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Mercado Común del Sur Mercado Comum do Sul Ñemby Ñemuha Southern Common Market
Motto Nuestro Norte es el Sur  (Spanish) Nosso norte é o Sul  (Portuguese) "Our North (goal, route) is the South"
Full members (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay)
Headquarters		Montevideo
Largest city		São Paulo
Official languages		3 Guarani Spanish Portuguese
Ethnic groups		60% White (including Arab diaspora) 34% Multiracial (Pardo, mestizo, etc.) 5% Black 1% Asian and Amerindian1
Membership		4 Argentina Brazil Paraguay Uruguay
Government		Intergovernmental
-	Presidency	Argentina (pro tempore)[1]
Establishment
-	Treaty of Asunción	26 March 1991
-	Protocol of Ouro Preto	16 December 1994
Area
-	Total	12,781,179 km2 (2nd1) 4,934,841 sq mi
Population
-	2008 estimate	267,386,382 (4th1)
-	Density	20.86/km2 (154th1) 54/sq mi
GDP (PPP)		estimate
-	Total	U$ 2.895 trillion (5th1)
-	Per capita	U$ 14,858 (70th1)
HDI (2007)		0.827 (high) (50th1)
Currency		4 Argentine peso (ARS) Brazilian real (BRL) Paraguayan guaraní (PYG) Uruguayan peso (UYU)
1	If Mercosur considered as a single entity.

Union of South American Nations

Economy Bank of the South Mercosur Andean Community Amazon Coop Treaty

Politics Secretary General Presidency Parliament

Infrastructure IIRSA Interoceanic Highway view talk edit

Mercosur or Mercosul (Spanish: Mercado Común del Sur, Portuguese: Mercado Comum do Sul, Guarani: Ñemby Ñemuha, English: Common Southern Market) is an economic and political agreement among Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. Founded in 1991 by the Treaty of Asunción, which was later amended and updated by the 1994 Treaty of Ouