spontaneously, richly allusive and coherently structured material. He translated works by Ivan Turgenev from Russian into English and, during the war, worked for the British Diplomatic Service. The Independent stated that "Isaiah Berlin was often described, especially in his old age, by means of superlatives: the world's greatest talker, the century's most inspired reader, one of the finest minds of our time ... there is no doubt that he showed in more than one direction the unexpectedly large possibilities open to us at the top end of the range of human potential".
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J. S. Mill
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James Madison
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Jane Marcet
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Jean Baptiste Say
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Jean Paul Sartre
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Jean-Baptiste Say
Jean-Baptiste Say (5 January 1767 – 15 November 1832) was a French economist and businessman. He had classically liberal views and argued in favor of competition, free trade, and lifting restraints on business. He is best known due to Say's Law, which is named after him and at times credited to him, but while he discussed and popularized it, he did not originate it.
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Jeremy Bentham
Jeremy Bentham ( or ; 15 February 1748 – 6 June 1832) was an English jurist, philosopher, and legal and social reformer. He became a leading theorist in Anglo-American philosophy of law and a political radical whose ideas influenced the development of welfarism. He is best known for his advocacy of utilitarianism and the ethical treatment of animals, and the idea of the panopticon.
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John Bright
John Bright (16 November 1811 – 27 March 1889), Quaker, was a British Radical and Liberal statesman, associated with Richard Cobden in the formation of the Anti-Corn Law League. He was one of the greatest orators of his generation, and a strong critic of British foreign policy.
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John Locke
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John Rawls
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John Stuart Mill
John Stuart Mill (20 May 1806 – 8 May 1873) was a British philosopher and civil servant. An influential contributor to social theory, political theory, and political economy, his conception of liberty justified the freedom of the individual in opposition to unlimited state control. He was a proponent of utilitarianism, an ethical theory developed by Jeremy Bentham, although his conception of it was very different from Bentham's. Hoping to remedy the problems found in an inductive approach to science, such as confirmation bias, he clearly set forth the premises of falsification as the key component in the scientific method. Mill was also a Member of Parliament and an important figure in liberal political philosophy.
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Joseph Priestley
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Joseph Priestly
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Joseph Schumpeter
Joseph Alois Schumpeter (8 February 1883 – 8 January 1950) was an Austrian economist and political scientist. He popularized the term "creative destruction" in economics.
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Josiah Tucker
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Karl Hess
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Kevin Carson
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Laozi
Laozi (; also Lao Tse, Lao Tu, Lao-Tzu, Lao-Tsu, Laotze, Lao Zi, Laocius, and other variations) was a mystic philosopher of ancient China, and best known as the author of the Tao Te Ching. His association with the Tao Te Ching has led him to be traditionally considered the founder of Taoism (also spelled "Daoism"). He is also revered as a deity in most religious forms of the Taoist religion, which often refers to Laozi as Taishang Laojun, or "One of the Three Pure Ones". Laozi literally means "old master", and is generally considered honorific.
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Leo Tolstoy
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Lew Rockwell
Llewellyn Harrison Rockwell, Jr. (born July 1, 1944, Boston), widely known as Lew Rockwell, is an American libertarian political commentator, activist, proponent of the Austrian School of economics, and chairman of the Ludwig von Mises Institute.
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Ludwig von Mises
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Lysander Spooner
Lysander Spooner (January 19, 1808 May 14, 1887) was an American entrepreneur, libertarian, political philosopher, abolitionist, supporter of the labor movement, and legal theorist of the nineteenth century. He is also known for competing with the U.S. Post Office with his American Letter Mail Company, which was forced out of business by the United States government.
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Marquis de Condorcet
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Mary Wollstonecraft
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Max Stirner
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Mazdak
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Michel de Montaigne
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Mikhail Bakunin
Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin ( - 1 July 1876) (; ) was a well-known Russian revolutionary and theorist of collectivist anarchism.
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Milton Friedman
Milton Friedman (July 31, 1912 November 16, 2006) was an American economist, statistician, a professor at the University of Chicago, and the recipient of the Nobel Prize in Economics. Among scholars, he is best known for his theoretical and empirical research, especially consumption analysis, monetary history and theory, and for his demonstration of the complexity of stabilization policy.
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Murray Bookchin
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Murray Rothbard
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Noam Chomsky
Avram Noam Chomsky ( or ; born December 7, 1928) is an American linguist, philosopher, cognitive scientist, and political activist. He is an Institute Professor and professor emeritus of linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Chomsky is well known in the academic and scientific community as one of the fathers of modern linguistics, and a major figure of analytic philosophy. Since the 1960s, he has become known more widely as a political dissident and an anarchist, referring to himself as a libertarian socialist. Chomsky is the author of more than 100 books and has received worldwide attention for his views, despite being typically absent from the mainstream media.
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Norman Angell
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Oscar Wilde
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Ralph Waldo Emerson
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Reform Act of 1832
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Renzo Novatore
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Richard Cobden
Richard Cobden (3 June 1804 – 2 April 1865) was a British manufacturer and Radical and Liberal statesman, associated with John Bright in the formation of the Anti-Corn Law League as well as with the Cobden-Chevalier Treaty.
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Richard Price
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Richard Rosecrance
Richard N. Rosecrance (born 1930) is an American economist, historian and political scientist. His research and teaching is focussed on international relations, in particular the link between economics and international relations. Rosecrance is considered an adherent of Liberal international relations theory.
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Robert Nozick
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Roderick T. Long
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Romanian philosophy
Romanian philosophy is a name covering either a) the philosophy done in Romania or by Romanians, or b) an ethnic philosophy, which expresses at a high level the fundamental features of the Romanian spirituality, or which elevates to a philosophical level the Weltanschauung of the Romanian people, as deposited in language and folklore, traditions, architecture and other linguistic and cultural artifacts.
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Russian philosophy
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Stephan Kinsella
Norman Stephan Kinsella (born 1965) is an American intellectual property lawyer and libertarian legal theorist. His electronically-published works are primarily published on his blog and websites associated with the Ludwig von Mises Institute and anarcho-capitalist organizations.
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Thomas Hill Green
:For the actor Thomas Hill, see Thomas Hill.
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Thomas Hobbes
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Thomas Jefferson
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Thomas Malthus
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Thomas Paine
Thomas "Tom" Paine ( June 8, 1809) was an author, pamphleteer, radical, inventor, intellectual, revolutionary, and one of the Founding Fathers of the United States. He has been called "a corsetmaker by trade, a journalist by profession, and a propagandist by inclination."
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Václav Havel
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Walter Block
Walter Edward Block (born 21 August 1941) is a free market economist and anarcho-capitalist associated with the Austrian School of economics.
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Wilhelm von Humboldt
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William Godwin
William Godwin (3 March 1756 – 7 April 1836) was a British journalist, political philosopher and novelist. He is considered one of the first exponents of utilitarianism, and the first modern proponent of anarchism. Godwin is most famous for two books that he published within the space of a year: An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, an attack on political institutions, and Things as They Are or The Adventures of Caleb Williams, which attacks aristocratic privilege, but also is virtually the first mystery novel. Based on the success of both, Godwin featured prominently in the radical circles of London in the 1790s. In the ensuing conservative reaction to British radicalism, Godwin was attacked, in part because of his marriage to the pioneering feminist writer Mary Wollstonecraft in 1797 and his candid biography of her after her death; their child, Mary Godwin (later Mary Shelley) would go on to author Frankenstein and marry the poet Percy Bysshe Shelley. Godwin wrote prolifically in the genres of novels, history and demography throughout his lifetime. With his second wife, Mary Jane Clairmont, he wrote children's primers on Biblical and classical history, which he published along with such works as Charles and Mary Lamb's Tales from Shakespeare. Using the pseudonym Edward Baldwin, he wrote a variety of books for children, including a version of Jack and the Beanstalk. He also has had considerable influence on British literature and literary culture.
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William Paley
William Paley (July 1743 – 25 May 1805) was a British Christian apologist, philosopher, and utilitarian. He is best known for his exposition of the teleological argument for the existence of God in his work Natural Theology, which made use of the watchmaker analogy (also see natural theology).
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Zeno of Citium
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Émile Armand
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What is classical liberalism?
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- Duration: 7:09
- Published: 11 Feb 2011
- Updated: 27 Oct 2012
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The History of Classical Liberalism
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- Duration: 29:42
- Published: 13 May 2011
- Updated: 24 Oct 2012
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Schools of Thought in Classical Liberalism, Part 1: Introduction
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- Duration: 2:46
- Published: 09 May 2012
- Updated: 21 Oct 2012
Views: 18075 http://wn.com/Schools_of_Thought_in_Classical_Liberalism,_Part_1_Introduction
Political Philosophy and Classical Liberalism Roundtable 11-11-11
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- Duration: 103:42
- Published: 15 Nov 2011
- Updated: 01 Oct 2012
Views: 1581 http://wn.com/Political_Philosophy_and_Classical_Liberalism_Roundtable_11-11-11
Ten Principles of Classical Liberalism
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- Duration: 4:33
- Published: 09 Nov 2009
- Updated: 18 Oct 2012
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The Decline and Triumph of Classical Liberalism, Part 1
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- Duration: 47:28
- Published: 25 Feb 2011
- Updated: 26 Oct 2012
Views: 12256 http://wn.com/The_Decline_and_Triumph_of_Classical_Liberalism,_Part_1
Classical-Liberal Roots of Marxist Class Analysis | Ralph Raico
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- Duration: 46:07
- Published: 08 Mar 2010
- Updated: 26 May 2012
Views: 2301 http://wn.com/Classical-Liberal_Roots_of_Marxist_Class_Analysis_|_Ralph_Raico
Classical Liberal vs Anarcho Capitalist - Ludvig von Mises Institute LvMI
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- Duration: 4:57
- Published: 21 Oct 2011
- Updated: 20 Oct 2012
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Understanding Classical Liberalism
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- Published: 09 Jul 2012
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Schools of Thought in Classical Liberalism, Part 2: Milton Friedman and the Chicago School
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- Duration: 9:47
- Published: 09 May 2012
- Updated: 25 Oct 2012
Views: 10008 http://wn.com/Schools_of_Thought_in_Classical_Liberalism,_Part_2_Milton_Friedman_and_the_Chicago_School
Classical Liberal Tolerance - A Defense
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- Published: 27 Jan 2008
- Updated: 15 Sep 2012
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Schools of Thought in Classical Liberalism, Part 3: Public Choice
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- Published: 09 May 2012
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Schools of Thought in Classical Liberalism, Part 4: The Austrian School
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- Published: 09 May 2012
- Updated: 16 Oct 2012
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Schools of Thought in Classical Liberalism, Part 5: Natural Rights
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- Published: 09 May 2012
- Updated: 16 Oct 2012
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Schools of Thought in Classical Liberalism, Part 6: Anarcho-Capitalism
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- Published: 09 May 2012
- Updated: 26 Oct 2012
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Noam Chomsky on Enlightenment, Classical Liberalism, Anarchism (2/8)
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- Published: 15 Mar 2012
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Schools of Thought in Classical Liberalism, Part 7: Conclusion: What's Your View?
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- Published: 09 May 2012
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How to Deal With Intolerance - The Classical Liberal Way
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- Published: 19 Mar 2008
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A Private Law Society (by Hans Hoppe)
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- Duration: 90:05
- Published: 28 May 2009
- Updated: 29 Sep 2012
Views: 8978 http://wn.com/A_Private_Law_Society_by_Hans_Hoppe
The Decline and Triumph of Classical Liberalism, Part 2
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- Duration: 80:07
- Published: 25 Feb 2011
- Updated: 12 Oct 2012
Views: 6087 http://wn.com/The_Decline_and_Triumph_of_Classical_Liberalism,_Part_2
CLASSICAL LIBERALS PART 1
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CLASSICAL LIBERALS PART 2
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Chomsky on Classical Liberalism, Freedom, & Democracy
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- Published: 26 Aug 2012
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Views: 739 http://wn.com/Chomsky_on_Classical_Liberalism,_Freedom,_Democracy
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Classical liberalism is the philosophy committed to the ideal of limited government, constitutionalism, rule of law, due process, and liberty of individuals including freedom of religion, speech, press, assembly, and free markets.[1][2]
Classical liberalism developed in the 19th century in Europe and the United States. Although classical liberalism built on ideas that had already developed by the end of the 18th century, it advocated a specific kind of society, government and public policy as a response to the Industrial Revolution and urbanization.[3] Notable individuals whose ideas have contributed to classical liberalism include John Locke[4], Jean-Baptiste Say, Thomas Malthus and David Ricardo. It drew on the economics of Adam Smith and on a belief in natural law[5], utilitarianism[6], and progress.[7]
There was a revival of interest in classical liberalism in the 20th century led by Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman.[8] Some call the modern development of classical liberalism "neo-classical liberalism," which argued for government to be as small as possible in order to allow the exercise of individual freedom, while some refer to all liberalism before the 20th century as classical liberalism.[9]
The term classical liberalism was applied in retrospect to distinguish earlier 19th-century liberalism from the newer social liberalism.[10]
Libertarianism has been used in modern times as a substitute for the phrase "neo-classical liberalism", leading to some confusion. The identification of libertarianism with neo-classical liberalism primarily occurs in the United States,[11] where some conservatives and right-libertarians use the term classical liberalism to describe their belief in the primacy of economic freedom and minimal government.[12][13][14]
Contents |
Core principles[link]
According to E. K. Hunt, classical liberals made four assumptions about human nature: People were "egoistic, coldly calculating, essentially inert and atomistic".[15] In addition, people were motivated solely by pain and pleasure. Being calculating, they made decisions intended to maximise pleasure and minimise pain. If there were no opportunity to increase pleasure or reduce pain, they would become inert. Therefore, the only motivation for labour was either the possibility of great reward or fear of hunger. This belief led classical liberal politicians to pass the Poor Law Amendment Act 1834, which limited the provision of social assistance. On the other hand, classical liberals believed that men of higher rank were motivated by ambition. Seeing society as atomistic, they believed that society was no more than the sum of its individual members. These views departed from earlier views of society as a family and, therefore, greater than the sum of its members.[16]
Classical liberals agreed with Thomas Hobbes that government had been created by individuals to protect themselves from one another. They thought that individuals should be free to pursue their self-interest without control or restraint by society. Individuals should be free to obtain work from the highest-paying employers, while the profit motive would ensure that products that people desired were produced at prices they would pay. In a free market, both labour and capital would receive the greatest possible reward, while production would be organised efficiently to meet consumer demand.[17]
Adopting Thomas Malthus's population theory, they saw poor urban conditions as inevitable, as they believed population growth would outstrip food production; and they considered that to be desirable, as starvation would help limit population growth. They opposed any income or wealth redistribution, which they believed would be dissipated by the lowest orders.[18]
Government, as explained by Adam Smith, had only three functions: protection against foreign invaders, protection of citizens from wrongs committed against them by other citizens, and building and maintaining public institutions and public works that the private sector could not profitably provide. Classical liberals extended protection of the country to protection of overseas markets through armed intervention. Protection of individuals against wrongs normally meant protection of private property and enforcement of contracts and the suppression of trade unions and the Chartist movement. Public works included a stable currency, standard weights and measures, and support of roads, canals, harbors, railways, and postal and other communications services.[19]
Overview[link]
Classical liberalism places a particular emphasis on the sovereignty of the individual, with private property rights being seen as essential to individual liberty. This forms the philosophical basis for laissez-faire public policy. According to Alan Ryan, the ideology of the original classical liberals argued against direct democracy, where law is made by majority vote by citizens, "for there is nothing in the bare idea of majority rule to show that majorities will always respect the rights of property or maintain rule of law."[20] For example, James Madison argued for a constitutional republic with protections for individual liberty over a pure democracy, reasoning that, in a pure democracy, a "common passion or interest will, in almost every case, be felt by a majority of the whole...and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party...."[21]
According to Anthony Quinton, classical liberals believe that "an unfettered market" is the most efficient mechanism to satisfy human needs and channel resources to their most productive uses: they "are more suspicious than conservatives of all but the most minimal government."[22] Anarcho-capitalist Walter Block claims, however, that, while Adam Smith was an advocate of economic freedom, he also allowed for government to intervene in many areas.[23]
Classical liberalism holds that individual rights are natural, inherent, or inalienable, and exist independently of government. Thomas Jefferson called these inalienable rights: "...rightful liberty is unobstructed action according to our will within limits drawn around us by the equal rights of others. I do not add 'within the limits of the law', because law is often but the tyrant's will, and always so when it violates the rights of the individual."[24] For classical liberalism, rights are of a negative nature—rights that require that other individuals (and governments) refrain from interfering with individual liberty, whereas social liberalism (also called modern liberalism or welfare liberalism) holds that individuals have a right to be provided with certain benefits or services by others.[25] Unlike social liberals, classical liberals are "hostile to the welfare state."[20] They do not have an interest in material equality but only in "equality before the law".[26] Classical liberalism is critical of social liberalism and takes offense at group rights being pursued at the expense of individual rights.[27]
Friedrich Hayek identified two different traditions within classical liberalism: the "British tradition" and the "French tradition". Hayek saw the British philosophers Bernard Mandeville, David Hume, Adam Smith, Adam Ferguson, Josiah Tucker, Edmund Burke and William Paley as representative of a tradition that articulated beliefs in empiricism, the common law, and in traditions and institutions which had spontaneously evolved but were imperfectly understood. The French tradition included Rousseau, Condorcet, the Encyclopedists and the Physiocrats. This tradition believed in rationalism and the unlimited powers of reason and sometimes showed hostility to tradition and religion. Hayek conceded that the national labels did not exactly correspond to those belonging to each tradition: Hayek saw the Frenchmen Montesquieu, Constant and Tocqueville as belonging to the "British tradition" and the British Thomas Hobbes, Priestley, Richard Price and Thomas Paine as belonging to the "French tradition".[28] Hayek also rejected the label "laissez faire" as originating from the French tradition and alien to the beliefs of Hume, Smith and Burke.
History[link]
Classical liberalism in Britain developed from Whiggery and radicalism, and represented a new political ideology. Whiggery had become a dominant ideology following the Glorious Revolution of 1688, and was associated with the defence of Parliament, upholding the rule of law and defending landed property. The origins of rights were seen as being in an ancient constitution, which had existed from time immemorial. These rights, which some Whigs considered to include freedom of the press and freedom of speech, were justified by custom rather than by natural rights. They believed that the power of the executive had to be constrained. While they supported limited suffrage, they saw voting as a privilege, rather than as a right. However there was no consistency in Whig ideology, and diverse writers including John Locke, David Hume, Adam Smith and Edmund Burke were all influential among Whigs, although none of them was universally accepted.[29]
British radicals, from the 1790s to the 1820s, concentrated on parliamentary and electoral reform, emphasizing natural rights and popular sovereignty. Richard Price and Joseph Priestly adapted the language of Locke to the ideology of radicalism.[29] The radicals saw parliamentary reform as a first step toward dealing with their many grievances, including the treatment of Protestant Dissenters, the slave trade, high prices and high taxes.[30]
There was greater unity to classical liberalism ideology than there had been with Whiggery. Classical liberals were committed to individualism, liberty and equal rights. They believed that required a free economy with minimal government interference. Writers such as John Bright and Richard Cobden opposed both aristocratic privilege and property, which they saw as an impediment to the development of a class of yeoman farmers. Some elements of Whiggery opposed this new thinking, and were uncomfortable with the commercial nature of classical liberalism. These elements became associated with conservatism.[31]
Classical liberalism was the dominant political theory in Britain from the early 19th century until the First World War. Its notable victories were the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829, the Reform Act of 1832, and the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846. The Anti-Corn Law League brought together a coalition of liberal and radical groups in support of free trade under the leadership of Richard Cobden and John Bright, who opposed militarism and public expenditure. Their policies of low public expenditure and low taxation were adopted by William Ewart Gladstone when he became chancellor of the exchequer and later prime minister. Classical liberalism was often associated with religious dissent and nonconformism.[32]
Although classical liberals aspired to a minimum of state activity, they accepted the principle of government intervention in the economy from the early 19th century with passage of the Factory Acts. From around 1840 to 1860, laissez-faire advocates of the Manchester School and writers in The Economist were confident that their early victories would lead to a period of expanding economic and personal liberty and world peace but would face reversals as government intervention and activity continued to expand from the 1850s. Jeremy Bentham and James Mill, although advocates of laissez-faire, non-intervention in foreign affairs, and individual liberty, believed that social institutions could be rationally redesigned through the principles of Utilitarianism. The Conservative prime minister, Benjamin Disraeli, rejected classical liberalism altogether and advocated Tory Democracy. By the 1870s, Herbert Spencer and other classical liberals concluded that historical development was turning against them.[33] By the First World War, the Liberal Party had largely abandoned classical liberal principles.[34]
The changing economic and social conditions of the 19th led to a division between neo-classical and social liberals who, while agreeing on the importance of individual liberty, differed on the role of the state. Neo-classical liberals, who called themselves "true liberals", saw Locke's Second Treatise as the best guide, and emphasised "limited government", while social liberals supported government regulation and the welfare state. Herbert Spencer in Britain and William Graham Sumner were the leading neo-classical liberal theorists of the 19th century.[35] Neo-classical liberalism has continued into the contemporary era, with writers such as Robert Nozick.[36]
In the United States, liberalism took a strong root because it had little opposition to its ideals, whereas in Europe liberalism was opposed by many reactionary interests. In a nation of farmers, especially farmers whose workers were slaves, little attention was paid to the economic aspects of liberalism. But, as America grew, industry became a larger and larger part of American life; and, during the term of America's first populist president, Andrew Jackson, economic questions came to the forefront. The economic ideas of the Jacksonian era were almost universally the ideas of classical liberalism. Freedom was maximised when the government took a "hands off" attitude toward industrial development and supported the value of the currency by freely exchanging paper money for gold. The ideas of classical liberalism remained essentially unchallenged until a series of depressions, thought to be impossible according to the tenets of classical economics, led to economic hardship from which the voters demanded relief. In the words of William Jennings Bryan, "You shall not crucify the American farmer on a cross of gold." Despite the common recurrence of depressions, classical liberalism remained the orthodox belief among American businessmen until the Great Depression.[37] The Great Depression saw a sea change in liberalism, leading to the development of modern liberalism. In the words of Arthur Schlesinger Jr.:
When the growing complexity of industrial conditions required increasing government intervention in order to assure more equal opportunities, the liberal tradition, faithful to the goal rather than to the dogma, altered its view of the state," and "there emerged the conception of a social welfare state, in which the national government had the express obligation to maintain high levels of employment in the economy, to supervise standards of life and labour, to regulate the methods of business competition, and to establish comprehensive patterns of social security.[38]
Intellectual sources[link]
John Locke[link]
Central to classical liberal ideology was their interpretation of John Locke's Second treatise of government and "A letter concerning toleration", which had been written as a defence of the Glorious Revolution of 1688. Although these writings were considered too radical at the time for the Britain's new rulers, they later came to be cited by Whigs, radicals and supporters of the American Revolution.[39] However, much of later liberal thought was absent in Locke's writings or scarcely mentioned, and his writings have been subject to various interpretations. There is little mention, for example, of constitutionalism, the separation of powers, and limited government.[40]
James L. Richardson identified five central themes in Locke's writing: individualism, consent, the concepts of the rule of law and government as trustee, the significance of property, and religious toleration. Although Locke did not develop a theory of natural rights, he envisioned individuals in the state of nature as being free and equal. The individual, rather than the community or institutions, was the point of reference. Locke believed that individuals had given consent to government and therefore authority derived from the people rather than from above. This belief would influence later revolutionary movements.[41]
As a trustee, Government was expected to serve the interests of the people, not the rulers, and rulers were expected to follow the laws enacted by legislatures. Locke also held that the main purpose of men uniting into commonwealths and governments was for the preservation of their property. Despite the ambiguity of Locke's definition of property, which limited property to "as much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of", this principle held great appeal to individuals possessed of great wealth.[42]
Locke held that the individual had the right to follow his own religious beliefs and that the state should not impose a religion against Dissenters. But there were limitations. No tolerance should be shown for atheists, who were seen as amoral, or to Catholics, who were seen as owing allegiance to the Pope over their own national government.[43]
Adam Smith[link]
Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, was to provide most of the ideas of classical liberal economics, at least until the publication of J. S. Mill's Principles in 1848.[44] Smith addressed the motivation for economic activity, the causes of prices and the distribution of wealth, and the policies the state should follow in order to maximise wealth.[45]
Smith saw self-interest, rather than altruism, as the motivation for the production of goods and services. An "invisible hand" directed the tradesman to work toward the public good. This provided a moral justification for the accumulation of wealth, which had previously been viewed as sinful.[45] He assumed that workers could be paid as low as was necessary for their survival, which was later transformed by Ricardo and Malthus into the "Iron Law of Wages".[46] His main emphasis was on the benefit of free internal and international trade, which he thought could increase wealth through specialization in production.[47] He also opposed restrictive trade preferences, state grants of monopolies, and employers' organisations and trade unions.[48] Government should be limited to defence, public works and the administration of justice, financed by taxes based on income.[49]
Smith's economics was carried into practice in the 19th century with the lowering of tariffs in the 1820s, the repeal of the Poor Relief Act, that had restricted the mobility of labour, in 1834, and the end of the rule of the East India Company over India in 1858.[50]
Say, Malthus and Ricardo[link]
In addition to Adam Smith's legacy, Say's law, Malthus theories of population and Ricardo's iron law of wages became central doctrines of classical economics.
Jean Baptiste Say was a French economist who introduced Adam Smith's economic theories into France and whose commentaries on Smith were read in both France and Britain.[50] Say challenged Smith's labour theory of value, believing that prices were determined by utility and also emphasised the critical role of the entrepreneur in the economy. However neither of those observations became accepted by British economists at the time. His most important contribution to economic thinking was "Say's law", which was interpreted by classical economists that there could be no overproduction in a market, and that there would always be a balance between supply and demand.[51] This general belief influenced government policies until the 1930s. Following this law, since the economic cycle was seen as self-correcting, government did not intervene during periods of economic hardship because it was seen as futile.[52]
Thomas Malthus wrote two books, An essay on the principle of population, published in 1798, and Principles of political economy, published in 1820. The second book which was a rebuttal of Say's law had little influence on contemporary economists.[53] His first book however became a major influence on classical liberalism. In that book, Malthus claimed that population growth would outstrip food production, because population grew geometrically, while food production grew arithmetically. As people were provided with food, they would reproduce until their growth outstripped the food supply. Nature would then provide a check to growth in the forms of vice and misery. No gains in income could prevent this, and any welfare for the poor would be self-defeating. The poor were in fact responsible for their own problems which could have been avoided through self-restraint.[54]
David Ricardo, who was an admirer of Adam Smith, covered many of the same topics but while Smith drew conclusions from broadly empirical observations, Ricardo used induction, drawing conclusions by reasoning from basic assumptions.[55] While Ricardo accepted Smith's labour theory of value, he acknowledged that utility could influence the price of some rare items. Rents on agricultural land were seen as the production that was surplus to the subsistence required by the tenants. Wages were seen as the amount required for workers' subsistence and to maintain current population levels.[56] According to his Iron Law of Wages, wages could never rise beyond subsistence levels. Ricardo explained profits as a return on capital, which itself was the product of labour. But a conclusion many drew from his theory was that profit was a surplus appropriated by capitalists to which they were not entitled.[57]
Utilitarianism[link]
Utilitarianism provided the political justification for implementation of economic liberalism by British governments, which was to dominate economic policy from the 1830s. Although utilitarianism prompted legislative and administrative reform and John Stuart Mill's later writings on the subject foreshadowed the welfare state, it was mainly used as a justification for laissez-faire.[58]
The central concept of utilitarianism, which was developed by Jeremy Bentham, was that that public policy should seek to provide "the greatest happiness of the greatest number". While this could be interpreted as a justification for state action to reduce poverty, it was used by classical liberals to justify inaction with the argument that the net benefit to all individuals would be higher.[59]
Political economy[link]
Classical liberals saw utility as the foundation for public policies. This broke both with conservative "tradition" and Lockean "natural rights", which were seen as irrational. Utility, which emphasises the happiness of individuals, became the central ethical value of all liberalism.[60] Although utilitarianism inspired wide-ranging reforms, it became primarily a justification for laissez-faire economics. However, classical liberals rejected Adam Smith's belief that the "invisible hand" would lead to general benefits and embraced Thomas Malthus' view that population expansion would prevent any general benefit and David Ricardo's view of the inevitability of class conflict. Laissez-faire was seen as the only possible economic approach, and any government intervention was seen as useless. The Poor Law Amendment Act 1834 was defended on "scientific or economic principals" while the authors of the Elizabethan Poor Law of 1601 were seen as not having had the benefit of reading Malthus.[61] The anti-slavery views of numerous classical liberal economists, such as J.S. Mill, led to Carlyle calling economics the dismal science.[62] [63]
Commitment to laissez-faire, however, was not uniform. Some economists advocated state support of public works and education. Classical liberals were also divided on free trade. Ricardo, for example, expressed doubt that the removal of grain tariffs advocated by Richard Cobden and the Anti-Corn Law League would have any general benefits. Most classical liberals also supported legislation to regulate the number of hours that children were allowed to work and usually did not oppose factory reform legislation.[61]
Despite the pragmatism of classical economists, their views were expressed in dogmatic terms by such popular writers as Jane Marcet and Harriet Martineau.[61] The strongest defender of laissez-faire was The Economist founded by James Wilson in 1843. The Economist criticised Ricardo for his lack of support for free trade and expressed hostility to welfare, believing that the lower orders were responsible for their economic circumstances. The Economist took the position that regulation of factory hours was harmful to workers and also strongly opposed state support for education, health, the provision of water, and granting of patents and copyrights.
The Economist also campaigned against the Corn Laws that protected landlords in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland against competition from less expensive foreign imports of cereal products. A rigid belief in laissez-faire guided the government response in 1846–1849 to the Great Famine in Ireland, during which an estimated 1.5 million people died. The minister responsible for economic and financial affairs, Charles Wood, expected that private enterprise and free trade, rather than government intervention, would alleviate the famine.[64] The Corn Laws were finally repealed in 1846 by removal tariffs on grain which kept the price of bread artificially high.[65] However, repeal of the Corn Laws came too late to stop Irish famine, partly because it was done in stages over three years.[66][67]
Free trade and world peace[link]
Several liberals, including Adam Smith and Richard Cobden, argued that the free exchange of goods between nations could lead to world peace, a view recognised by such modern American political scientists as Dahl, Doyle, Russet, and O'Neil. Dr. Gartzke, of Columbia University states, "Scholars like Montesquieu, Adam Smith, Richard Cobden, Norman Angell, and Richard Rosecrance have long speculated that free markets have the potential to free states from the looming prospect of recurrent warfare."[68] American political scientists John R. Oneal and Bruce M. Russett, well known for their work on the democratic peace theory, state:
The classical liberals advocated policies to increase liberty and prosperity. They sought to empower the commercial class politically and to abolish royal charters, monopolies, and the protectionist policies of mercantilism so as to encourage entrepreneurship and increase productive efficiency. They also expected democracy and laissez-faire economics to diminish the frequency of war.[69]
Adam Smith argued in the Wealth of Nations that, as societies progressed from hunter gatherers to industrial societies, the spoils of war would rise but that the costs of war would rise further, making war difficult and costly for industrialised nations.[70]
...the honours, the fame, the emoluments of war, belong not to [the middle and industrial classes]; the battle-plain is the harvest field of the aristocracy, watered with the blood of the people...Whilst our trade rested upon our foreign dependencies, as was the case in the middle of the last century...force and violence, were necessary to command our customers for our manufacturers...But war, although the greatest of consumers, not only produces nothing in return, but, by abstracting labour from productive employment and interrupting the course of trade, it impedes, in a variety of indirect ways, the creation of wealth; and, should hostilities be continued for a series of years, each successive war-loan will be felt in our commercial and manufacturing districts with an augmented pressure. Richard Cobden[71]
When goods cannot cross borders, armies will. – Frédéric Bastiat[72]
By virtue of their mutual interest does nature unite people against violence and war…the spirit of trade cannot coexist with war, and sooner or later this spirit dominates every people. For among all those powers…that belong to a nation, financial power may be the most reliable in forcing nations to pursue the noble cause of peace…and wherever in the world war threatens to break out, they will try to head it off through mediation, just as if they were permanently leagued for this purpose. (Immanuel Kant: The Perpetual Peace.)
Cobden believed that military expenditures worsened the welfare of the state and benefited a small but concentrated elite minority, summing up British imperialism, which he believed was the result of the economic restrictions of mercantilist policies. To Cobden, and many classical liberals, those who advocated peace must also advocate free markets.
Relationship to modern liberalism[link]
Many modern scholars of liberalism argue that no particularly meaningful distinction between classical and modern liberalism exists. Alan Wolfe summarises this viewpoint, which
reject(s) any such distinction and argue(s) instead for the existence of a continuous liberal understanding that includes both Adam Smith and John Maynard Keynes... The idea that liberalism comes in two forms assumes that the most fundamental question facing mankind is how much government intervenes into the economy... When instead we discuss human purpose and the meaning of life, Adam Smith and John Maynard Keynes are on the same side. Both of them possessed an expansive sense of what we are put on this earth to accomplish. Both were on the side of enlightenment. Both were optimists who believed in progress but were dubious about grand schemes that claimed to know all the answers. For Smith, mercantilism was the enemy of human liberty. For Keynes, monopolies were. It makes perfect sense for an eighteenth-century thinker to conclude that humanity would flourish under the market. For a twentieth century thinker committed to the same ideal, government was an essential tool to the same end... [M]odern liberalism is instead the logical and sociological outcome of classical liberalism.[73]
According to William J. Novak, however, liberalism in the United States shifted, "between 1877 and 1937...from laissez-faire constitutionalism to New Deal statism, from classical liberalism to democratic social-welfarism".[74]
Hobhouse, in Liberalism (1911), attributed this purported shift, which included qualified acceptance of government intervention in the economy and the collective right to equality in dealings, to an increased desire for what Hobhouse called "just consent".[75] F. A. Hayek wrote that Hobhouse's book would have been more accurately titled Socialism, and Hobhouse himself called his beliefs "liberal socialism".[76]
Joseph A. Schumpeter attributes this supposed shift in liberal philosophy to the 19th century expansion of the franchise to include the working class. Rising literacy rates and the spread of knowledge led to social activism in a variety of forms. Social liberals called for laws against child labour, laws requiring minimum standards of worker safety, laws establishing a minimum wage and old age pensions, and laws regulating banking with the goal of ending cyclic depressions, monopolies, and cartels. Laissez faire economic liberals considered such measures to be an unjust imposition upon liberty, as well as a hindrance to economic development, and, as the working class in the West became increasingly prosperous, they also became more conservative.[77]
Another regularly asserted contrast between classical and modern liberals: classical liberals tend to see government power as the enemy of liberty, while modern liberals fear the concentration of wealth and the expansion of corporate power. Others such as Michael Johnston and Noam Chomsky assert that classical liberalism as such can no longer exist in a modern day context as its principles were only relevant at the time its founding thinkers conceptualised them; and that classical liberalism has grown into two divergent philosophies since the beginning of the twentieth century: social liberalism and market liberalism.[78]
See also[link]
- Age of Enlightenment
- Austrian School
- Capitalism
- Classical economics
- Contributions to liberal theory
- Deregulation
- The Economist
- Fiscal conservatism
- Free market
- Foundation for Economic Education
- Hoover Institution
- Institute for Humane Studies
- Liberal democracy
- Libertarianism
- Ludwig von Mises Institute
- Manchester capitalism
- Minarchism
- Modernity
- Natural rights
- neoliberalism
- New classical macroeconomics
- Paleoconservatism
- Paleolibertarianism
- Social liberalism
- The Spirit of the Laws
- Two Treatises of Government
- Utilitarianism
- The Wealth of Nations
Notes[link]
- ^ Modern political philosophy (1999), Richard Hudelson, p, 37–38
- ^ M. O. Dickerson et al., An Introduction to Government and Politics: A Conceptual Approach (2009) p 129
- ^ Hamowy, p. xxix
- ^ Steven M. Dworetz, The Unvarnished Doctrine: Locke, Liberalism, and the American Revolution (1994)
- ^ Joyce Appleby, Liberalism and republicanism in the historical imagination (1992) p 58
- ^ Gerald F. Gaus and Chandran Kukathas, Handbook of political theory (2004) p. 422
- ^ Hunt, p. 54
- ^ Richardson, p. 43
- ^ [1] is an example of an article that defines "classical liberalism" as all liberalism before the 20th Century.
- ^ Richardson, p. 52
- ^ Mayne, p. 124
- ^ http://www.ncpa.org/pub/what-is-classical-liberalism is an example of an article that defines "classical liberalism" as all liberalism before the 20th Century.
- ^ http://mises.org/etexts/classical.asp is an example of an article that defines "classical liberalism" as small government.
- ^ http://mason.gmu.edu/~ihs/guideintro.html defines "classical liberalism" as a belief in peace and freedom.
- ^ Hunt, p. 44.
- ^ Hunt, pp. 44–46.
- ^ Hunt, pp. 46–47.
- ^ Hunt, pp. 49–51.
- ^ Hunt, pp. 51–53.
- ^ a b Alan Ryan, "Liberalism", in A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, ed. Robert E. Goodin and Philip Pettit (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1995), 293.
- ^ James Madison, Federalist No. 10 (November 22, 1787), in Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison, The Federalist: A Commentary on the Constitution of the United States, ed. Henry Cabot Lodge (New York, 1888), 56.
- ^ Anthony Quinton, "Conservativism", in A Companion to Contemporary Political Philosophy, ed. Robert E. Goodin and Philip Pettit (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 1995), 246.
- ^ Jeet Heer, "Adam Smith and the Left", National Post, December 3, 2001.
- ^ Thomas Jefferson, letter to Isaac H. Tiffany, 1819.
- ^ David Kelley, A Life of One's Own: Individual Rights and the Welfare State (Washington, DC: Cato Institute, 1998).
- ^ Chandran Kukathas, "Ethical Pluralism from a Classical Liberal Perspective," in The Many and the One: Religious and Secular Perspectives on Ethical Pluralism in the Modern World, ed. Richard Madsen and Tracy B. Strong, Ethikon Series in Comparative Ethics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), 61 (ISBN 0-691-09993-6).
- ^ Mark Evans, ed., Edinburgh Companion to Contemporary Liberalism: Evidence and Experience (London: Routledge, 2001), 55 (ISBN 1-57958-339-3).
- ^ F. A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty (London: Routledge, 1976), 55–56.
- ^ a b Vincent, pp. 28–29
- ^ Turner, p. 86
- ^ Vincent, pp. 29–30
- ^ Gray, pp. 26–27
- ^ Gray, p. 28
- ^ Gray, p. 32
- ^ Ishiyama and Breuning, p. 596
- ^ Ishiyama and Breuning, p. 603
- ^ Eric Voegelin, Mary Algozin, and Keith Algozin, "Liberalism and Its History", Review of Politics 36, no. 4 (1974): 504–20.
- ^ Arthur Schelesinger Jr., "Liberalism in America: A Note for Europeans", in The Politics of Hope (Boston: Riverside Press, 1962).
- ^ Steven M. Dworetz, The Unvarnished Doctrine: Locke, Liberalism, and the American Revolution (1989)
- ^ Richardson, pp. 22–23
- ^ Richardson, p. 23
- ^ Richardson, pp. 23–24
- ^ Richardson, p. 24
- ^ Mills, pp. 63, 68
- ^ a b Mills, p. 64
- ^ Mills, p. 65
- ^ Mills, p. 66
- ^ Mills, p. 67
- ^ Mills, p. 68
- ^ a b Mills, p. 69
- ^ Mills, p. 70
- ^ Mills, p. 71
- ^ Mills, pp. 71–72
- ^ Mills, p. 72
- ^ Mills, pp. 73–74
- ^ Mills, p. 74-75
- ^ Mills, p. 75
- ^ Richardson, p. 32
- ^ Mills, p. 76
- ^ Richardson, p. 31
- ^ a b c Richardson, p. 33
- ^ Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question, Carlyle, p. 531
- ^ [2], Levy, David M., and Sandy J. Peart
- ^ Richardson, p. 34
- ^ George Miller. On Fairness and Efficiency. The Policy Press, 2000. ISBN 978-1-86134-221-8 p.344
- ^ Christine Kinealy. A Death-Dealing Famine:The Great Hunger in Ireland. Pluto Press, 1997. ISBN 978-0-7453-1074-9. p. 59
- ^ Stephen J. Lee. Aspects of British Political History, 1815-1914. Routledge, 1994. ISBN 978-0-415-09006-3. p. 83
- ^ Erik Gartzke, "Economic Freedom and Peace," in Economic Freedom of the World: 2005 Annual Report (Vancouver: Fraser Institute, 2005).
- ^ Oneal, J. R.; Russet, B. M. (1997). "The Classical Liberals Were Right: Democracy, Interdependence, and Conflict, 1950-1985". International Studies Quarterly 41 (2): 267–294. DOI:10.1111/1468-2478.00042. edit
- ^ Michael Doyle, Ways of War and Peace: Realism, Liberalism, and Socialism (New York: Norton, 1997), 237 (ISBN 0-393-96947-9).
- ^ Edward P. Stringham, "Commerce, Markets, and Peace: Richard Cobden's Enduring Lessons", Independent Review 9, no. 1 (2004): 105, 110, 115.
- ^ Daniel T. Griswold, "Peace on Earth, Free Trade for Men", Cato Institute, December 31, 1998.
- ^ Alan Wolfe,"A False Distinction", The New Republic, 2009
- ^ William J. Novak, "The Not-So-Strange Birth of the Modern American State: A Comment on James A. Henretta's 'Charles Evans Hughes and the Strange Death of Liberal America'", Law and History Review 24, no. 1 (2006).
- ^ L. T. Hobhouse, Liberalism, in Hobhouse: Liberalism and Other Writings, James Meadowcroft, editor, Cambridge University Press, 1994, ISBN 978-0-521-43726-4
- ^ F. A. Hayek, The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism (University of Chicago Press, 1991), 110.
- ^ Joseph A. Schumpeter, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, Routledge, 2010, ISBN 978-0-415-56789-3
- ^ Michael Johnston, Syndromes of Corruption: Wealth, Power, and Democracy, Cambridge University Press, 2006, ISBN 978-0-521-61859-5
References[link]
- Gray, John. Liberalism. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995 ISBN 0-8166-2800-9
- Hamowy, Ronald. The encyclopedia of libertarianism. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc, 2008 ISBN 1-4129-6580-2
- Henry, Katherine. Liberalism and the Culture of Security: The Nineteenth-Century Rhetoric of Reform (University of Alabama Press; 2011); 213 pages; $36.50). Draws on literary and other writings to study the debates over liberty and tyranny.
- Hunt, E. K. Property and prophets: the evolution of economic institutions and ideologies. New York: M. E. Sharpe, Inc., 2003 ISBN 0-7656-0608-9
- Ishiyama, John T. and Breuning, Marijke. 21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook, Volume 1. London, UK: SAGE, 2010 ISBN 1-4129-6901-8
- Mayne, Alan James. From politics past to politics future: an integrated analysis of current and emergent paradigms. Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1999 ISBN 0-275-96151-6
- Mills, John. A critical history of economics. Basingstoke, Hampshire UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002 ISBN 0-333-97130-2
- Richardson, James L. Contending Liberalisms in World Politics: Ideology and Power. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001 ISBN 1-55587-939-X
- Turner, Michael J. British politics in an age of reform. Manchester UK: Manchester University Press, 1999 ISBN 0-7190-5186-X, 9780719051869
- Vincent, Andrew. Modern Political Ideologies (Third Edition). Chichester, W. Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009 ISBN 1-4051-5495-0, ISBN 978-1-4051-5495-6
- http://www.la.fnst-freiheit.org/webcom/show_page.php/_c-1032/_nr-5/i.html
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Ralph Raico delivering a lecture at the Ludwig von Mises Institute in Auburn, AL
Ralph Raico is an American historian, libertarian, and specialist in European classical liberalism and Austrian Economics. He is currently a professor of history at Buffalo State College and a senior faculty member at the Ludwig von Mises Institute. Raico was a student of Ludwig von Mises and learned German at Mises' suggestion. Raico translated Mises' Liberalismus into English.
Raico was the editor of the New Individualist Review, along with Ronald Hamowy, a journal initially sponsored by the University of Chicago chapter of the Intercollegiate Society of Individualists. It declared itself "founded in a commitment to liberty." The first article of the first edition was titled "Capitalism and Freedom." Milton Friedman, F.A. Hayek, and Richard M. Weaver were the first faculty advisors, later to be joined by George Stigler and Benjamin Rogge. Between 1961 and 1968, seventeen issues were published including articles by Russell Kirk, William F. Buckley, Jr., Ludwig von Mises, and Murray N. Rothbard.
The complete run of the magazine is available from Liberty Fund. In his introduction to this reprint edition, Milton Friedman—one of the magazine's faculty advisors—writes that the Review set "an intellectual standard that has not yet, I believe, been matched by any of the more recent publications in the same philosophical tradition."
Raico was also a founding member of the Circle Bastiat,[1] and was considered its poet laureate.
In 1999, Raico wrote Die Partei der Freiheit: Studien zur Geschichte des deutschen Liberalismus, a German-language book discussing the liberal tradition in Germany.
In 2000, Raico was awarded the "Gary G. Schlarbaum Prize for Lifetime Achievement in the Cause of Liberty" by the Mises Institute.[2]
In 2006, Raico became one of the charter members of the Property and Freedom Society, which was founded at the instigation of Hans-Hermann Hoppe as a more radical counterpart to the Mont Pelerin Society.
External links[link]
- Raico's archives at LewRockwell.com
- Raico's article archives at Mises.org
- Raico audio/video lectures at Mises.org
- Bio at Future of Freedom Foundation
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| Chicago School of Economics | |
|---|---|
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| Born | (1912-07-31)July 31, 1912 Brooklyn, New York |
| Died | November 16, 2006(2006-11-16) (aged 94) San Francisco, California |
| Nationality | American |
| Institution | Hoover Institution (1977–2006) University of Chicago (1946–77) Columbia University (1937–41, 1943–45, 1964–65) NBER (1937–40) |
| Field | Economics |
| Alma mater | Columbia University (Ph.D.), 1946, University of Chicago (M.A.), 1933 Rutgers University (B.A.), (1932) |
| Opposed | John Maynard Keynes, John Kenneth Galbraith, Murray Rothbard |
| Influences | Adam Smith, Irving Fisher, Frank Knight, Murray Rothbard, Jacob Viner, Harold Hotelling, Arthur Burns, Friedrich Hayek, Homer Jones, Ludwig von Mises, Henry Simons, George Stigler |
| Influenced | Margaret Thatcher, Alan Greenspan, David D. Friedman, Anna J. Schwartz, Ben Bernanke, Gary Becker, Thomas Sowell, Harry Markowitz, Chicago Boys, William F. Buckley, Jr., Cato Institute |
| Contributions | Price theory, Monetarism, applied macroeconomics, floating exchange rates, volunteer military, Permanent income hypothesis, Friedman test |
| Awards | John Bates Clark Medal (1951) Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics (1976) Presidential Medal of Freedom (1988) National Medal of Science (1988) |
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| Part of a series on the |
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Milton Friedman (July 31, 1912 – November 16, 2006) was an American economist, statistician, and author who taught at the University of Chicago for more than three decades. He was a recipient of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences, and is known for his research on consumption analysis, monetary history and theory, and the complexity of stabilization policy.[1] As a leader of the Chicago school of economics, he influenced the research agenda of the economics profession. A survey of economists ranked Friedman as the second most popular economist of the twentieth century behind John Maynard Keynes,[2] and The Economist described him as "the most influential economist of the second half of the 20th century…possibly of all of it."[3]
Friedman's challenges to what he later called "naive Keynesian" (as opposed to New Keynesian) theory[4] began with his 1950s reinterpretation of the consumption function, and he became the main advocate opposing activist Keynesian government policies.[5] In the late 1960s he described his own approach (along with all of mainstream economics) as using "Keynesian language and apparatus" yet rejecting its "initial" conclusions.[6] During the 1960s he promoted an alternative macroeconomic policy known as "monetarism". He theorized there existed a "natural" rate of unemployment, and argued that governments could increase employment above this rate (e.g., by increasing aggregate demand) only at the risk of causing inflation to accelerate.[7] He argued that the Phillips curve was not stable and predicted what would come to be known as stagflation.[8] Friedman argued that, given the existence of the Federal Reserve, a constant small expansion of the money supply was the only wise policy.[9]
Friedman was an economic adviser to conservative President Ronald Reagan. His political philosophy extolled the virtues of a free market economic system with minimal intervention. He once stated that his role in eliminating U.S. conscription was his proudest accomplishment, and his support for school choice led him to found The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice. In his 1962 book Capitalism and Freedom, Friedman advocated policies such as a volunteer military, freely floating exchange rates, abolition of medical licenses, a negative income tax, and education vouchers.[10] His ideas concerning monetary policy, taxation, privatization and deregulation influenced government policies, especially during the 1980s. His monetary theory influenced the Federal Reserve's response to the global financial crisis.[11]
Milton Friedman's works include many monographs, books, scholarly articles, papers, magazine columns, television programs, videos, and lectures, and cover a broad range of topics of microeconomics, macroeconomics, economic history, and public policy issues. His books and essays were widely read, and have had an international influence, including in Communist countries.[12][13][14][15]
Contents |
Early life[link]
Friedman was born in Brooklyn, New York, to recent Jewish immigrants Jenő Friedman and Sára Landau from Beregszász in Austria-Hungary (now Berehove in Ukraine), both of whom worked as dry goods merchants. Shortly after Milton's birth, the family relocated to Rahway, New Jersey. A talented student, Friedman graduated from Rahway High School in 1928, just before his 16th birthday.[16][17]
Friedman graduated from Rutgers University in New Jersey, where he specialized in mathematics and initially intended to become an actuary. During his time at Rutgers, Friedman became influenced by two economics professors, Arthur F. Burns and Homer Jones, who convinced him that modern economics could help end the Great Depression. After graduating from Rutgers in 1932, Friedman was offered two scholarships to do graduate work; one being Mathematics at Brown University and the other being Economics at the University of Chicago.[18]Friedman chose the latter, thus earning an M.A. in 1933. He was strongly influenced by Jacob Viner, Frank Knight, and Henry Simons. It was at Chicago that Friedman met his future wife, economist Rose Director. During 1933–34 he had a fellowship at Columbia University, where he studied statistics with renowned statistician and economist Harold Hotelling. He was back in Chicago for 1934–35, spending the year working as a research assistant for Henry Schultz, who was then working on Theory and Measurement of Demand. That year, Friedman formed what would prove to be lifelong friendships with George Stigler and W. Allen Wallis.[19]
Public service[link]
Friedman was initially unable to find academic employment, so during 1935, he followed his friend W. Allen Wallis to Washington, where Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal was "a lifesaver" for many young economists.[20] At this stage, Friedman said that he and his wife "regarded the job-creation programs such as the WPA, CCC, and PWA appropriate responses to the critical situation," but not "the price- and wage-fixing measures of the National Recovery Administration and the Agricultural Adjustment Administration."[21] Foreshadowing his later ideas, he believed price controls interfered with an essential signaling mechanism to help resources be used where they were most valued. Indeed, Friedman later concluded that all government intervention associated with the New Deal was "the wrong cure for the wrong disease," arguing that the money supply should simply have been expanded, instead of contracted.[22] In the publication Monetary History of the United States by Friedman and Anna Schwartz, they argue that the Great Depression was caused by monetary contraction, which was the consequence of poor policymaking by the Federal reserve and the continuous crises of the banking system.[23]
During 1935, he began work for the National Resources Committee, which was then working on a large consumer budget survey. Ideas from this project later became a part of his Theory of the Consumption Function. Friedman began employment with the National Bureau of Economic Research during autumn 1937 to assist Simon Kuznets in his work on professional income. This work resulted in their jointly authored publication Incomes from Independent Professional Practice, which introduced the concepts of permanent and transitory income, a major component of the Permanent Income Hypothesis that Friedman worked out in greater detail in the 1950s. The book hypothesizes that professional licensing artificially restricts the supply of services and raises prices.
During 1940, Friedman was appointed an assistant professor teaching Economics at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, but encountered antisemitism in the Economics department and decided to return to government service.[24][25] Friedman spent 1941–43 working on wartime tax policy for the Federal Government, as an advisor to senior officials of the United States Department of the Treasury. As a Treasury spokesman during 1942 he advocated a Keynesian policy of taxation. He helped to invent the payroll withholding tax system, since the federal government badly needed money in order to fight the war.[26] He later said, "I have no apologies for it, but I really wish we hadn't found it necessary and I wish there were some way of abolishing withholding now."[27]
Academic career[link]
Early years[link]
In 1943, Friedman joined the Division of War Research at Columbia University (headed by W. Allen Wallis and Harold Hotelling), where he spent the rest of World War II working as a mathematical statistician, focusing on problems of weapons design.[28]
During 1945, Friedman submitted Incomes from Independent Professional Practice (co-authored with Kuznets and completed during 1940) to Columbia as his doctoral dissertation. The university awarded him a Ph.D. during 1946. Friedman spent the 1945–46 academic year teaching at the University of Minnesota (where his friend George Stigler was employed). On February 12, 1945, his son, David D. Friedman was born.
University of Chicago[link]
During 1946, Friedman accepted an offer to teach economic theory at the University of Chicago (a position opened by departure of his former professor Jacob Viner to Princeton University). Friedman would work for the University of Chicago for the next 30 years. There he helped build an intellectual community that produced a number of Nobel Prize winners, known collectively as the Chicago School of Economics.
At that time, Arthur Burns, who was then the head of the National Bureau of Economic Research, asked Friedman to rejoin the Bureau's staff. He accepted the invitation, and assumed responsibility for the Bureau's inquiry into the role of money in the business cycle. As a result, he initiated the "Workshop in Money and Banking" (the "Chicago Workshop"), which promoted a revival of monetary studies. During the latter half of the 1940s, Friedman began a collaboration with Anna Schwartz, an economic historian at the Bureau, that would ultimately result in the 1963 publication of a book co-authored by Friedman and Schwartz, A Monetary History of the United States, 1867–1960.
Friedman spent the 1954–55 academic year as a Fulbright Visiting Fellow at Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge. At the time, the Cambridge economics faculty was divided into a Keynesian majority (including Joan Robinson and Richard Kahn) and an anti-Keynesian minority (headed by Dennis Robertson). Friedman speculates that he was invited to the fellowship because his views were unacceptable to both of the Cambridge factions. Later his weekly columns for Newsweek magazine (1966–84) were well read and increasingly influential among political and business people.[29] From 1968 to 1978, he and Paul Samuelson participated in the Economics Cassette Series, a biweekly subscription series where the economist would discuss the days' issues for about a half hour at a time.[30]
Friedman was an economic adviser to Republican presidential candidate Barry Goldwater during 1964.
Nobel memorial prize and retirement[link]
In 1976 Friedman won the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics "for his achievements in the fields of consumption analysis, monetary history and theory and for his demonstration of the complexity of stabilization policy."[1] During the banquet speech he made a reference to “the Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel”. In that he was the first recipient to do so, and it wasn’t until 2006 that a recipient of the prize called it by its proper name.[31] During 1977, at age 65, Friedman retired from the University of Chicago after teaching there for 30 years. He and his wife moved to San Francisco where he became a visiting scholar at the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. From 1977 on, he was affiliated with the Hoover Institution at Stanford University. During the same year, Friedman was approached by the Free To Choose Network and asked to create a television program presenting his economic and social philosophy. The Friedmans worked on this project for the next three years, and during 1980, the ten-part series, titled Free to Choose, was broadcast by the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS). The companion book to the series (co-authored by Milton and his wife, Rose Friedman), also titled Free To Choose, was the bestselling nonfiction book of 1980 and has since been translated into 14 foreign languages.
Friedman served as an unofficial adviser to Ronald Reagan during his 1980 presidential campaign, and then served on the President's Economic Policy Advisory Board for the rest of the Reagan Administration. During 1988, he received the National Medal of Science and Reagan honored him with the Presidential Medal of Freedom. Milton Friedman is known now as one of the most influential economists of the 20th century.[32][33] Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Friedman continued to write editorials and appear on television. He made several visits to Eastern Europe and to China, where he also advised governments. He was also for many years a Trustee of the Philadelphia Society.[34][35][36]
Scholarly contributions[link]
See also: Friedman–Savage utility function, Friedman rule, Friedman's k-percent rule, and Friedman test
Economics[link]
Friedman was best known for reviving interest in the money supply as a determinant of the nominal value of output, that is, the quantity theory of money. Monetarism is the set of views associated with modern quantity theory. Its origins can be traced back to the 16th-century School of Salamanca or even further; however, Friedman's contribution is largely responsible for its modern popularization. He co-authored, with Anna Schwartz, A Monetary History of the United States (1963), which was an examination of the role of the money supply and economic activity in U.S. history. A striking conclusion of their research was one regarding the role of money supply fluctuations as contributing to economic fluctuations. Several regression studies with David Meiselman during the 1960s suggested the primacy of the money supply over investment and government spending in determining consumption and output. These challenged a prevailing but largely untested view on their relative importance. Friedman's empirical research and some theory supported the conclusion that the short-run effect of a change of the money supply was primarily on output but that the longer-run effect was primarily on the price level.
Friedman was the main proponent of the monetarist school of economics. He maintained that there is a close and stable association between price inflation and the money supply, mainly that price inflation should be regulated with monetary deflation and price deflation with monetary inflation. He famously quipped that price deflation can be fought by "dropping money out of a helicopter."[37]
Friedman's arguments were designed to counter popular claims that price inflation at the time was the result of increases in the price of oil, or increases in wages: as he wrote,
Inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon.—Milton Friedman, 1963.[38]
Friedman rejected the use of fiscal policy as a tool of demand management; and he held that the government's role in the guidance of the economy should be restricted severely. Friedman wrote extensively on the Great Depression, which he termed the Great Contraction, arguing that it had been caused by an ordinary financial shock whose duration and seriousness were greatly increased by the subsequent contraction of the money supply caused by the misguided policies of the directors of the Federal Reserve.
The Fed was largely responsible for converting what might have been a garden-variety recession, although perhaps a fairly severe one, into a major catastrophe. Instead of using its powers to offset the depression, it presided over a decline in the quantity of money by one-third from 1929 to 1933 ... Far from the depression being a failure of the free-enterprise system, it was a tragic failure of government.—Milton Friedman, Two Lucky People, 233
Friedman also argued for the cessation of government intervention in currency markets, thereby spawning an enormous literature on the subject, as well as promoting the practice of freely floating exchange rates. His close friend George Stigler explained, "As is customary in science, he did not win a full victory, in part because research was directed along different lines by the theory of rational expectations, a newer approach developed by Robert Lucas, also at the University of Chicago."[39]
Friedman was also known for his work on the consumption function, the permanent income hypothesis (1957), which Friedman himself referred to as his best scientific work.[40] This work contended that rational consumers would spend a proportional amount of what they perceived to be their permanent income. Windfall gains would mostly be saved. Tax reductions likewise, as rational consumers would predict that taxes would have to increase later to balance public finances. Other important contributions include his critique of the Phillips curve and the concept of the natural rate of unemployment (1968). This critique associated his name, together with that of Edmund Phelps, with the insight that a government that brings about greater inflation cannot permanently reduce unemployment by doing so. Unemployment may be temporarily lower, if the inflation is a surprise, but in the long run unemployment will be determined by the frictions and imperfections of the labor market.
Friedman's essay "The Methodology of Positive Economics" (1953) provided the epistemological pattern for his own subsequent research and to a degree that of the Chicago School. There he argued that economics as science should be free of value judgments for it to be objective. Moreover, a useful economic theory should be judged not by its descriptive realism but by its simplicity and fruitfulness as an engine of prediction. That is, students should measure the accuracy of its predictions, rather than the "soundness of its assumptions. His argument was part of an ongoing debate among such statisticians as Jerzy Neyman, Leonard Savage, and Ronald Fisher.[41]
Statistics[link]
One of his most famous contributions to statistics is sequential sampling. "Friedman did statistical work at the Division of War Research at Columbia. He and his colleagues came up with a sampling technique, known as sequential sampling, which became, in the words of The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 'the standard analysis of quality control inspection.' The dictionary adds: 'Like many of Friedman’s contributions, in retrospect it seems remarkably simple and obvious to apply basic economic ideas to quality control; that however is a measure of his genius.'"[42]
Public policy positions[link]
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Federal reserve[link]
Friedman believed that if the money supply was to be centrally controlled (as by the Federal Reserve) that the preferable way to do it would be with a mechanical system that would keep the quantity of money increasing at a steady rate. However, instead of government involvement at all, he was open to a "real," non-government, gold standard where money is produced by the private market: "A real gold standard is thoroughly consistent with [classical] liberal principles and I, for one, am entirely in favor of measures promoting its development." He did however add this caveat, "Let me emphasize that this note is not a plea for a return to a gold standard.... I regard a return to a gold standard as neither desirable nor feasible—with the one exception that it might become feasible if the doomsday predictions of hyperinflation under our present system should prove correct."[43] He said the reason that it was not feasible was because "there is essentially no government in the world that is willing to surrender control over its domestic monetary policy." However, it could be done if "you could re-establish a world in which government's budget accounted for 10 percent of the national income, in which laissez-faire reigned, in which governments did not interfere with economic activities and in which full employment policies had been relegated to the dustbin..."[43]
He was critical of the Federal Reserve's influence on the economics profession. In a 1993 letter to University of Texas economics professor and former House Banking Committee investigator Robert Auerbach, Friedman wrote:
I cannot disagree with you that having something like 500 economists is extremely unhealthy. As you say, it is not conducive to independent, objective research. You and I know there has been censorship of the material published. Equally important, the location of the economists in the Federal Reserve has had a significant influence on the kind of research they do, biasing that research toward noncontroversial technical papers on method as opposed to substantive papers on policy and results.[44]
School choice[link]
In his 1955 article "The Role of Government in Education" Friedman proposed supplementing publicly operated schools with privately run but publicly funded schools through a system of school vouchers.[45] Reforms similar to those proposed in the article were implemented in, for example, Chile in 1981 and Sweden in 1992.[46] In 1996 Friedman, together with his wife, founded the The Foundation for Educational Choice to advocate school choice and vouchers.
Conscription[link]
Milton Friedman was a major proponent of a volunteer military, stating that the draft was "inconsistent with a free society."[47][48] In Capitalism and Freedom, he argued that conscription is inequitable and arbitrary, preventing young men from shaping their lives as they see fit.[49] During the Nixon administration he headed the committee to research a conversion to paid/volunteer armed force. He would later state that his role in eliminating the conscription in the United States was his proudest accomplishment.[9] Friedman did, however, believe a nation could compel military training as a reserve in case of war time.[49]
Libertarianism and the Republican party[link]
He served as a member of President Reagan's Economic Policy Advisory Board during 1981. During 1988, he received the Presidential Medal of Freedom and the National Medal of Science. He said that he was a libertarian philosophically, but a member of the U.S. Republican Party for the sake of "expediency" ("I am a libertarian with a small 'l' and a Republican with a capital 'R.' And I am a Republican with a capital 'R' on grounds of expediency, not on principle.") But, he said, "I think the term classical liberal is also equally applicable. I don't really care very much what I'm called. I'm much more interested in having people thinking about the ideas, rather than the person."[50]
Public goods and monopoly[link]
Friedman was supportive of the state provision of some public goods that private businesses are not considered as being able to provide. However, he argued that many of the services performed by government could be performed better by the private sector. Above all, if some public goods are provided by the state, he believed that they should not be a legal monopoly where private competition is prohibited; for example, he wrote:
There is no way to justify our present public monopoly of the post office. It may be argued that the carrying of mail is a technical monopoly and that a government monopoly is the least of evils. Along these lines, one could perhaps justify a government post office, but not the present law, which makes it illegal for anybody else to carry the mail. If the delivery of mail is a technical monopoly, no one else will be able to succeed in competition with the government. If it is not, there is no reason why the government should be engaged in it. The only way to find out is to leave other people free to enter.—Milton Friedman, Friedman, Milton & Rose D. Capitalism and Freedom, University of Chicago Press, 1982, 29
Welfare[link]
Friedman made newspaper headlines by proposing a negative income tax to replace the existing welfare system, and then opposing a bill to implement it because the bill proposed to supplement the existing system rather than replace it.
Drugs[link]
Friedman also supported libertarian policies such as legalization of drugs and prostitution. During 2005, Friedman and more than 500 other economists advocated discussions regarding the economic benefits of the legalization of marijuana.[51]
Economic freedom[link]
Michael Walker of the Fraser Institute and Friedman hosted a series of conferences from 1986 to 1994. The goal was to create a clear definition of economic freedom and a method for measuring it. Eventually this resulted in the first report on worldwide economic freedom, Economic Freedom in the World. This annual report has since provided data for numerous peer-reviewed studies and has influenced policy in several nations.
Along with sixteen other distinguished economists he opposed the Copyright Term Extension Act and filed an amicus brief in Eldred v. Ashcroft.[52] He supported the inclusion of the word "no-brainer" in the brief.[53]
Friedman argued for stronger basic legal (constitutional) protection of economic rights and freedoms in order to further promote industrial-commercial growth and prosperity and buttress democracy and freedom and the rule of law generally in society.[54]
Honors, recognition, and influence[link]
Friedman allowed the Cato Institute to use his name for its biannual Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty beginning in 2001. A Friedman Prize was given to the late British economist Peter Bauer during 2002, Peruvian economist Hernando de Soto during 2004, Mart Laar, former Estonian Prime Minister during 2006 and a young Venezuelan student Yon Goicoechea during 2008. His wife Rose, sister of Aaron Director, with whom he initiated the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice, served on the international selection committee. Friedman was also a recipient of the Nobel Prize in Economics.
Hong Kong[link]
Friedman once said, "If you want to see capitalism in action, go to Hong Kong."[55] He wrote in 1990 that the Hong Kong economy was perhaps the best example of a free market economy.[56]
One month before his death, he wrote the article "Hong Kong Wrong – What would Cowperthwaite say?" in the Wall Street Journal, criticizing Donald Tsang, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong, for abandoning "positive noninterventionism."[57] Tsang later said he was merely changing the slogan to "big market, small government," where small government is defined as less than 20% of GDP. In a debate between Tsang and his rival, Alan Leong, before the 2007 Chief Executive election, Leong introduced the topic and jokingly accused Tsang of angering Friedman to death.
Chile[link]
Main articles: Miracle of Chile and Chicago Boys
During 1975, two years after the military coup that ended the government of Salvador Allende, the economy of Chile experienced a severe crisis. Friedman accepted the invitation of a private foundation to visit Chile and speak on principles of economic freedom. He spent seven days in Chile giving a series of lectures. One of the lectures was entitled "The Fragility of Freedom," and according to Friedman, "dealt with precisely the threat to freedom from a centralized military government."[58] Friedman encapsulated his philosophy in a lecture at Universidad Católica de Chile, saying: "free markets would undermine political centralization and political control."[59]
Friedman also met with military dictator President Augusto Pinochet during his visit. He never served as an adviser to the Chilean government, but did write a letter to Pinochet outlining what Friedman considered the two key economic problems of Chile. The letter listed a series of monetary and fiscal measures deemed a "shock program" to end hyperinflation and promote a market economy.[60] His letter suggested (among other, more specific prescriptions) that a brief period of cutting government spending would reduce its fiscal deficit and thus reduce the rate of increase of the quantity of money in the country that was driving inflation. The economist did however admit his knowledge of Chile was "too limited to enable [him] to be precise or comprehensive" and that the measures he outlined were "to be taken as illustrative."[60] Friedman felt that there might be a brief period ("measured in months") of higher unemployment, followed by recovery once inflation was tamed. His letter also suggested that cutting spending to reduce the fiscal deficit would result in less transitional unemployment than raising taxes to do so. Later, Friedman said he believed that market reforms would undermine Pinochet.[61] Chilean graduates of the Chicago School of Economics and its new local chapters had been appointed to important positions in the new government soon after the coup, which allowed them to advise Pinochet on economic policies in accord with the School's economic doctrine.
According to his critics, Friedman did not criticize Pinochet's dictatorship at the time, nor the assassinations, illegal imprisonments, torture, or other atrocities that were well known by then.[62] In his 1980 documentary Free to Choose, he said the following: "Chile is not a politically free system, and I do not condone the system. But the people there are freer than the people in Communist societies because government plays a smaller role. ... The conditions of the people in the past few years has been getting better and not worse. They would be still better to get rid of the junta and to be able to have a free democratic system."[63][64] In 1984 Friedman stated that he has "never refrained from criticizing the political system in Chile."[58]
Friedman defended his activity in Chile on the grounds that, in his opinion, the adoption of free market policies not only improved the economic situation of Chile but also contributed to the amelioration of Pinochet's rule and to the eventual transition to a democratic government during 1990. That idea is included in Capitalism and Freedom, in which he declared that economic freedom is not only desirable in itself but is also a necessary condition for political freedom. He stressed that the lectures he gave in Chile were the same lectures he later gave in China and other socialist states.[65] During the 2000 PBS documentary The Commanding Heights (based on the book), Friedman continued to argue that criticism over his role in Chile missed his main contention that freer markets resulted in freer people, and that Chile's unfree economy had caused the military government. Friedman suggested that the economic liberalization he advocated caused the end of military rule and a free Chile.[66]
Iceland[link]
Friedman visited Iceland during the autumn of 1984, met with important Icelanders and gave a lecture at the University of Iceland on the "tyranny of the status quo." He participated in a lively television debate on August 31, 1984 with socialist intellectuals, including Ólafur Ragnar Grímsson, who later became the president of Iceland.[67] When they complained that a fee was charged for attending his lecture at the University and that hitherto, lectures by visiting scholars had been free-of-charge, Friedman replied that previous lectures had not been free-of-charge in a meaningful sense: Lectures always have related costs. What mattered was whether attendees or non-attendees covered those costs. Friedman thought that it was fairer that only those who attended paid. In this discussion Friedman also stated that he did not receive any money for delivering that lecture.
Estonia[link]
Although Friedman never visited Estonia, his book Free to Choose exercised a great influence on that nation's then 32-year-old prime minister, Mart Laar, who has claimed that it was the only book on economics he had read before taking office. Laar's reforms are often credited with responsibility for transforming Estonia from an impoverished Soviet Republic to the "Baltic Tiger." A prime element of Laar's program was introduction of the flat tax. Laar won the 2006 Milton Friedman Prize for Advancing Liberty, awarded by the Cato Institute.[68]
United Kingdom[link]
Milton Friedman influenced the thinking of Alan Walters and Patrick Minford, two of Margaret Thatcher's main macroeconomic advisers. See the book Margaret Thatcher's Revolution: How it Happened and What it Meant, edited by Subroto Roy & John Clarke, Continuum 2005
Criticism[link]
Keynesian criticism[link]
During the financial crisis of 2007–2010, several Keynesian economists such as James Galbraith and Joseph Stiglitz blamed the free market philosophy of Friedman and the Chicago school for the economic turmoil.[69]
After Friedman's death in 2006, Keynesian Nobel laureate Paul Krugman, praised Friedman as a "great economist and a great man," but criticized him by writing that "he slipped all too easily into claiming both that markets always work and that only markets work. It's extremely hard to find cases in which Friedman acknowledged the possibility that markets could go wrong, or that government intervention could serve a useful purpose."[70]
Austrian school criticism[link]
In 1971, libertarian economist Murray Rothbard criticized Friedman's efforts to make the government more efficient as detrimental to individual liberty, concluding "...as we examine Milton Friedman’s credentials to be the leader of free-market economics, we arrive at the chilling conclusion that it is difficult to consider him a free-market economist at all."[71] Friedman's position on governmental control of money changed since 1971 when this criticism was made.[72] In a 1995 interview in Reason magazine he said the "difference between me and people like Murray Rothbard is that, though I want to know what my ideal is, I think I also have to be willing to discuss changes that are less than ideal so long as they point me in that direction." He said he actually would "like to abolish the Fed," and points out that when he has written about the Fed it is simply his recommendations of how it should be run given that it exists.[9]
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Other criticism[link]
In her book The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism, journalist and author Naomi Klein criticized Friedman's ideology and the principles that guided the economic restructuring that followed the military coups in countries such as Chile and Indonesia, drawing analogies between the way that Friedman proposed using the social "shock" of the coups to create an economic "blank slate" with Ewen Cameron's controversial medical experiments that used electroshock therapy to create a mental "blank slate" in patients with mental disorders.[73] Based on the extent to which the application of neoliberal policies has contributed to income disparities and inequality,[74] both Klein and Noam Chomsky have suggested that the primary role of neoliberalism was as an ideological cover for capital accumulation by multinational corporations.[75] Chilean economist Orlando Letelier asserted that Pinochet's dictatorship resorted to oppression because of popular opposition to Chicago School policies in Chile.[76] Klein's book has been criticized. In the October 2008 issue of Reason magazine, Swedish historian Johan Norberg called her book a "disastrous ... polemic" and criticized the book as exaggerating some facts and ignoring others, subjecting Friedman to "the most malevolent distortions of a thinker's ideas in recent history." Norberg states that "Friedman's view was the opposite of what Klein claims" and "twists [the] relationship [between Friedman and Pinochet's regime] beyond recognition," concluding that "Klein is dead wrong about Friedman."[77] Tom Redburn wrote that Klein "accuses Friedman of being the godfather of a Mafia-like gang", stated that "her argument constantly overreaches because her goal is not really to tame capitalism so much as to taunt it", and that Klein is "blind to the necessary role of entrepreneurial capitalism in overcoming the inherent tendency of any established social system to lapse into stagnation."[78]
Personal life[link]
According to a 2007 article in Commentary magazine, his "parents were moderately observant [Jews], but Friedman, after an intense burst of childhood piety, rejected religion altogether."[79] He described himself as an agnostic.[80]
Friedman wrote extensively of his life and experiences, especially in 1998 in his memoirs with his wife Rose, titled Two Lucky People. He died of heart failure at the age of 94 years in San Francisco on November 16, 2006.[81][82] He was survived by his wife (who died on August 18, 2009) and their two children, David, who is a philosopher and anarcho-capitalist economist, and Janet. David's son, Patri Friedman, is the executive director of the Seasteading Institute.[83]
See also[link]
- Works of Milton Friedman
- Friedman–Savage utility function
- Friedman rule
- Friedman's k-percent rule
- Friedman test
- List of economists
- List of Jewish Nobel laureates
- List of notable Presidential Medal of Freedom recipients
- History of economic thought
Notes[link]
- ^ a b "Milton Friedman on nobelprize.org". Nobel Prize. 1976. http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/economics/laureates/1976/. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ Davis, William L, Bob Figgins, David Hedengren, and Daniel B. Klein. "Economic Professors' Favorite Economic Thinkers, Journals, and Blogs", Econ Journal Watch 8(2): 126-146, May 2011.
- ^ "Milton Friedman, a giant among economists". The Economist. November 23, 2006. http://www.economist.com/business/displaystory.cfm?story_id=8313925. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ "Milton Friedman". Commanding Heights. PBS. Oct 1, 2000. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/shared/minitext/int_miltonfriedman.html#7. Retrieved September 19, 2011.
- ^ Milton Friedman—Economist as Public Intellectual
- ^ Mark Skousen. The Making of Modern Economics: The Lives and Ideas of the Great Thinkers. M.E. Sharpe. p. 407. ISBN 0-7656-2227-0. http://books.google.com/books?id=6sisXMv_AecC&lpg=PA407&dq=friedman%20we.are.all.keynesians.now&pg=PA407#v=onepage&q=friedman%20we.are.all.keynesians.now&f=false.
- ^ Among macroeconomists, the "natural" rate has been increasingly replaced by James Tobin's NAIRU, the non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment, which is seen as having fewer normative connotations.
- ^ Nobel prize winner Paul Krugman stated that, "In 1968 in one of the decisive intellectual achievements of postwar economics, Friedman not only showed why the apparent tradeoff embodied in the idea of the Phillips curve was wrong; he also predicted the emergence of combined inflation and high unemployment...dubbed ‘stagflation.” Paul Krugman, Peddling Prosperity: Economic Sense and Nonsense in an Age of Diminished Expectations (1995) p 43 online
- ^ a b c Doherty, Brian (June 1, 1995), "Best of Both Worlds", Reason Magazine, http://www.reason.com/news/show/29691.html, retrieved October 24, 2009
- ^ Milton Friedman (1912–2006)
- ^ Bullock, Penn (November 17, 2009), "Bernanke’s Philosopher", Reason Magazine, http://reason.com/archives/2009/11/17/bernankes-philosopher, retrieved February 4, 2010
- ^ "Capitalism and Friedman". The Wall Street Journal. November 17, 2006. http://www.opinionjournal.com/editorial/feature.html?id=110009260. Retrieved August 22, 2008.
- ^ Václav Klaus (January 29, 2007). "Remarks at Milton Friedman Memorial Service". http://www.klaus.cz/klaus2/asp/clanek.asp?id=3DpXss5H9RJv. Retrieved August 22, 2008.
- ^ Johan Norberg, Defaming Milton Friedman: Naomi Klein's disastrous yet popular polemic against the great free market economist, Reason Magazine, Washington, D.C., Oct. 2008
- ^ Friedman 1999, p. 506
- ^ Eamonn Butler, Milton Friedman (2011) ch 1
- ^ Alan O. Ebenstein, Milton Friedman: a biography (2007) pp 5-12
- ^ "Milton Friedman and his start in economics". Young America's Foundation. August, 2006. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EhYOtG2pt3w&feature=related. Retrieved march 12, 2012.
- ^ Ebenstein, Milton Friedman: a biography (2007) pp 13-30
- ^ Feeney, Mark (November 16, 2006). "Nobel laureate economist Milton Friedman dies at 94". The Boston Globe. http://www.boston.com/news/globe/city_region/breaking_news/2006/11/nobel_lauriet_e.html. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ Friedman 1999, p. 59
- ^ "Right from the Start? What Milton Friedman can teach progressives." (PDF). J. Bradford DeLong. http://delong.typepad.com/pdf/20070308_108-115.delong.FINAL.pdf. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ Bernanke 2004, p. 7
- ^ Friedman 1999, p. 42
- ^ Friedman 1999, pp. 84–85
- ^ Milton Friedman; Rose D. Friedman (1999). Two Lucky People: Memoirs. University of Chicago Press. pp. 122–23. http://books.google.com/books?id=6l0_vQ1zpI8C&pg=PA122.
- ^ Doherty, Brian (June 1995). "Best of Both Worlds". Reason. http://reason.com/archives/1995/06/01/best-of-both-worlds. Retrieved July 28, 2010.
- ^ Philip Mirowski (2002). Machine Dreams: Economics Becomes a Cyborg Science. Cambridge University Press. pp. 202–3. http://books.google.com/books?id=GkrYxL0QtpcC&pg=PA203.
- ^ CATO, "Letter from Washington," National Review, September 19, 1980, Vol. 32 Issue 19, p 1119
- ^ http://www.hoover.org/multimedia/slide-shows/79281
- ^ { http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/economics/laureates/1976/friedman-speech.html }
- ^ "Milton Friedman: An enduring legacy". The Economist. November 17, 2006. http://www.economist.com/daily/news/displaystory.cfm?story_id=8190872. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ Sullivan, Patricia (November 17, 2006). "Economist Touted Laissez-Faire Policy". The Washington Post. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/11/16/AR2006111600592.html. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ http://www.cato.org/special/friedman/friedman/index.html
- ^ http://phillysoc.org/trustees.htm
- ^ http://www.phillysoc.org/fried.htm
- ^ Optimum Quantity of Money. Aldine Publishing Company. 1969. p. 4.
- ^ Friedman, Milton. Inflation: Causes and Consequences. New York: Asia Publishing House.
- ^ Friedman, Milton (1969). Memoirs of an Unregulated Economist. Aldine Publishing Company. p. 4.
- ^ "Charlie Rose Show". December 26, 2005.
- ^ David Teira, "Milton Friedman, the Statistical Methodologist," History of Political Economy (2007) 39#3 pp 511-527,
- ^ The Life and Times of Milton Friedman – Remembering the 20th century's most influential libertarian
- ^ a b Richard M. Ebeling.Monetary Central Planning and the State, Part 27: Milton Friedman's Second Thoughts on the Costs of Paper Money http://www.fff.org/freedom/0399b.asp
- ^ Grim, Ryan (September 7, 2009) Priceless: How The Federal Reserve Bought The Economics Profession, Huffington Post
- ^ Leonard Ross and Richard Zeckhauser (December 1970). "Review: Education Vouchers". The Yale Law Journal 80 (2): 451–461. JSTOR 795126.
- ^ Martin Carnoy (August 1998). "National Voucher Plans in Chile and Sweden: Did Privatization Reforms Make for Better Education?". Comparative Education Review 42 (3): 309–337. JSTOR 1189163.
- ^ Milton Friedman (1991). The War on Drugs. America's Drug Forum. http://yes390.org/friedmanvideos.html.
- ^ Rostker, Bernard (2006). I Want You!: The Evolution of the All-Volunteer Force. Rand Corporation. p. 4. ISBN 978-0-8330-3895-1.
- ^ a b Friedman, Milton (November 15, 2002). Capitalism and Freedom. University Of Chicago Press. p. 36.
- ^ "Friedman and Freedom". Queen's Journal. Archived from the original on August 11, 2006. http://web.archive.org/web/20060811115145/http://queensjournal.ca/article.php?point=vol129/issue37/features/lead1. Retrieved February 20, 2008. , Interview with Peter Jaworski. The Journal, Queen's University, March 15, 2002 – Issue 37, Volume 129
- ^ "An open letter". Prohibition Costs. http://www.prohibitioncosts.org/endorsers.html. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ "In the Supreme Court of the United States". Harvard Law School. http://cyber.law.harvard.edu/openlaw/eldredvashcroft/supct/amici/economists.pdf. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ Lessig, Lawrence (November 19, 2006). ""only if the word 'no-brainer' appears in it somewhere": RIP Milton Friedman (Lessig Blog)". Lessig.org. http://lessig.org/blog/2006/11/only_if_the_word_nobrainer_app.html. Retrieved July 29, 2010.
- ^ A New British Bill of Rights: The Case For, ISR Online Guide
- ^ Ingdahl, Waldemar (March 22, 2007). "Real Virtuality". The American. http://www.american.com/archive/2007/march-0307/real-virtuality/. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ Friedman, Milton; Friedman, Rose (1990). Free to Choose: A Personal Statement. Harvest Books. p. 34. ISBN 0-15-633460-7.
- ^ Friedman, Milton (October 6, 2006). "Dr. Milton Friedman". Opinion Journal. http://www.opinionjournal.com/editorial/feature.html?id=110009051. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ a b Milton Friedman (August 31, 1984) (Flash Video). Iceland Television Debate (Television production). Reykjavík: Icelandic State Television. Event occurs at 009:48:00. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oJNxg3ZhXf8#t=9m11s&feature=PlayList&p=EBBF6DB20C85145A&playnext_from=PL&index=3. Retrieved June 27, 2010.
- ^ "Interview with Jeffery Sachs on the "Miracle of Chile"". PBS. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/shared/minitextlo/ufd_reformliberty_full.html. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ a b Letters of correspondence between Friedman and dictator Pinochet
- ^ "Commanding Heights: Milton Friedman". PBS. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/shared/minitext/int_miltonfriedman.html#10. Retrieved December 29, 2008.
- ^ O'Shaughnessy, Hugh (December 11, 2006). "General Augusto Pinochet". The Independent. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/obituaries/general-augusto-pinochet-427998.html. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ "Free to Choose Vol. 5". Free to Choose. Archived from the original on February 9, 2008. http://web.archive.org/web/20080209233014/http://www.freetochoose.net/1980_vol5_transcript.html. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ Frances Fox Piven vs. Milton Friedman, Thomas Sowell, debate, 1980, YouTube.
- ^ Friedman 1999, pp. 600–601
- ^ "Milton Friedman interview". PBS. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/commandingheights/shared/minitextlo/int_miltonfriedman.html. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ Friedman, Milton; Grímsson, Ólafur Ragnar. Milton Friedman on Icelandic State Television in 1984.
- ^ "Mart Laar". Cato Institute. http://www.cato.org/special/friedman/laar/. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ John Lippert, Friedman Would Be Roiled as Chicago Disciples Rue Repudiation, Bloomberg L.P., December 23, 2009. Retrieved September 9, 2009.
- ^ The New York Review of Books, Who Was Milton Friedman?, February 15, 2007
- ^ Murray Rothbard, "Milton Friedman Unraveled". Originally printed 1971 in The Individualist. Reprinted in the Journal of Libertarian Studies, Fall 2002.
- ^ Ebeling, Richard. M., "Monetary Central Planning and the State, Part 27: Milton Friedman's Second Thoughts on the Costs of Paper Money"
- ^ Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine, Metropolitan Books, New York, NY 2007.
- ^ Goldberg, P.K. and Pavcnik, N. (2007) "Distributional Effects of Globalization in Developing Countries" Journal of Economic Literature, American Economic Association 45(1): 39–82
- ^ Noam Chomsky (1999) Profit Over People: Neoliberalism and Global Order, Seven Stories Press, New York, NY.
- ^ Orlando Letelier, Economic Freedom's Awful Toll, The Nation, August 28, 1976.
- ^ Johan Norberg, Defaming Milton Friedman, Reason Magazine, October 2008.
- ^ Tom Redburn, It’s All a Grand Capitalist Conspiracy, The New York Times, September 29, 2007.
- ^ Lanny Ebenstein, Milton Friedman, Commentary, May 2007, p. 286.
- ^ Asman, David (November 16, 2006). "'Your World' Interview With Economist Milton Friedman". Fox News. http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,230045,00.html. Retrieved August 2, 2011.
- ^ Christie, Jim (November 16, 2006). "Free market economist Milton Friedman dead at 94". Reuters. http://www.reuters.com/article/ousiv/idUSWBT00621920061116. Retrieved February 20, 2008.
- ^ Ambrose, Jay (November 22, 2006). "Milton Friedman’s legacy". Examiner.com. http://www.examiner.com/a-413909~Jay_Ambrose__Milton_Friedman_s_legacy.html. Retrieved February 20, 2008. [dead link]
- ^ Doherty, Brian (July 1, 2009), "20,000 Nations Above the Sea; Is floating the last, best hope for liberty?", Reason Magazine, http://www.reason.com/news/show/133865.html, retrieved October 24, 2009
Bibliography[link]
Main article: Milton Friedman bibliography
References[link]
- Bernanke, Ben (2004), Essays on the Great Depression, Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-11820-5
- Butler, Eamonn. Milton Friedman (Harriman Economic Essentials) (2011)
- Ebenstein, Alan O. Milton Friedman: a biography (2007)
- Friedman, Milton (1999), Two Lucky People: Memoirs, University of Chicago Press, ISBN 0-226-26415-7
- Wood, John Cunningham, and Ronald N. Wood, ed. (1990) Milton Friedman: Critical Assessments, v. 3. Scroll to chapter-preview links. Routledge.
Further reading[link]
- Friedman, Milton (1948). "A Monetary and Fiscal Framework for Economic Stability," American Economic Review, 38(3), pp. 245-264. Also in Friedman (1953), pp. 133–56.
- Friedman, Milton (1953). Essays in Positive Economics, University of Chicago Press. Chapter- preview links.
- Friedman, Milton (1959). A Program for Monetary Stability. Fordham University Press. New York. TOC chapter-preview links.
- Friedman, Milton (1963). A Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960. Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-00354-8.
- "The Role of Monetary Policy." American Economic Review, Vol. 58, No. 1 (Mar., 1968), pp. 1–17 JSTOR presidential address to American Economics Association
- Ebenstein, Lanny (January 23, 2007). Milton Friedman: A Biography. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 1-4039-7627-9.
- Enlow, Robert (September 25, 2006). Liberty & Learning: Milton Friedman's Voucher Idea at Fifty. Cato Institute. ISBN 1-930865-86-4.
- Friedman, Milton (November 15, 2002). Capitalism and Freedom. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-26421-1.
- Friedman, Milton (November 26, 1990). Free to Choose: A Personal Statement. Harvest Books. ISBN 0-15-633460-7.
- Friedman, Milton (February 1, 2008). Milton Friedman on Economics: Selected Papers. University of Chicago Press Journals. ISBN 0-226-26349-5.
External links[link]
| Find more about Milton Friedman on Wikipedia's sister projects: | |
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News stories from Wikinews |
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Quotations from Wikiquote |
- Works by or about Milton Friedman in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
- Milton Friedman at the Internet Movie Database
- Appearances on C-SPAN
- A film clip "The Open Mind - Living Within Our Means (1975)" is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more]
- A film clip "The Open Mind - A Nobel Laureate on the American Economy (1977)" is available for free download at the Internet Archive [more]
- Milton Friedman on Charlie Rose
- Milton Friedman collected news and commentary at The New York Times
- The Milton Friedman papers at the Hoover Institution Archives
- Selected Bibliography for Milton Friedman at the University of Chicago Library
- Inflation and Unemployment 1976 lecture at NobelPrize.org
- Profile and Papers at Research Papers in Economics/RePEc
- Milton Friedman at Econlib
- Milton Friedman, Commanding Heights, PBS, October 1, 2000, interview, profile and video
- Becker Friedman Institute at the University of Chicago
- "Free To Choose" (1980) a PBS TV Series by Milton Friedman
- Milton Friedman at the Cato Institute
- Free to Choose Network
- The Foundation for Educational Choice
- Milton Fridman at Scarlett
- Milton Friedman:Why Not a Volunteer Army?, New Individualist Review, Spring 1967
- The Social Responsibility of Business is to Increase its Profits, Milton Friedman, The New York Times Magazine, September 13, 1970
- Interview with Milton Friedman, Dominic Streatfeild, May 25, 2000, source material for Cocaine: An Unauthorised Biography
- Milton Friedman vs. The Fed Bailout by Michael Hirsh, Newsweek, July 17, 2009
- Four Deformations of the Apocalypse, David Stockman, The New York Times, July 31, 2010
- The Case for Free Trade by Milton and Rose Friedman
- How to Cure Inflation : Milton Friedman
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| Persondata | |
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| Name | Friedman, Milton |
| Alternative names | None |
| Short description | American economist, public intellectual, nobel laureate |
| Date of birth | July 31, 1912 |
| Place of birth | Brooklyn, New York City, New York, United States |
| Date of death | November 16, 2006 |
| Place of death | San Francisco, California, United States of America |
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"Chomsky" redirects here. For other topics with the same name, see Chomsky (disambiguation).
 Noam Chomsky visiting Vancouver, British Columbia in 2004 |
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| Other names | Avram Noam Chomsky |
|---|---|
| Born | (1928-12-07) December 7, 1928 (age 83) Philadelphia, Pennsylvania |
| Era | 20th / 21st-century philosophy |
| Region | Western philosophy |
| School | Generative linguistics, Analytic philosophy |
| Main interests | Linguistics · Psychology Philosophy of language Philosophy of mind Politics · Ethics |
| Notable ideas | Generative grammar, universal grammar, transformational grammar, government and binding, X-bar theory, Chomsky hierarchy, context-free grammar, principles and parameters, Minimalist program, language acquisition device, poverty of the stimulus, Chomsky–Schützenberger theorem, Chomsky Normal Form, propaganda model[1] |
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Avram Noam Chomsky (/ˈnoʊm ˈtʃɒmski/; born December 7, 1928) is an American linguist, philosopher,[5][6] cognitive scientist, historian, and activist. He is an Institute Professor and Professor (Emeritus) in the Department of Linguistics & Philosophy at MIT, where he has worked for over 50 years.[7] Chomsky has been described as the "father of modern linguistics"[8][9][10] and a major figure of analytic philosophy.[5] His work has influenced fields such as computer science, mathematics, and psychology.[11][12]
Ideologically identifying with anarcho-syndicalism and libertarian socialism, Chomsky is known for his critiques of U.S. foreign policy[13] and contemporary capitalism,[14] and he has been described as a prominent cultural figure.[15] His media criticism has included Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988), co-written with Edward S. Herman, an analysis articulating the propaganda model theory for examining the media.
According to the Arts and Humanities Citation Index in 1992, Chomsky was cited as a source more often than any other living scholar from 1980 to 1992, and was the eighth most cited source overall.[16][17][18][19] Chomsky is the author of over 100 books.[20] He is credited as the creator or co-creator of the Chomsky hierarchy, the universal grammar theory, and the Chomsky–Schützenberger theorem.
Contents |
Life and career[link]
Chomsky was born on December 7, 1928, to Jewish parents in the affluent East Oak Lane neighborhood of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, the elder son of noted professor of Hebrew at Gratz College and IWW (Industrial Workers of the World) member William Chomsky (1896–1977), a native of Ukraine. His mother, Elsie Chomsky (née Simonofsky)—a native of what is present-day Belarus—grew up in the United States and, unlike her husband, spoke "ordinary New York English". Chomsky's parents' first language was Yiddish,[21] but Chomsky said it was "taboo" in his family to speak it.[21] Although Chomsky's mother was part of the radical activism in the 1930s, he was influenced largely by his uncle who, having never passed 4th grade, owned a newsstand that acted as an "intellectual center [where] professors of this and that argu[ed] all night".[22] Chomsky was influenced also by being a part of a Hebrew-based, Zionist organization, as well as by hanging around anarchist bookstores.[22]
He describes his family as living in a sort of "Jewish ghetto", split into a "Yiddish side" and "Hebrew side", with his family aligning with the latter and bringing him up "immersed in Hebrew culture and literature", though he means more a "cultural ghetto than a physical one".[23] Chomsky also describes tensions he experienced with Irish Catholics and German Catholics and anti-semitism in the mid-1930s. He recalls "beer parties" celebrating the fall of Paris to the Nazis.[23] In a discussion of the irony of his staying in the 1980s in a Jesuit House in Central America, Chomsky explained that during his childhood, "We were the only Jewish family around. I grew up with a visceral fear of Catholics. They're the people who beat you up on your way to school. So I knew when they came out of that building down the street, which was the Jesuit school, they were raving anti-Semites. So childhood memories took a long time to overcome."[24]
Chomsky remembers the first article he wrote was at age 10 while a student at Oak Lane Country Day School about the threat of the spread of fascism, following the fall of Barcelona in the Spanish Civil War. From the age of 12 or 13, he identified more fully with anarchist politics.[25]
A graduate of Central High School of Philadelphia, Chomsky began studying philosophy and linguistics at the University of Pennsylvania in 1945, taking classes with philosophers such as C. West Churchman and Nelson Goodman and linguist Zellig Harris. Harris's teaching included his discovery of transformations as a mathematical analysis of language structure (mappings from one subset to another in the set of sentences). Chomsky referred to the morphophonemic rules in his 1951 master's thesis—The Morphophonemics of Modern Hebrew—as transformations in the sense of Carnap's 1938 notion of rules of transformation (vs. rules of formation), and subsequently reinterpreted the notion of grammatical transformations in a very different way from Harris, as operations on the productions of a context-free grammar (derived from Post production systems). Harris's political views were instrumental in shaping those of Chomsky.[26] Chomsky earned a BA in 1949 and an MA in 1951.
In 1949, he married linguist Carol Schatz. They remained married for 59 years until her death from cancer in December 2008.[27] The couple had two daughters, Aviva (b. 1957) and Diane (b. 1960), and a son, Harry (b. 1967). With his wife Carol, Chomsky spent time in 1953 living in HaZore'a, a kibbutz in Israel. Asked in an interview whether the stay was "a disappointment" Chomsky replied, "No, I loved it"; however, he "couldn't stand the ideological atmosphere" and "fervent nationalism" in the early 1950s at the kibbutz, with Stalin being defended by many of the left-leaning kibbutz members who chose to paint a rosy image of future possibilities and contemporary realities in the USSR.[28] Chomsky notes seeing many positive elements in the commune-like living of the kibbutz, in which parents and children lived together in separate houses, and when asked whether there were "lessons that we have learned from the history of the kibbutz", responded,[29][30] that in "some respects, the kibbutzim came closer to the anarchist ideal than any other attempt that lasted for more than a very brief moment before destruction, or that was on anything like a similar scale. In these respects, I think they were extremely attractive and successful; apart from personal accident, I probably would have lived there myself – for how long, it's hard to guess."
Chomsky received his PhD in linguistics from the University of Pennsylvania in 1955. He conducted part of his doctoral research during four years at Harvard University as a Harvard Junior Fellow. In his doctoral thesis, he began to develop some of his linguistic ideas, elaborating on them in his 1957 book Syntactic Structures, one of his best-known works in linguistics.
Chomsky joined the staff of MIT in 1955 and in 1961 was appointed full professor in the Department of Modern Languages and Linguistics (now the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy). From 1966 to 1976 he held the Ferrari P. Ward Professorship of Modern Languages and Linguistics, and in 1976 he was appointed Institute Professor. As of 2010, Chomsky has taught at MIT continuously for 55 years.
In February 1967, Chomsky became one of the leading opponents of the Vietnam War with the publication of his essay, "The Responsibility of Intellectuals",[31] in The New York Review of Books. This was followed by his 1969 book, American Power and the New Mandarins, a collection of essays that established him at the forefront of American dissent. His far-reaching criticisms of U.S. foreign policy and the legitimacy of U.S. power have raised controversy,[32][33] and he is frequently sought out for his views by publications and news outlets internationally. In 1977 he delivered the Huizinga Lecture in Leiden, the Netherlands, under the title: Intellectuals and the State.
Chomsky has received death threats because of his criticisms of U.S. foreign policy.[34] He was also on a list of planned targets created by Theodore Kaczynski, better known as the Unabomber; during the period that Kaczynski was at large, Chomsky had all of his mail checked for explosives.[34] He states that he often receives undercover police protection, in particular while on the MIT campus, although he does not agree with the police protection.[34]
Chomsky resides in Lexington, Massachusetts, and travels often, giving lectures on politics.
Thought[link]
Linguistics[link]
Chomskyan linguistics, beginning with his Syntactic Structures, a distillation of his Logical Structure of Linguistic Theory (1955, 75), challenges structural linguistics and introduces transformational grammar. This approach takes utterances (sequences of words) to have a syntax characterized by a formal grammar; in particular, a context-free grammar extended with transformational rules.
Perhaps his most influential and time-tested contribution to the field is the claim that modeling knowledge of language using a formal grammar accounts for the "productivity" or "creativity" of language. In other words, a formal grammar of a language can explain the ability of a hearer-speaker to produce and interpret an infinite number of utterances, including novel ones, with a limited set of grammatical rules and a finite set of terms. He has always acknowledged his debt to Pāṇini for his modern notion of an explicit generative grammar, although it is also related to rationalist ideas of a priori knowledge.
It is a popular misconception that Chomsky proved that language is entirely innate, and that he discovered a "universal grammar" (UG). In fact, Chomsky simply observed that while a human baby and a kitten are both capable of inductive reasoning, if they are exposed to exactly the same linguistic data, the human child will always acquire the ability to understand and produce language, while the kitten will never acquire either ability. Chomsky labeled whatever the relevant capacity the human has that the cat lacks the "language acquisition device" (LAD) and suggested that one of the tasks for linguistics should be to figure out what the LAD is and what constraints it puts on the range of possible human languages. The universal features that would result from these constraints are often termed "universal grammar" or UG.[35]
The Principles and Parameters approach (P&P)—developed in his Pisa 1979 Lectures, later published as Lectures on Government and Binding (LGB)—makes strong claims regarding universal grammar: that the grammatical principles underlying languages are innate and fixed, and the differences among the world's languages can be characterized in terms of parameter settings in the brain (such as the pro-drop parameter, which indicates whether an explicit subject is always required, as in English, or can be optionally dropped, as in Spanish), which are often likened to switches. (Hence the term principles and parameters, often given to this approach.) In this view, a child learning a language need only acquire the necessary lexical items (words, grammatical morphemes, and idioms), and determine the appropriate parameter settings, which can be done based on a few key examples.
Proponents of this view argue that the pace at which children learn languages is inexplicably rapid, unless children have an innate ability to learn languages. The similar steps followed by children all across the world when learning languages, and the fact that children make certain characteristic errors as they learn their first language, whereas other seemingly logical kinds of errors never occur (and, according to Chomsky, should be attested if a purely general, rather than language-specific, learning mechanism were being employed), are also pointed to as indications of innateness.
More recently, in his Minimalist Program (1995), while retaining the core concept of "principles and parameters," Chomsky attempts a major overhaul of the linguistic machinery involved in the LGB model, stripping from it all but the barest necessary elements, while advocating a general approach to the architecture of the human language faculty that emphasizes principles of economy and optimal design, reverting to a derivational approach to generation, in contrast with the largely representational approach of classic P&P.
Chomsky's ideas have had a strong influence on researchers of language acquisition in children, though many researchers in this area such as Elizabeth Bates[36] and Michael Tomasello[37] argue very strongly against Chomsky's theories, and instead advocate emergentist or connectionist theories, explaining language with a number of general processing mechanisms in the brain that interact with the extensive and complex social environment in which language is used and learned.
His best-known work in phonology is The Sound Pattern of English (1968), written with Morris Halle (and often known as simply SPE). This work has had a great significance for the development in the field. While phonological theory has since moved beyond "SPE phonology" in many important respects, the SPE system is considered the precursor of some of the most influential phonological theories today, including autosegmental phonology, lexical phonology and optimality theory. Chomsky no longer publishes on phonology.
Generative grammar[link]
Main article: Generative grammar
The Chomskyan approach towards syntax, often termed generative grammar, studies grammar as a body of knowledge possessed by language users. Since the 1960s, Chomsky has maintained that much of this knowledge is innate, implying that children need only learn certain parochial features of their native languages.[38] The innate body of linguistic knowledge is often termed universal grammar. From Chomsky's perspective, the strongest evidence for the existence of Universal Grammar is simply the fact that children successfully acquire their native languages in so little time. Furthermore, he argues that there is an enormous gap between the linguistic stimuli to which children are exposed and the rich linguistic knowledge they attain (the "poverty of the stimulus" argument). The knowledge of Universal Grammar would serve to bridge that gap.
Chomsky's theories have been immensely influential within linguistics, but they have also received criticism. One recurring criticism of the Chomskyan variety of generative grammar is that it is Anglocentric and Eurocentric, and that often linguists working in this tradition have a tendency to base claims about Universal Grammar on a very small sample of languages, sometimes just one. Initially, the Eurocentrism was exhibited in an overemphasis on the study of English. However, hundreds of different languages have now received at least some attention within Chomskyan linguistic analyses.[39][40][41][42][43] In spite of the diversity of languages that have been characterized by UG derivations, critics continue to argue that the formalisms within Chomskyan linguistics are Anglocentric and misrepresent the properties of languages that are different from English.[44][45][46] Thus, Chomsky's approach has been criticized as a form of linguistic imperialism.[47] In addition, Chomskyan linguists rely heavily on the intuitions of native speakers regarding which sentences of their languages are well-formed. This practice has been criticized on general methodological grounds. Some psychologists and psycholinguists,[who?] though sympathetic to Chomsky's overall program, have argued that Chomskyan linguists pay insufficient attention to experimental data from language processing, with the consequence that their theories are not psychologically plausible. Other critics (see language learning) have questioned whether it is necessary to posit Universal Grammar to explain child language acquisition, arguing that domain-general learning mechanisms are sufficient.
Today there are many different branches of generative grammar; one can view grammatical frameworks such as head-driven phrase structure grammar, lexical functional grammar, and combinatory categorial grammar as broadly Chomskyan and generative in orientation, but with significant differences in execution.
Chomsky hierarchy[link]
Main article: Chomsky hierarchy
Chomsky is famous for investigating various kinds of formal languages and whether or not they might be capable of capturing key properties of human language. His Chomsky hierarchy partitions formal grammars into classes, or groups, with increasing expressive power, i.e., each successive class can generate a broader set of formal languages than the one before. Interestingly, Chomsky argues that modeling some aspects of human language requires a more complex formal grammar (as measured by the Chomsky hierarchy) than modeling others. For example, while a regular language is powerful enough to model English morphology, it is not powerful enough to model English syntax. In addition to being relevant in linguistics, the Chomsky hierarchy has also become important in computer science (especially in compiler construction and automata theory).[48] Indeed, there is an equivalence between the Chomsky language hierarchy and the different kinds of automata. Thus theorems about languages are often dealt with as either languages (grammars) or automata.
An alternate method of dealing with languages is based upon Formal Power series.[49] Formal Power series as well as the relationship between languages and semi-groups continued to occupy M. P. Schützenberger at the Sorbonne. Formal Power Series are similar to the Taylor Series one encounters in a course on Calculus, and it is especially useful for languages where words (terminal symbols) are commutative.[50]
Politics[link]
Main article: Noam Chomsky's political views
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Chomsky has stated that his "personal visions are fairly traditional anarchist ones, with origins in the Enlightenment and classical liberalism",[51] and he has praised libertarian socialism.[52] Although Chomsky tries to avoid the ambiguity of labels, his political views are often characterized in news accounts as "leftist"[53][54][55][56] or "left-wing," and he has described himself as an anarcho-syndicalist.[57] He is a member of the Campaign for Peace and Democracy and the Industrial Workers of the World international union.[58] Chomsky is also a member of the International Organization for a Participatory Society which he describes as having the potential to "carry us a long way towards unifying the many initiatives here and around the world and molding them into a powerful and effective force."[59][60] He published a book on anarchism titled Chomsky on Anarchism, published by the anarchist book collective AK Press in 2006.
Chomsky has engaged in political activism all of his adult life and expressed opinions on politics and world events, which are widely cited, publicized, and discussed. Chomsky has in turn argued that his views are those the powerful do not want to hear, and for this reason he is considered an American political dissident.
Chomsky asserts that authority, unless justified, is inherently illegitimate, and that the burden of proof is on those in authority. If this burden can't be met, the authority in question should be dismantled. Authority for its own sake is inherently unjustified. An example given by Chomsky of a legitimate authority is that exerted by an adult to prevent a young child from wandering into traffic.[61] He contends that there is little moral difference between chattel slavery and renting one's self to an owner or "wage slavery". He feels that it is an attack on personal integrity that undermines individual freedom. He holds that workers should own and control their workplace, a view held (as he notes) by the Lowell Mill Girls.[62]
Chomsky has strongly criticized the foreign policy of the United States. He claims double standards in a foreign policy preaching democracy and freedom for all while allying itself with non-democratic and repressive organizations and states such as Chile under Augusto Pinochet and argues that this results in massive human rights violations. He often argues that America's intervention in foreign nations, including the secret aid given to the Contras in Nicaragua, an event of which he has been very critical, fits any standard description of terrorism,[63][dead link] including "official definitions in the US Code and Army Manuals in the early 1980s."[64][65] Before its collapse, Chomsky also condemned Soviet imperialism; for example in 1986 during a question/answer following a lecture he gave at Universidad Centroamericana in Nicaragua, when challenged about how he could "talk about North American imperialism and Russian imperialism in the same breath," Chomsky responded: "One of the truths about the world is that there are two superpowers, one a huge power which happens to have its boot on your neck; another, a smaller power which happens to have its boot on other people's necks. I think that anyone in the Third World would be making a grave error if they succumbed to illusions about these matters."[66]
Regarding the death of Osama bin Laden, Chomsky stated: "We might ask ourselves how we would be reacting if Iraqi commandos landed at George W. Bush's compound, assassinated him, and dumped his body in the Atlantic. Uncontroversially, his crimes vastly exceed bin Laden’s, and he is not a 'suspect' but uncontroversially the 'decider' who gave the orders to commit the 'supreme international crime differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole' (quoting the Nuremberg Tribunal) for which Nazi criminals were hanged: the hundreds of thousands of deaths, millions of refugees, destruction of much of the country, [and] the bitter sectarian conflict that has now spread to the rest of the region."[67]
He has argued that the mass media in the United States largely serve as a "bought priesthood"[68] of the U.S. government and U.S.-based corporations, with the three intertwined through common interests. In a famous reference to Walter Lippmann, Chomsky along with his coauthor Edward S. Herman has written that the American media manufactures consent among the public. Chomsky has condemned the 2010 US Supreme Court Citizens United ruling revoking the limits on campaign finance, calling it a "corporate takeover of democracy."[69]
Chomsky opposes the U.S. global "war on drugs", claiming its language is misleading, and refers to it as "the war on certain drugs." He favors drug policy reform, in education and prevention rather than military or police action as a means of reducing drug use.[70] In an interview in 1999, Chomsky argued that, whereas crops such as tobacco receive no mention in governmental exposition, other non-profitable crops, such as marijuana are attacked because of the effect achieved by persecuting the poor.[71] He has stated:
U.S. domestic drug policy does not carry out its stated goals, and policymakers are well aware of that. If it isn't about reducing substance abuse, what is it about? It is reasonably clear, both from current actions and the historical record, that substances tend to be criminalized when they are associated with the so-called dangerous classes, that the criminalization of certain substances is a technique of social control.[72]
Chomsky is critical of the American "state capitalist" system and big business; he describes himself as a socialist, specifically an anarcho-syndicalist, and is critical of "authoritarian" communist branches of socialism.[citation needed] He also believes that socialist values exemplify the rational and morally consistent extension of original unreconstructed classical liberal and radical humanist ideas to an industrial context. He believes that society should be highly organized and based on democratic control of communities and work places. He believes that the radical humanist ideas of his two major influences, Bertrand Russell and John Dewey, were "rooted in the Enlightenment and classical liberalism, and retain their revolutionary character."[73]
Chomsky has stated that he believes the United States remains the "greatest country in the world",[74] a comment that he later clarified by saying, "Evaluating countries is senseless and I would never put things in those terms, but that some of America's advances, particularly in the area of free speech, that have been achieved by centuries of popular struggle, are to be admired."[75] He has also said "In many respects, the United States is the freest country in the world. I don't just mean in terms of limits on state coercion, though that's true too, but also in terms of individual relations. The United States comes closer to classlessness in terms of interpersonal relations than virtually any society."[76]
Chomsky objects to the criticism that anarchism is inconsistent with support for government welfare, stating in part:
One can, of course, take the position that we don't care about the problems people face today, and want to think about a possible tomorrow. OK, but then don't pretend to have any interest in human beings and their fate, and stay in the seminar room and intellectual coffee house with other privileged people. Or one can take a much more humane position: I want to work, today, to build a better society for tomorrow – the classical anarchist position, quite different from the slogans in the question. That's exactly right, and it leads directly to support for the people facing problems today: for enforcement of health and safety regulation, provision of national health insurance, support systems for people who need them, etc. That is not a sufficient condition for organizing for a different and better future, but it is a necessary condition. Anything else will receive the well-merited contempt of people who do not have the luxury to disregard the circumstances in which they live, and try to survive.[77]
Chomsky holds views that can be summarized as anti-war but not strictly pacifist. He prominently opposed the Vietnam War and most other wars in his lifetime. He expressed these views with tax resistance and peace walks. In 1968, he signed the “Writers and Editors War Tax Protest” pledge, vowing to refuse tax payments in protest against the Vietnam War.[78] He published a number of articles about the war in Vietnam, including "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". He maintains that U.S. involvement in World War II to defeat the Axis powers was probably justified, with the caveat that a preferable outcome would have been to end or prevent the war through earlier diplomacy. He believes that the dropping of nuclear bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki were "among the most unspeakable crimes in history".[79]
Chomsky has made many criticisms of the Israeli government, its supporters, the United States' support of the government, and its treatment of the Palestinian people, arguing that " 'supporters of Israel' are in reality supporters of its moral degeneration and probable ultimate destruction" and that "Israel's very clear choice of expansion over security may well lead to that consequence."[80] Chomsky disagreed with the founding of Israel as a Jewish state, saying, "I don't think a Jewish or Christian or Islamic state is a proper concept. I would object to the United States as a Christian state."[81] Chomsky hesitated before publishing work critical of Israeli policies while his parents were alive, because he "knew it would hurt them" he says, "mostly because of their friends, who reacted hysterically to views like those expressed in my work."[82] On May 16, 2010, Israeli authorities detained Chomsky and ultimately refused his entry to the West Bank via Jordan.[83] A spokesman for the Israeli Prime Minister indicated that the refusal of entry was simply due to a border guard who "overstepped his authority" and a second attempt to enter would likely be allowed.[84] Chomsky disagreed, saying that the Interior Ministry official who interviewed him was taking instructions from his superiors.[84] Chomsky maintained that based on the several hours of interviewing, he was denied entry because of the things he says and because he was visiting a university in the West Bank but no Israeli universities.[84]
Chomsky has a broad view of free-speech rights, especially in the mass media, and opposes censorship. He has stated that "with regard to freedom of speech there are basically two positions: you defend it vigorously for views you hate, or you reject it and prefer Stalinist/fascist standards".[85] With reference to the United States diplomatic cables leak, Chomsky suggested that "perhaps the most dramatic revelation ... is the bitter hatred of democracy that is revealed both by the U.S. Government -- Hillary Clinton, others -- and also by the diplomatic service."[86] Chomsky refuses to take legal action against those who may have libeled him and prefers to counter libels through open letters in newspapers. One notable example of this approach is his response to an article by Emma Brockes in The Guardian which alleged he denied the existence of the Srebrenica massacre.[87][88][89] Chomsky's complaint prompted The Guardian to publish an apologetic correction and to withdraw the article from the paper's website.[90]
Chomsky has frequently stated that there is no connection between his work in linguistics and his political views and is generally critical of the idea that competent discussion of political topics requires expert knowledge in academic fields. In a 1969 interview, he said regarding the connection between his politics and his work in linguistics:
I still feel myself that there is a kind of tenuous connection. I would not want to overstate it but I think it means something to me at least. I think that anyone's political ideas or their ideas of social organization must be rooted ultimately in some concept of human nature and human needs.[91]
Some critics have accused Chomsky of hypocrisy when, in spite of his political criticism of American and European military imperialism, early research at the institution (MIT) where he did his linguistic research had been substantially funded by the American military.[92] Chomsky makes the argument that because he has received funding from the U.S. military, he has an even greater responsibility to criticize and resist its immoral actions.
He is also an outspoken advocate against the use of the death penalty and has spoken against the execution of Steven Woods.
I think the death penalty is a crime no matter what the circumstances, and it is particularly awful in the Steven Woods case. I strongly oppose the execution of Steven Woods on September 13, 2011.
In March 2012,[93] Chomsky endorsed Jill Stein for President of the United States in 2012, saying,
As you know, popular anger at the political and economic institutions, and the subordination of the former to the latter, has reached historic heights. And for sound reasons. There could hardly be a better time to open up political debate to the just anger and frustrations of citizens who are watching the country move towards what might be irreversible decline while a tiny sector of concentrated wealth and power implements policies of benefit to them and opposed by the general population, whom they are casting adrift.
Nick Cohen has criticised Chomsky for frequently making overly critical statements about Western governments, especially the US, and for allegedly refusing to retract his speculations when facts become available which disprove them.[94]
Media[link]
Another focus of Chomsky's political work has been an analysis of mainstream mass media (especially in the United States), its structures and constraints, and its perceived role in supporting big business and government interests. Edward S. Herman and Chomsky's book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988) explores this topic in depth, presenting their "propaganda model" of the news media with numerous detailed case studies demonstrating it. According to this propaganda model, more democratic societies like the U.S. use subtle, non-violent means of control, unlike totalitarian systems, where physical force can readily be used to coerce the general population. In an often-quoted remark, Chomsky states that "propaganda is to a democracy what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state." (Media Control)
The model attempts to explain this perceived systemic bias of the mass media in terms of structural economic causes rather than a conspiracy of people. It argues the bias derives from five "filters" that all published news must "pass through," which combine to systematically distort news coverage.
In explaining the first filter, ownership, he notes that most major media outlets are owned by large corporations. The second, funding, notes that the outlets derive the majority of their funding from advertising, not readers. Thus, since they are profit-oriented businesses selling a product—readers and audiences—to other businesses (advertisers), the model expects them to publish news that reflects the desires and values of those businesses. In addition, the news media are dependent on government institutions and major businesses with strong biases as sources (the third filter) for much of their information. Flak, the fourth filter, refers to the various pressure groups that attack the media for supposed bias. Norms, the fifth filter, refer to the common conceptions shared by those in the profession of journalism. (Note: in the original text, published in 1988, the fifth filter was "anticommunism". However, with the fall of the Soviet Union, it has been broadened to allow for shifts in public opinion.) The model describes how the media form a decentralized and non-conspiratorial but nonetheless very powerful propaganda system, that is able to mobilize an elite consensus, frame public debate within elite perspectives and at the same time give the appearance of democratic consent.
Chomsky and Herman test their model empirically by picking "paired examples"—pairs of events that were objectively similar except for the alignment of domestic elite interests. They use a number of such examples to attempt to show that in cases where an "official enemy" does something (like murder of a religious official), the press investigates thoroughly and devotes a great amount of coverage to the matter, thus victims of "enemy" states are considered "worthy". But when the domestic government or an ally does the same thing (or worse), the press downplays the story, thus victims of US or US client states are considered "unworthy."
They also test their model against the case that is often held up as the best example of a free and aggressively independent press, the media coverage of the Tet Offensive during the Vietnam War. Even in this case, they argue that the press was behaving subserviently to elite interests.
Science[link]
Chomsky sees science as a straightforward search for explanation, and rejects the views of it as a catalog of facts or mechanical explanations. In this light, the majority of his contributions to science have been frameworks and hypotheses, rather than "discoveries."[95]
As such, he considers certain so-called post-structuralist or postmodern critiques of logic and reason to be nonsensical:
I have spent a lot of my life working on questions such as these, using the only methods I know of; those condemned here as "science", "rationality," "logic," and so on. I therefore read the papers with some hope that they would help me "transcend" these limitations, or perhaps suggest an entirely different course. I'm afraid I was disappointed. Admittedly, that may be my own limitation. Quite regularly, "my eyes glaze over" when I read polysyllabic discourse on the themes of poststructuralism and postmodernism; what I understand is largely truism or error, but that is only a fraction of the total word count. True, there are lots of other things I don't understand: the articles in the current issues of math and physics journals, for example. But there is a difference. In the latter case, I know how to get to understand them, and have done so, in cases of particular interest to me; and I also know that people in these fields can explain the contents to me at my level, so that I can gain what (partial) understanding I may want. In contrast, no one seems to be able to explain to me why the latest post-this-and-that is (for the most part) other than truism, error, or gibberish, and I do not know how to proceed.[96]
Although Chomsky believes that a scientific background is important to teach proper reasoning, he holds that science in general is "inadequate" to understand complicated problems like human affairs:
Science talks about very simple things, and asks hard questions about them. As soon as things become too complex, science can’t deal with them... But it’s a complicated matter: Science studies what’s at the edge of understanding, and what’s at the edge of understanding is usually fairly simple. And it rarely reaches human affairs. Human affairs are way too complicated.[97]
Psychology[link]
Chomsky's work in linguistics has had profound implications for modern psychology.[12] For Chomsky, linguistics is a branch of cognitive psychology; genuine insights in linguistics imply concomitant understandings of aspects of mental processing and human nature. His theory of a universal grammar was seen by many as a direct challenge to the established behaviorist theories of the time and had major consequences for understanding how children learn language and what, exactly, the ability to use language is.
In 1959, Chomsky published an influential critique of B.F. Skinner's Verbal Behavior, a book in which Skinner offered a theoretical account of language in functional, behavioral terms. He defined "Verbal Behavior" as learned behavior that has characteristic consequences delivered through the learned behavior of others. This makes for a view of communicative behaviors much larger than that usually addressed by linguists. Skinner's approach focused on the circumstances in which language was used; for example, asking for water was functionally a different response than labeling something as water, responding to someone asking for water, etc. These functionally different kinds of responses, which required in turn separate explanations, sharply contrasted both with traditional notions of language and Chomsky's psycholinguistic approach. Chomsky thought that a functionalist explanation restricting itself to questions of communicative performance ignored important questions. (Chomsky—Language and Mind, 1968). He focused on questions concerning the operation and development of innate structures for syntax capable of creatively organizing, cohering, adapting and combining words and phrases into intelligible utterances.
In the review Chomsky emphasized that the scientific application of behavioral principles from animal research is severely lacking in explanatory adequacy and is furthermore particularly superficial as an account of human verbal behavior because a theory restricting itself to external conditions, to "what is learned," cannot adequately account for generative grammar. Chomsky raised the examples of rapid language acquisition of children, including their quickly developing ability to form grammatical sentences, and the universally creative language use of competent native speakers to highlight the ways in which Skinner's view exemplified under-determination of theory by evidence. He argued that to understand human verbal behavior such as the creative aspects of language use and language development, one must first postulate a genetic linguistic endowment. The assumption that important aspects of language are the product of universal innate ability runs counter to Skinner's radical behaviorism.
Chomsky's 1959 review has drawn fire from a number of critics, the most famous criticism being that of Kenneth MacCorquodale's 1970 paper On Chomsky’s Review of Skinner’s Verbal Behavior (Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, volume 13, pages 83–99). MacCorquodale's argument was updated and expanded in important respects by Nathan Stemmer in a 1990 paper, Skinner's Verbal Behavior, Chomsky's review, and mentalism (Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, volume 54, pages 307–319). These and similar critiques have raised certain points not generally acknowledged outside of behavioral psychology, such as the claim that Chomsky did not possess an adequate understanding of either behavioral psychology in general, or the differences between Skinner's behaviorism and other varieties. Consequently, it is argued that he made several serious errors. On account of these perceived problems, the critics maintain that the review failed to demonstrate what it has often been cited as doing. As such, it is averred that those most influenced by Chomsky's paper probably either already substantially agreed with Chomsky or never actually read it. The review has been further critiqued for misrepresenting the work of Skinner and others, including by quoting out of context.[98] Chomsky has maintained that the review was directed at the way Skinner's variant of behavioral psychology "was being used in Quinean empiricism and naturalization of philosophy."[99]
It has been claimed that Chomsky's critique of Skinner's methodology and basic assumptions paved the way for the "cognitive revolution", the shift in American psychology between the 1950s through the 1970s from being primarily behavioral to being primarily cognitive. In his 1966 Cartesian Linguistics and subsequent works, Chomsky laid out an explanation of human language faculties that has become the model for investigation in some areas of psychology. Much of the present conception of how the mind works draws directly from ideas that found their first persuasive author of modern times in Chomsky.
There are three key ideas. First is that the mind is "cognitive", or that the mind actually contains mental states, beliefs, doubts, and so on. Second, he argued that most of the important properties of language and mind are innate. The acquisition and development of a language is a result of the unfolding of innate propensities triggered by the experiential input of the external environment. The link between human innate aptitude to language and heredity has been at the core of the debate opposing Noam Chomsky to Jean Piaget at the Abbaye de Royaumont in 1975 (Language and Learning. The Debate between Jean Piaget and Noam Chomsky, Harvard University Press, 1980). Although links between the genetic setup of humans and aptitude to language have been suggested at that time and in later discussions, we are still far from understanding the genetic bases of human language. Work derived from the model of selective stabilization of synapses set up by Jean-Pierre Changeux, Philippe Courrège and Antoine Danchin,[100] and more recently developed experimentally and theoretically by Jacques Mehler and Stanislas Dehaene in particular in the domain of numerical cognition lend support to the Chomskyan "nativism". It does not, however, provide clues about the type of rules that would organize neuronal connections to permit language competence. Subsequent psychologists have extended this general "nativist" thesis beyond language. Lastly, Chomsky made the concept of "modularity" a critical feature of the mind's cognitive architecture. The mind is composed of an array of interacting, specialized subsystems with limited flows of inter-communication. This model contrasts sharply with the old idea that any piece of information in the mind could be accessed by any other cognitive process (optical illusions, for example, cannot be "turned off" even when they are known to be illusions).
Debates[link]
Chomsky has been known to vigorously defend and debate his views and opinions, in philosophy, linguistics, and politics.[5] He has had notable debates with Jean Piaget,[101] Michel Foucault,[102] William F. Buckley, Jr.,[103] Christopher Hitchens,[104][105][106][107][108][109] George Lakoff,[110] Richard Perle,[111] Hilary Putnam,[112] Willard Quine,[113] and Alan Dershowitz,[114] to name a few. In response to his speaking style being criticized as boring, Chomsky said that "I'm a boring speaker and I like it that way.... I doubt that people are attracted to whatever the persona is.... People are interested in the issues, and they're interested in the issues because they are important."[115] "We don't want to be swayed by superficial eloquence, by emotion and so on."[116]
Influence[link]
Chomskyan models have been used as a theoretical basis in various fields of study. The Chomsky hierarchy is often taught in fundamental computer science courses as it confers insight into the various types of formal languages. This hierarchy can also be discussed in mathematical terms[117] and has generated interest among mathematicians, particularly combinatorialists. Some arguments in evolutionary psychology are derived from his research results.[118]
The 1984 Nobel Prize laureate in Medicine and Physiology, Niels K. Jerne, used Chomsky's generative model to explain the human immune system, equating "components of a generative grammar ... with various features of protein structures". The title of Jerne's Stockholm Nobel lecture was "The Generative Grammar of the Immune System".
Nim Chimpsky, a chimpanzee who was the subject of a study in animal language acquisition at Columbia University, was named after Chomsky in reference to his view of language acquisition as a uniquely human ability.
Famous computer scientist Donald Knuth admits to reading Syntactic Structures during his honeymoon and being greatly influenced by it. "...I must admit to taking a copy of Noam Chomsky's Syntactic Structures along with me on my honeymoon in 1961 ... Here was a marvelous thing: a mathematical theory of language in which I could use a computer programmer's intuition!".[119]
Academic achievements, awards and honors[link]
In early 1969, he delivered the John Locke Lectures at Oxford University; in January 1970, the Bertrand Russell Memorial Lecture at University of Cambridge; in 1972, the Nehru Memorial Lecture in New Delhi; in 1977, the Huizinga Lecture in Leiden; in 1988 the Massey Lectures at the University of Toronto, titled "Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic Societies"; in 1997, The Davie Memorial Lecture on Academic Freedom in Cape Town,[120] and many others.[121]
Chomsky has received many honorary degrees from universities around the world, including from the following:
- University of London
- University of Chicago
- Loyola University of Chicago
- Swarthmore College
- University of Delhi
- Bard College
- University of Massachusetts Amherst
- University of Pennsylvania
- Georgetown University
- Amherst College
- University of Cambridge
- University of Colorado[122]
- University of Buenos Aires
- McGill University
- Rovira i Virgili University
- Columbia University
- Villanova University
- University of Connecticut
- University of Maine
- Scuola Normale Superiore
- University of Western Ontario
- University of Toronto
- Harvard University
- Universidad de Chile
- University of Bologna
- Universidad de La Frontera
- University of Calcutta
- Universidad Nacional de Colombia
- Vrije Universiteit Brussel
- Santo Domingo Institute of Technology
- Uppsala University
- University of Athens
- University of Cyprus
- Central Connecticut State University
- National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM)
- Peking University[123]
- National Tsing Hua University [124]
He is a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the National Academy of Sciences, and the American Philosophical Society. In addition, he is a member of other professional and learned societies in the United States and abroad, and is a recipient of the Distinguished Scientific Contribution Award of the American Psychological Association, the Kyoto Prize in Basic Sciences, the Helmholtz Medal, the Dorothy Eldridge Peacemaker Award, the 1999 Benjamin Franklin Medal in Computer and Cognitive Science, and others.[125] He is twice winner of The Orwell Award, granted by The National Council of Teachers of English for "Distinguished Contributions to Honesty and Clarity in Public Language" (in 1987 and 1989).[126]
He is a member of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Department of Social Sciences.[127]
In 2005, Chomsky received an honorary fellowship from the Literary and Historical Society.[128] In 2007, Chomsky received The Uppsala University (Sweden) Honorary Doctor's degree in commemoration of Carolus Linnaeus.[129] In February 2008, he received the President's Medal from the Literary and Debating Society of the National University of Ireland, Galway.[130] Since 2009 he is an honorary member of IAPTI.[131]
In 2010, Chomsky received the Erich Fromm Prize in Stuttgart, Germany.[132] In April 2010, Chomsky became the third scholar to receive the University of Wisconsin's A.E. Havens Center's Award for Lifetime Contribution to Critical Scholarship.[133]
Chomsky has an Erdős number of four.[134]
Chomsky was voted the leading living public intellectual in The 2005 Global Intellectuals Poll conducted by the British magazine Prospect. He reacted, saying "I don't pay a lot of attention to polls".[135] In a list compiled by the magazine New Statesman in 2006, he was voted seventh in the list of "Heroes of our time".[136]
Actor Viggo Mortensen with avant-garde guitarist Buckethead dedicated their 2006 album, called Pandemoniumfromamerica, to Chomsky.[137]
On January 22, 2010, a special honorary concert for Chomsky was given at Kresge Auditorium at MIT.[138][139] The concert, attended by Chomsky and dozens of his family and friends, featured music composed by Edward Manukyan and speeches by Chomsky's colleagues, including David Pesetsky of MIT and Gennaro Chierchia, head of the linguistics department at Harvard University.
In June 2011, Chomsky was awarded the Sydney Peace Prize, which cited his "unfailing courage, critical analysis of power and promotion of human rights".[140]
In 2011, Chomsky was inducted into IEEE Intelligent Systems' AI's Hall of Fame for the "significant contributions to the field of AI and intelligent systems".[141][142]
Bibliography[link]
Main article: Noam Chomsky bibliography
Filmography[link]
- Manufacturing Consent: Noam Chomsky and the Media, Director: Mark Achbar and Peter Wintonick (1992)
- Last Party 2000, Director: Rebecca Chaiklin and Donovan Leitch (2001)
- Power and Terror: Noam Chomsky in Our Times, Director: John Junkerman (2002)
- Distorted Morality—America's War On Terror?, Director: John Junkerman (2003)
- Noam Chomsky: Rebel Without a Pause (TV), Director: Will Pascoe (2003)
- The Corporation, Directors: Mark Achbar and Jennifer Abbott; Writer: Joel Bakan (2003)
- Peace, Propaganda & the Promised Land, Directors: Sut Jhally and Bathsheba Ratzkoff (2004)
- On Power, Dissent and Racism: A discussion with Noam Chomsky, Journalist: Nicolas Rossier; Producers: Eli Choukri, Baraka Productions (2004)
- Lake of Fire, Director: Tony Kaye (2006)
- American Feud: A History of Conservatives and Liberals, Director: Richard Hall (2008)
- Chomsky & Cie Director: Olivier Azam (out in 2008)
- An Inconvenient Tax, Director: Christopher P. Marshall (out in 2009)
- The Money Fix, Director: Alan Rosenblith (2009)
- Pax Americana and the Weaponization of Space, Director: Denis Delestrac (2010)
- Article 12: Waking up in a surveillance society, Director: Juan Manuel Biaiñ (2010)
See also[link]
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Anarchism portal |
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Liberalism portal |
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Linguistics portal |
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Mind and Brain portal |
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Psychology portal |
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Socialism portal |
- American philosophy
- Axiom of categoricity
- Chomskybot
- "Colorless green ideas sleep furiously"
- English studies
- Knowledge worker
- List of American philosophers
- Important publications in computability
- The Anti-Chomsky Reader
References[link]
- ^ Kanan Makiya, Fouad Moughrabi, Adel Safty, Rex Brynen, "Letters to the Editor" in Journal of Palestine Studies, Journal of Palestine Studies via JSTOR (Vol. 23, No. 4, Summer, 1994, pp. 196–200), accessed December 4, 2007. Relevant quotation: "On page 146 of my book, I clearly adopt the propaganda model developed by Noam Chomsky and Edward Herman..."
- ^ Noam Chomsky (2011-09-22). Noam Chomsky on the Responsibility of Intellectuals: Redux. Ideas Matter. Event occurs at 09:23. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PK9W5DE7ZtQ. Retrieved 2011-10-16.
- ^ Barsky, Robert F.. "Chomsky and Bertrand Russell". Noam Chomsky: A Life of Dissent. http://cognet.mit.edu/library/books/chomsky/chomsky/1/10.html. Retrieved 29 October 2011.
- ^ http://www.chomsky.info/books/reader01.htm
- ^ a b c "Noam Chomsky", by Zoltán Gendler Szabó, in Dictionary of Modern American Philosophers, 1860–1960, ed. Ernest Lepore (2004). "Chomsky's intellectual life had been divided between his work in linguistics and his political activism, philosophy coming as a distant third. Nonetheless, his influence among analytic philosophers has been enormous because of three factors. First, Chomsky contributed substantially to a major methodological shift in the human sciences, turning away from the prevailing empiricism of the middle of the twentieth century: behaviorism in psychology, structuralism in linguistics and positivism in philosophy. Second, his groundbreaking books on syntax (Chomsky (1957, 1965)) laid a conceptual foundation for a new, cognitivist approach to linguistics and provided philosophers with a new framework for thinking about human language and the mind. And finally, he has persistently defended his views against all takers, engaging in important debates with many of the major figures in analytic philosophy..."
- ^ The Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy (1999), "Chomsky, Noam," Cambridge University Press, pg. 138. "Chomsky, Noam (born 1928), preeminent American linguist, philosopher, and political activist... Many of Chomsky's most significant contributions to philosophy, such as his influential rejection of behaviorism... stem from his elaborations and defenses of the above consequences..."
- ^ "MIT Department of Linguistics: People: Faculty: Noam Chomsky". Web.mit.edu. http://web.mit.edu/linguistics/people/faculty/chomsky/index.html. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Clark, Neil (2003-07-14). "Great thinkers of our time – Noam Chomsky". New Statesman. http://www.newstatesman.com/200307140016. Retrieved 2008-08-02. "Regarded as the father of modern linguistics, founder of the field of transformational-generative grammar, which relies heavily on logic and philosophy."
- ^ Fox, Margalit (1998-12-05). "A Changed Noam Chomsky Simplifies". New York Times. http://select.nytimes.com/gst/abstract.html?res=F20B1FFA3A5F0C768CDDAB0994D0494D81&n=Top%2fReference%2fTimes%20Topics%2fPeople%2fC%2fChomsky%2c%20Noam. Retrieved 2008-08-02. "... Noam Chomsky, father of modern linguistics and the field's most influential practitioner; ..."
- ^ Thomas Tymoczko, Jim Henle, James M. Henle, Sweet Reason: A Field Guide to Modern Logic, Birkhäuser, 2000, p. 101.
- ^ Michael Sipser (1997). Introduction to the Theory of Computation. PWS Publishing. ISBN 0-534-94728-X.
- ^ a b "The Cognitive Science Millennium Project". Cogsci.umn.edu. http://www.cogsci.umn.edu/OLD/calendar/past_events/millennium/final.html. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "The Accidental Bestseller, Publishers Weekly, 5-5-03, accessed 05-03-11. "Chomsky's controversial political works...became mainstream bestsellers."
- ^ Arnove, Anthony (March 1997). "In Perspective: Noam Chomsky". International Socialism. http://pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk/isj74/arnove.htm. Retrieved 29 October 2011.
- ^ Matt Dellinger, "Sounds and Sites: Noam Chomsky", The New Yorker, Link, 3-31-03, accessed 1-26-09
- ^ "Noam Chomsky". Web.archive.org. 2010-05-28. Archived from the original on 2010-05-28. http://web.archive.org/web/20100528222251/http://www.mnsu.edu/emuseum/information/biography/abcde/chomsky_noam.html. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "Chomsky is Citation Champ". MIT News Office. 1992-04-15. http://web.mit.edu/newsoffice/1992/citation-0415.html. Retrieved 2007-09-03.
- ^ Hughes, Samuel (July/August 2001). "Speech!". The Pennsylvania Gazette. http://www.chomsky.info/onchomsky/200107--.htm. Retrieved 2007-09-03. "According to a recent survey by the Institute for Scientific Information, only Marx, Lenin, Shakespeare, Aristotle, the Bible, Plato, and Freud are cited more often in academic journals than Chomsky, who edges out Hegel and Cicero."
- ^ Robinson, Paul (1979-02-25). "The Chomsky Problem". The New York Times. "Judged in terms of the power, range, novelty and influence of his thought, Noam Chomsky is arguably the most important intellectual alive today. He is also a disturbingly divided intellectual."
- ^ "Books". chomsky.info. http://www.chomsky.info/books.htm. Retrieved 30 August 2011.
- ^ a b "The Life and Times of Noam Chomsky, Noam Chomsky interviewed by Amy Goodman". www.chomsky.info. http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/20041126.htm. Retrieved 2008-12-21.
- ^ a b "Conversation with Noam Chomsky, p. 1 of 5". Globetrotter.berkeley.edu. http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/people2/Chomsky/chomsky-con1.html. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ a b Choamsky, Noam. Conversations with History, U. C. Berkeley, March 2002. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8ghoXQxdk6s
- ^ "The Chomsky Tapes: Conversations with Michael Albert". Z magazine. November 2001. http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/Chomsky/Chomsky_Tapes_MAlbert.html.
- ^ Kreisler (2002), "Chapter 1: Background". http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/people2/Chomsky/chomsky-con1.html. Retrieved 2007-09-03.
- ^ Barsky, Robert Franklin (1997). Noam Chomsky: a life of dissent. ECW Press. pp. 47. ISBN 978-1-55022-281-4. http://books.google.com/books?id=GhwvCoZBFoYC&pg=PA47. Retrieved 16 August 2011.
- ^ Marquard, Bryan (2008-12-20). "Carol Chomsky; at 78; Harvard language professor was wife of MIT linguist". Boston Globe. http://www.boston.com/news/education/higher/articles/2008/12/20/carol_chomsky_at_78_harvard_language_professor_was_wife_of_mit_linguist/. Retrieved 2008-12-20.
- ^ "Noam Chomsky interviewed by Shira Hadad". Chomsky.info. http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/20051110.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "Eight Question on Kibbutzim: Answers from Noam Chomsky Questions from Nikos Raptis". Zmag.org. 1999-08-24. http://www.zmag.org/zspace/commentaries/186. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "Kibbutzim as a Climate for Learning". Csudh.edu. http://www.csudh.edu/dearhabermas/kibbutzim01.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam (1967-02-23). "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". The New York Review of Books 8 (3). http://www.nybooks.com/articles/12172. Retrieved 2007-09-03.
- ^ Flint, Anthony (1995-11-19). "Divided Legacy". The Boston Globe. http://www.chomsky.info/onchomsky/19951119.htm. Retrieved 2007-09-04. "Ask this intellectual radical why he is shunned by the mainstream, and he'll say that established powers have never been able to handle his brand of dissent."
- ^ Barsky (1997), "Chapter 4". http://cognet.mit.edu/library/books/chomsky/chomsky/4/17.html. Retrieved 2007-09-04. Barsky quotes an excerpt of Edward Herman examining why "one of America's most well-known intellectuals and dissidents would be thus ignored and even ostracized by the mainstream press". For example, "Chomsky has never had an Op Ed column in the Washington Post, and his lone opinion piece in the New York Times was not an original contribution but rather excerpts from testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee".
- ^ a b c Stroumboulopoulos, George (2006-03-13). "Noam Chomsky on The Hour". CBC. http://www.cbc.ca/thehour/video.php?id=991. Retrieved 2007-09-04.
- ^ Noam Chomsky. "The 'Chomskyan Era' (Excerpted from The Architecture of Language)". Chomsky.info. http://www.chomsky.info/books/architecture01.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Elman, J., Bates, E., Johnson, M., Karmiloff-Smith, A., Parisi, D., & Plunkett, K. (1996). Rethinking innateness: A connectionist perspective on development. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press/Bradford Books.
- ^ Tomasello, M (2003). Constructing a Language: A Usage-Based Theory of Language Acquisition. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-01764-1.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam (1965). Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. MIT Press. ISBN 0-262-53007-4.
- ^ Huang, Cheng-Teh James (1982). Logical relations in Chinese and the theory of grammar. MIT PhD dissertation. Available online [1].
- ^ Matthews, G.H. (1965). Hidatsa Syntax. Mouton.
- ^ Platero, Paul Randolph (1978). Missing noun phrases in Navajo. MIT PhD dissertation. Available online [2].
- ^ Schütze, Carson T. (1993). Towards a Minimalist Account of Quirky Case and Licensing in Icelandic. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 19. Available online [3]
- ^ Bhatt, Rajesh (1997). Matching Effects and the Syntax-Morphology Interface: Evidence from Hindi Correlatives. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 31. Available online [4].
- ^ Evans, N., & Levinson, S. C. (2009). The myth of language universals: Language diversity and its importance for cognitive science. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 32(5), 429-492.
- ^ Everett, D. (2008). Don't sleep, there are snakes: Life and language in the Amazonian jungle. Pantheon Books. ISBN 0-375-42502-0.
- ^ Van Valin, R. (2000). Linguistic diversity and theoretical assumptions. Chicago Linguistic Society Parasession Papers, 35, 373-391.
- ^ Muhlhausler, P. (1996). Linguistic ecology: Language change and linguistic imperialism in the Pacific region. Routledge.
- ^ Martin, Davis. Computability, complexity, and languages: Fundamentals of theoretical computer science. Boston: Academic, Harcourt, Brace, 1994: 327. Print.
- ^ "Computer Programming and Formal Systems", Eds. P. Braffort and D. Hirschberg, pp. 124-135
- ^ "Finite Semigroups and Recognizable Languages: An Introduction", by Jean-Eric Pin, Bull Research and Development, 2002
- ^ Chomsky (1996), pp. 71.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam, "Notes on Anarchism" [5] ... "Libertarian socialism is properly to be regarded as the inheritor of the liberal ideals of the Enlightenment."
- ^ Shane, Scott (2 October 2010). "Bin Laden Resurfaces in Recordings". The New York Times. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/10/03/world/asia/03binladen.html. Retrieved 20 September 2011.
- ^ Thomson, Desson (21 December 2003). "Morris, McNamara: Bound by 'The Fog'". The Washington Post.
- ^ Folkenflik, David (27 February 2008). "William F. Buckley, Conservative Bulwark, Dies". NPR. http://m.npr.org/news/front/62983288?singlePage=true. Retrieved 20 September 2011.
- ^ Gollust, David (5 January 2011). "US Sticking With Choice for Envoy Despite Venezuelan Rejection". Voice of America. http://www.voanews.com/english/news/americas/US-Sticking-With-Choice-for-Envoy-Despite-Venezuelan-Rejection--112972279.html. Retrieved 20 September 2011.
- ^ Chomsky wrote the preface to an edition of Rudolf Rocker's book Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice. In it Chomsky wrote: "I felt at once, and still feel, that Rocker was pointing the way to a much better world, one that is within our grasp, one that may well be the only alternative to the 'universal catastrophe' towards which 'we are driving on under full sail'..." Book Citation: Rudolph Rocker. Anarcho-Syndicalism: Theory and Practice. AK Press. p. ii. 2004.
- ^ 'Industrial Workers of the World - IWW Biography Retrieved 2012-2-11
- ^ International Organization for a Participatory Society - Interim Committee Retrieved 2012-3-31
- ^ ZNet - Consider IOPS Retrieved 2012-4-3
- ^ "''Anarchism 101 with Noam Chomsky''". Youtube.com. 2007-10-10. http://youtube.com/watch?v=2G6kf7XM9Nk. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "Conversation with Noam Chomsky, p. 2 of 5". Globetrotter.berkeley.edu. http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/people2/Chomsky/chomsky-con2.html. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ An Evening With Noam Chomsky
- ^ "Simple Truths, Hard Problems: Some thoughts on terror, justice, and self-defence*" (PDF). http://www.chomsky.info/articles/200501--.pdf. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Noam Chomsky. "International Terrorism: Image and Reality". Chomsky.info. http://www.chomsky.info/articles/199112--02.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam (1987). On power and ideology: the Managua lectures. South End Press. pp. 51. ISBN 978-0-89608-289-2. http://books.google.com/books?id=Ot6pRjxv2ykC&pg=PA93#v=onepage&q=a%20huge%20power&f=false. Retrieved 16 August 2011.
- ^ "Noam Chomsky: My Reaction to Osama bin Laden’s Death". Guernicamag.com. http://www.guernicamag.com/blog/2652/noam_chomsky_my_reaction_to_os/. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam; Otero, Carlos Peregrín (2003). Chomsky on democracy & education. Psychology Press. pp. 30–. ISBN 978-0-415-92632-4. http://books.google.com/books?id=84NQ3IXpbOYC&pg=PA30. Retrieved 16 August 2011.
- ^ Noam Chomsky. "The Corporate Takeover of U.S. Democracy". Chomsky.info. http://chomsky.info/articles/20100124.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam (1993). "What Uncle Sam Really Wants". ZMag. http://www.zmag.org/chomsky/sam/sam-3-2.html. Retrieved 2007-07-27.
- ^ Noam Chomsky et al. (1999). Noam Chomsky on Drugs[dead link] (TV). ROX.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam (2002-02-08). "DRCNet Interview: Noam Chomsky". DRCNet. http://stopthedrugwar.org/chronicle-old/223/noamchomsky.shtml. Retrieved 2007-07-27.
- ^ Chomsky (1996), p. 77.
- ^ "Interview with Noam Chomsky, Bill Bennett", May 30, 2002 American Morning with Paula Zahn CNN
- ^ Adams, Tim (2003-10-30). "Noam Chomsky: Thorn in America's Side". London: The Observer. http://observer.guardian.co.uk/magazine/story/0,11913,1094708,00.html. Retrieved 2007-09-04.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam. 2003. Chomsky on Democracy & Education. Routledge. p. 399
- ^ 'Answers by Noam Chomsky' to questions about anarchism[dead link]
- ^ “Writers and Editors War Tax Protest” January 30, 1968 New York Post
- ^ "An Exchange on "The Responsibility of Intellectuals", Noam Chomsky debates with Fryar Calhoun, E. B. Murray, and Arthur Dorfman". Chomsky.info. 1967-04-20. http://www.chomsky.info/debates/19670420.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "On the Future of Israel and Palestine". Chomsky.info. 2008-06-06. http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/20080606.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Solomon, Deborah (November 2, 2003). "Questions for Noam Chomsky: The Professorial Provocateur". The New York Times Magazine (The New York Times). http://www.nytimes.com/2003/11/02/magazine/way-we-live-now-11-02-03-questions-for-noam-chomsky-professorial-provocateur.html.
- ^ Jones, Mother (1988-10). Mother Jones Magazine. Mother Jones. pp. 30. http://books.google.com/books?id=I-cDAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA30. Retrieved 16 August 2011.
- ^ "Israel bars Noam Chomsky from West Bank". The Gazette. Agence France-Presse (Canwest Publishing Inc). May 16, 2010. http://www.montrealgazette.com/Israel+bars+Noam+Chomsky+from+West+Bank/3035253/story.html. [dead link]
- ^ a b c "Israel Roiled After Chomsky Barred From West Bank". The New York Times. May 17, 2010. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/18/world/middleeast/18chomsky.html?partner=rss&emc=rss.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam; Pateman, Barry (2005). Chomsky on anarchism. AK Press. pp. 167. ISBN 978-1-904859-20-8. http://books.google.com/books?id=_HkOaB89p7YC&pg=PA167. Retrieved 16 August 2011.
- ^ "WikiLeaks Cables Reveal "Profound Hatred for Democracy on the Part of Our Political Leadership"". Noam Chomsky website. http://www.chomsky.info/interviews/20101130.htm. Retrieved December 25, 2010.
- ^ Brockes, Emma (2005-10-31). "The Greatest Intellectual?, by Emma Brockes". Chomsky.info. http://www.chomsky.info/onchomsky/20051031.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Noam Chomsky (2005-11-13). "Open Letter to The Guardian (ZNet)". Chomsky.info. http://www.chomsky.info/letters/20051113.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Noam Chomsky (1980-09-10). "Free speech in a Democracy, (Daily Camera)". Chomsky.info. http://www.chomsky.info/letters/198509--.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "Corrections and clarifications". The Guardian. 2005-11-17. http://www.guardian.co.uk/media/2005/nov/17/pressandpublishing.corrections. Retrieved 2011-04-28.
- ^ New Left Review, 57, Sept. – Oct. 1969, p. 21
- ^ Ghoshroy, S. (2008). Chomsky Discusses Economy, Military Hegemony. The Tech, 128, 51. Available online [6].
- ^ "Chomsky endorses Stein in 2012". Jill Stein for President. http://www.jillstein.org/chomsky. Retrieved 9 March 2012.
- ^ Nick Cohen (2007). What's Left?: How Liberals Lost Their Way. Harper Collins. pp. 14, 155–62, 164–8 , 170 , 179–80, 258. ISBN 978-0-00-722969-7.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam (2009). "Mysteries of Nature: How Deeply Hidden?". Journal of Philosophy 106 (4): 167–200. ISSN 0022-362X.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam; Otero, Carlos Peregrín (2003). Chomsky on democracy & education. RoutledgeFalmer. p. 93. ISBN 978-0-415-92632-4. http://books.google.com/books?id=Y5Ouy4XoXPsC. Retrieved 16 August 2011.
- ^ "Science in the Dock, Discussion with Noam Chomsky, Lawrence Krauss & Sean M. Carroll". Chomsky.info. 2006-03-01. http://www.chomsky.info/debates/20060301.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Journal citation PMC2774611 - An Underdiscussed Aspect of Chomsky (1959)
- ^ Barsky (1997), "Chapter 3". http://cognet.mit.edu/library/books/chomsky/chomsky/3/2.html. Retrieved 2007-09-04.
- ^ Changeux, Jean-Pierre; Courrége, Philippe; Danchin, Antoine (October 1973). "A Theory of the Epigenesis of Neuronal Networks by Selective Stabilization of Synapses". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America (PNAS) 70 (10): 2974–8. DOI:10.1073/pnas.70.10.2974. PMC 427150. PMID 4517949. //www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?tool=pmcentrez&artid=427150.
- ^ Massimo Piatelli-Palmarini, ed., Language and Learning: The Debate Between Jean Piaget and Noam Chomsky, Routledge, 1975.
- ^ "''The Chomsky–Foucault Debate: On Human Nature''". Chomsky.info. http://www.chomsky.info/debates/1971xxxx.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ William F. Buckley vs. Noam Chomsky, YouTube
- ^ Noam Chomsky "A Quick Reaction", Counterpunch September 12, 2001
- ^ Christopher Hitchens, "Against Rationalization: Minority Report", The Nation, September 24, 2001
- ^ Christopher Hitchens, "Of Sin, the Left & Islamic Fascism", The Nation, 2001
- ^ Noam Chomsky, "Reply to Hitchens", The Nation, 2001
- ^ Christopher Hitchens, "A Rejoinder to Noam Chomsky", The Nation, 2001
- ^ Noam Chomsky, "Reply to Hitchens' 'Rejoinder'", The Nation, 2001
- ^ "The New York Review of Books, "Chomsky Replies", 1973 20;12". Nybooks.com. http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1973/jul/19/chomsky-replies/. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Chomsky vs. Perle, YouTube
- ^ Hilary Putnam, "Externalism: Its Motivation and Its Critics", Harvard University, 2007.
- ^ KU Leuven, "An Epistemological Reading of the Debate between Quine and Chomsky", October 2003.
- ^ "Noam Chomsky v. Alan Dershowitz: A Debate on the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict", Democracy Now!, 23 December 2005.
- ^ "Chomsky Rebel". Dvdverdict.com. 2005-05-16. http://www.dvdverdict.com/reviews/chomskyrebel.php. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Chomsky, Noam. "False, False, False, and False: Noam Chomsky interviewed by Ray Suarez", January 20, 1999 Chomsky.info
- ^ Sakharov, Alex (2003-05-12). "Grammar". MathWorld. http://mathworld.wolfram.com/Grammar.html. Retrieved 2007-09-04.
- ^ "Lecture 6: Evolutionary Psychology, Problem Solving, and 'Machiavellian' Intelligence". School of Psychology. Massey University. 1996. Archived from the original on January 17, 2007. http://web.archive.org/web/20070117055247/http://evolution.massey.ac.nz/lecture6/lect600.htm. Retrieved 2007-09-04.
- ^ Knuth, Donald (2003), Selected Papers on Computer Languages, CSLI Lecture Notes, Stanford, California: Center for the Study of Language and Information, http://www-cs-faculty.stanford.edu/~knuth/cl.html
- ^ "Van Zyl Slabbert to present TB Davie Memorial Lecture". Uct.ac.za. 2003-10-13. http://www.uct.ac.za/mondaypaper/archives/?id=4104. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ The Current Crisis in the Middle East: About the Lecture. MIT World.
- ^ "CU Regents". Cu.edu. https://www.cu.edu/regents/Awards/AwardsMaster.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "Welcome to Peking University". English.pku.edu.cn. 2010-08-13. http://english.pku.edu.cn/News_Events/News/Campus/6797.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "Noam Chomsky Lectured in Beijing". Chinatoday.com.cn. 2010-12-12. http://www.chinatoday.com.cn/ctenglish/se/txt/2010-08/23/content_293243.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "Noam Chomsky, MIT Linguistics Program". Chomsky.info. 1928-12-07. http://www.chomsky.info/bios/2002----.htm. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "Past Recipients of the NCTE Orwell Award" (PDF). http://www.ncte.org/library/NCTEFiles/Involved/Volunteer/Appointed%20Groups/Past_Recipients_Orwell_Award.pdf. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts - Department of Social Sciences members Retrieved 2012-2-11
- ^ "Interviews Polathicks/Society » Interview: Noam Chomsky Speaks Out On Education and Power". Soundtracksforthem. 2005-09-20. http://soundtracksforthem.com/blog/?p=81. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "Uppsala University’s Honorary Doctorates in Commemoration of Linnaeus". Uppsala University. 2007-02-13. http://info.uu.se/press.nsf/pm/uppsala.universitys.id0AC.html. Retrieved 2007-09-04.
- ^ http://www.literaryanddebating.com/press/80-archbishop-desmond-tutu-to-speak-to-litndeb; excerpt:the Literary and Debating Society’s President’s Medal, the society’s achievement award, [has] been won in the past by the likes of Noam Chomsky, Senator Mike Gravel, Congressman Bruce Morrison, journalist Fintan O’Toole and, playwright, Tom Murphy.
- ^ "Noam Chomsky, honorary member of IAPTI". Aipti.org. http://www.aipti.org/eng/honorary_members/. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "The 2010 Erich Fromm Prize to Noam Chomsky". International Erich Fromm Society. 2010-01-16. http://www.erich-fromm.de/biophil/en/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=190:the-2010-erich-fromm-prize-to-noam-chomsky&catid=54:latest-news. Retrieved 2010-04-05.
- ^ "Author, activist Noam Chomsky to receive award". News.wisc.edu. 2010-03-29. http://www.news.wisc.edu/17889. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "Some Famous People with Finite Erdös Numbers". The Erdös Number Project. Oakland University. http://www.oakland.edu/enp/erdpaths/. Retrieved 18 September 2011.
- ^ "Chomsky named top intellectual: British poll". Breitbart.com. 2005-10-18. http://www.breitbart.com/news/2005/10/18/051018152652.77esbn1j.html. Retrieved 2007-09-04.
- ^ Cowley, Jason (2006-05-22). "Heroes of Our Time". New Statesman. http://www.newstatesman.com/200605220016. Retrieved 2007-09-04.
- ^ "Viggo Mortensen's Spoken Word & Music CDs". Viggo Fan Base. http://www.viggofanbase.com/cds/#pfa.
- ^ "Noam Chomsky Honorary Concert". Edwardmanukyan.com. http://www.edwardmanukyan.com/concerts/chomsky_tribute.html. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ Weininger, David (2010-01-21). "Chomsky Tribute". Boston Globe. http://www.boston.com/ae/music/articles/2010/01/22/fours_a_charm_for_parker_quartet/. Retrieved 2010-03-16.
- ^ "Controversy dogs Chomsky as he accepts Sydney Peace Prize". Smh.com.au. 2011-06-02. http://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/books/controversy-dogs-chomsky-as-he-accepts-sydney-peace-prize-20110601-1fgqf.html#ixzz1O7yqP75P. Retrieved 2011-08-16.
- ^ "AI's Hall of Fame". IEEE Intelligent Systems (IEEE Computer Society) 26 (4): 5–15. 2011. DOI:10.1109/MIS.2011.64. http://www.computer.org/cms/Computer.org/ComputingNow/homepage/2011/0811/rW_IS_AIsHallofFame.pdf. edit
- ^ "IEEE Computer Society Magazine Honors Artificial Intelligence Leaders". DigitalJournal.com. August 24, 2011 (2011-08-24). http://www.digitaljournal.com/pr/399442. Retrieved September 18, 2011 (2011-09-18). Press release source: PRWeb (Vocus).
- Chomsky, Noam (1996). Perspectives on Power. Montréal: Black Rose. ISBN 978-1-55164-048-8.
- Kreisler, Harry (2002-03-22). "Activism, Anarchism, and Power: Conversation with Noam Chomsky". Conversations with History. Institute of International Studies, UC Berkeley. http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/people2/Chomsky/chomsky-con1.html. Retrieved 2007-09-03.
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- chomsky.info official website
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- Column archive at The Guardian
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- Chomsky media files at the Internet Archive
- Noam Chomsky interviewed by Alyssa McDonald on New Statesman, September 2010.
- Noam Chomsky Interviews on The Real News (TRNN)
- Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance – discussion on the "Bush doctrine" and its implications, C-SPAN, Feb 2004
- Philosophies of Language & Politics – talk at The Commonwealth Club, October 2009
- Thought Economics Interviews Noam Chomsky – Noam Chomsky interviewed on global democracy, April 2011
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| Persondata | |
|---|---|
| Name | Chomsky, Avram Noam |
| Alternative names | Chomsky, Noam |
| Short description | linguist, psychologist, and activist |
| Date of birth | December 7, 1928 |
| Place of birth | East Oak Lane, Philadelphia, United States |
| Date of death | |
| Place of death | |
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| Austrian School | |
|---|---|
 Hans-Hermann Hoppe |
|
| Born | (1949-09-02) September 2, 1949 (age 62) Peine, West Germany |
| Nationality | German-American |
| Institution | University of Nevada, Las Vegas |
| Field | Austrian Economics, Political Philosophy |
| Alma mater | Goethe University Frankfurt |
| Opposed | Karl Popper, Friedrich Hayek[1] |
| Influences | Ludwig von Mises Murray Rothbard Jürgen Habermas Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk Erik von Kuehnelt-Leddihn |
| Influenced | Walter Block Tom Woods Frank van Dun Stephan Kinsella Jörg Guido Hülsmann |
| Contributions | Argumentation ethics, Analysis of democracy and public goods theory |
| Awards | The Gary G. Schlarbaum Prize (2006), The Frank T. and Harriet Kurzweg Award (2004) |
Hans-Hermann Hoppe (born September 2, 1949) is a prominent Austrian school economist and libertarian anarcho-capitalist philosopher[2][3][4] although he prefers to be known as an advocate of the private law society.[5] He is a Professor Emeritus of economics at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. Hoppe is the author of several widely discussed books and his work has been translated to 22 languages.[6] He is currently living with his wife in Istanbul, Turkey.[5]
Contents |
Academic career[link]
Born in Peine, West Germany, he attended the Universität des Saarlandes in Saarbrücken, and the University of Frankfurt, studying philosophy, sociology, history, and economics. His doctoral studies began with Marxist thought, under Frankfurt School philosopher Jürgen Habermas as his Ph.D advisor.[7] However he quickly became disillusioned in this pursuit, partly due to the influence of Eugen Böhm von Bawerk and his critique of marxism[8] and Milton Friedman.[9] He earned his Ph.D. in Philosophy from the Goethe University Frankfurt in 1974. He was then a post-doctoral fellow at the University of Michigan, in Ann Arbor, United States, from 1976 to 1978. He earned his habilitation in Foundations of Sociology and Economics from the University of Frankfurt in 1981. He taught at several German universities and at Johns Hopkins University Bologna Center for Advanced International Studies, Italy.[10] In 1986, he moved from Germany to the United States, to study under Murray Rothbard.[11] He remained a close associate to Rothbard until his death in January 1995. Hoppe was then Professor of Economics at University of Nevada, Las Vegas until retirement in 2008. Hoppe was involved in the formation of what came to be called paleo-libertarianism.[12] Hoppe has served as the editor of the Journal of Libertarian Studies, coeditor of the Review of Austrian Economics, and coeditor of the Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics. He is a Distinguished Fellow with the Ludwig von Mises Institute, and the author of several widely-discussed articles and books. In 2005, he founded the Property and Freedom Society as a more radical alternative to the Mont Pelerin Society.
Argumentation ethics[link]
Main article: Argumentation ethics
In what some have described as Hoppe's most important contribution, argumentation ethics is an apriori, value-neutral justification for libertarian ethics (1988[13]). Argumentation ethics builds on the concept of Discourse ethics developed by Jürgen Habermas (Hoppe's PhD advisor) and Karl-Otto Apel, further on misesian praxeology and the deontological ethics of economist Murray Rothbard. Argumentation ethics argues the non-aggression principle is a presupposition of argumentation and so cannot be rationally denied in discourse. Many modern libertarian scholars have accepted Hoppe's argument, among them Murray Rothbard, Walter Block, David Gordon, and Stephan Kinsella. Murray Rothbard had written:
In a dazzling breakthrough for political philosophy in general and for libertarianism in particular, he has managed to transcend the famous is/ought, fact/value dichotomy that has plagued philosophy since the days of the scholastics, and that had brought modern libertarianism into a tiresome deadlock. Not only that: Hans Hoppe has managed to establish the case for anarcho-capitalist-Lockean rights in an unprecedentedly hard-core manner, one that makes my own natural law/natural rights position seem almost wimpy in comparison.[14]
Analysis of democracy[link]
Main article: Democracy: The God That Failed
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In Democracy: The God That Failed, Hoppe compares monarchies with democratic states. Hoppe claims that the structural perverse incentives inherent in democracy make it more prone to destroy wealth than comparable monarchical regimes. A monarch, being a long term ruler and able to further bequeath his position, has interest in the long term well being of the economy, would often be hesitant to excessively accumulate debt, or otherwise engage in large-scale short-term capital consumption compared to a similar democratically elected ruler, who is more akin to a renter, or temporary custodian of the state due to the shorter time he has to use his power for his benefit. Hoppe further notes that the theoretical possibility of entrance into government also doles the citizenship resistance to excessive abuse of government power, as compared to monarchies, in which abusive monarchs where often overthrown and killed.
Hoppe points to comparable policies adopted by existing western and eastern monarchies as well as several such past policies to empirically support his analysis. Hoppe does not put forward this criticism in support of monarchy, but rather as a critique of democracy.
Immigration[link]
Hans-Hermann Hoppe's has advanced the position that in a non anarcho-capitalist society some restrictions on immigration are a "second best" option.[15]
First, with the establishment of a state and territorially defined state borders, “immigration” takes on an entirely new meaning. In a natural order, immigration is a person’s migration from one neighborhood-community into a different one (micro-migration). In contrast, under statist conditions immigration is immigration by “foreigners” from across state borders, and the decision whom to exclude or include, and under what conditions, rests not with a multitude of independent private property owners or neighborhoods of owners but with a single central (and centralizing) state-government as the ultimate sovereign of all domestic residents and their properties (macro-migration). If a domestic resident-owner invites a person and arranges for his access onto the resident-owner’s property but the government ex- cludes this person from the state territory,it is a case of forced exclusion (a phenomenon that does not exist in a natural order). On the other hand, if the government admits a person while there is no domestic resident-owner who has invited this person onto his property, it is a case of forced integration (also non-existent in a natural order, where all movement is invited).
Hoppe's views on immigration are controversial within the wider libertarian movement. Walter Block offered arguments against Hoppe's immigration position in a 1999 article, "A Libertarian Case for Free Immigration."[16]
Academic freedom controversy[link]
During a lecture in a course on Money & Banking, Hoppe hypothesized that homosexuals will generally display shorter time preference for capital consumption because they tend not to have biological heirs, and thus have a lesser incentive to engage in long-term saving. One of Hoppe's students characterized this statement as derogatory and a matter of opinion rather than fact. According to the Chronicle of Higher Education:
In his lectures, Mr. Hoppe said that certain groups of people -- including small children, very old people, and homosexuals -- tend to prefer present-day consumption to long-term investment. Because homosexuals generally do not have children, Mr. Hoppe said, they feel less need to look toward the future. (In a recent talk at the Ludwig von Mises Institute, which Mr. Hoppe says was similar to his classroom lecture, he declared, "Homosexuals have higher time preferences, because life ends with them.") [The student], Mr. Knight found that argument unwarranted and obnoxious, and he promptly filed a complaint with the university. In a telephone interview on Saturday, Mr. Knight said: "I was just shocked and appalled. I said to myself, Where the hell is he getting this information from? I was completely surprised, and that's why I went to the university about this."[17]
Theses comments triggered an academic controversy which resulted in a "nondisciplinary" letter[18] being issued February 9, 2005 instructing Hoppe to "...cease mischaracterizing opinion as objective fact." The ACLU represented Hoppe, and he was defended in an editorial article in the The Rebel Yell, the UNLV student newspaper."[19] Carol Harter, president of UNLV, in a February 18, 2005 letter[20] said that "UNLV, in accordance with policy adopted by the Board of Regents, understands that the freedom afforded to Professor Hoppe and to all members of the academic community carries a significant corresponding academic responsibility. In the balance between freedoms and responsibilities, and where there may be ambiguity between the two, academic freedom must, in the end, be foremost." Following the controversy the "nondisciplinary" letter was withdrawn from his personnel file.
Works[link]
Books[link]
 |
Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Hans-Hermann Hoppe |
- Handeln und Erkennen (Bern 1976)
- Kritik der kausalwissenschaftlichen Sozialforschung (Westdeutscher Verlag 1983) ISBN 3-531-11624-X.
- Eigentum, Anarchie und Staat (Westdeutscher Verlag 1987)
- Praxeology and Economic Science (Ludwig von Mises Institute, 1988) (no ISBN)
- A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism (Kluwer Academic Publishers 1989) ISBN 0-89838-279-3. Full Text in PDF format
- Economic Science and the Austrian Method (Ludwig von Mises Institute, 1995) ISBN 0-945466-20-X. Full Text in PDF format
- Democracy: The God That Failed (Transaction Publishers, 2001) Paperback (in English) ISBN 0-7658-0868-4.
- The Economics and Ethics of Private Property (2nd edition, Ludwig von Mises Institute, 2006) ISBN 0-945466-40-4
- Editor: The Myth of National Defense. Essays on the Theory and History of Security Production. Ludwig von Mises Institute. October 2003. ISBN 0-945466-37-4. Full Text in PDF format With writings by L.M. Bassani, C. Lottieri, M.N. Rothbard, E. von Kuehnelt-Leddihn, B. Lemennicier, G. Radnitsky, J.R. Stromberg, L.J. Sechrest, J.R. Hummel, W. Block, and J.G. Hulsmann.
- Translator: Capital and Production by Richard Ritter von Strigl ISBN 0-945466-31-5
- Property, Freedom, and Society: Essays in Honor of Hans-Hermann Hoppe. Ludwig von Mises Institute. July 2009. ISBN 978-1-933550-52-7.
Interviews[link]
- A 2011 interview with Hoppe
- A 2004 interview with Hoppe
- A 2003 radio interview with Hoppe
- A 1998 interview with Hoppe
Articles[link]
- Collection of Hoppe's publications.
- Full text of Hoppe's 1998 introduction to The Ethics of Liberty by Murray Rothbard. (also in PDF format).
- Hoppe, Hans Hermann (September 1988). "On the Ultimate Justification of the Ethics of Private Property". Liberty 2. http://www.hanshoppe.com/wp-content/uploads/publications/hoppe_ult_just_liberty.pdf.
- In Defense of Extreme Rationalism: Thoughts on D. McCloskey's The Rhetoric of Economics by Hans-Hermann Hoppe.
- Hoppe, Hans Hermann; Murray N. Rothbard, David Friedman, Leland Yeager, David Gordon, Douglas Rasmussen (September 1988). "breakthrough or buncombe?". Liberty 2. http://www.hanshoppe.com/wp-content/uploads/publications/liberty_symposium.pdf.
- "My Battle With the Thought Police" Hoppe's own account on what happened
- LewRockwell.com: Hoppe's archives at LewRockwell.com
- “Small is Beautiful and Efficient: The Case for Secession”. Telos 107 (Spring 1996). New York: Telos Press.
Festschrift[link]
References[link]
- ^ Hoppe, Hans-Hermann (1996). Socialism: A Property or Knowledge Problem?. pp. 143–49. http://mises.org/journals/rae/pdf/rae9_1_13.pdf.
- ^ Block, Walter (Mars 1996). "Review of Hans-Hermann Hoppe, The Economics and Ethics of Private Property". Journal des Economistes et des Etudes Humaines 7 (1). "...[Ludwig von Mises, Murry N Rothbard]]These two are truly "hard acts to follow". But with the publication of The Economics and Ethics Private Property, Hoppe bids fair to one day claiming the mantle of worthy successor to these two pathbreaking thinkers. ..."
- ^ http://www.lewrockwell.com/rockwell/hoppe-effect127.html The Hoppe Effect by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
- ^ Woods, Tomas E.. "Democracy vs. Civilization". www.lewrockwell.com. http://www.lewrockwell.com/woods/woods7.html. "Hoppe, a professor of economics at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, is one of the most interesting and compelling living scholars whose work I have studied. I have profited immensely from his writing"
- ^ a b Wile, Anthony (March 27, 2011). "Dr. Hans-Hermann Hoppe on the Impracticality of One-World Government and the Failure of Western-style Democracy". The Daily Bell. http://www.thedailybell.com/1936/Anthony-Wile-with-Dr-Hans-Hermann-Hoppe-on-the-Impracticality-of-One-World-Government-and-Western-style-Democracy.html.
- ^ http://www.hanshoppe.com/translations/
- ^ Interview with Hans-Herman Hoppe: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=19WEQFqw-8M
- ^ http://thegodthatfailed.org/2011/10/01/jeff-tucker-interviews-hans-hermann-hoppe/ Jeff Tucker interviews Hans-Hermann Hoppe
- ^ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AETnctIcpVI Juan Ramón Rallo interviews Mises Institute scholar Hans-Hermann
- ^ http://mises.org/fellow.aspx?Id=7 Hans-Hermann Hoppe Bigraphy
- ^ "Juan Ramón Rallo interviews Mises Institute scholar Hans-Hermann Hoppe at the Instituto Juan de Mariana's, time: 5:00". http://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_detailpage&v=AETnctIcpVI#t=302s.
- ^ http://www.lewrockwell.com/hoppe/hoppe4.html
- ^ Hoppe, Hans Hermann; Murray N. Rothbard, David Friedman, Leland Yeager, David Gordon, Douglas Rasmussen (November 1988). "Liberty Symposium". Liberty 2. http://www.hanshoppe.com/wp-content/uploads/publications/liberty_symposium.pdf.
- ^ Rothbard, Murray N. (Article originally appeared in Liberty, Volume 3 Number 4 (March 1990), pp. 11–12.). "Hoppephobia". LewRockwell.com. http://www.lewrockwell.com/rothbard/rothbard47.html. Retrieved 6 February 2012.
- ^ Hoppe, Hans Hermann (Winter 2002). "NATURAL ORDER, THE STATE, AND THE IMMIGRATION PROBLEM". Journal of Libertarian Studies 16 (1).
- ^ Block, Walter. "A Libertarian Case for Free Immigration." Journal of Libertarian Studies. Vol. 13, No. 2. 1999. [1]
- ^ "Professor Who Was Accused of Making Derogatory Remarks in Class Wants UNLV to Clear His Record" The Chronicle of Higher Education, February 14, 2005
- ^ http://www.mises.org/pdf/hoppeletter.pdf (.pdf)
- ^ Rebel Yell
- ^ (.pdf) Hans-Herman Hoppes' Website
External links[link]
- Hans-Hermann Hoppe homepage
- Hans-Hermann Hoppe, The Mises Institute
- The Property and Freedom Society
- Hoppe's Ten Lecture Seminar, "Economy, Society, and History"
- More on Hoppe's Argumentation Ethics
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| Persondata | |
|---|---|
| Name | Hoppe, Hans-Hermann |
| Alternative names | |
| Short description | Economist |
| Date of birth | September 2, 1949 |
| Place of birth | Peine, Germany |
| Date of death | |
| Place of death | |
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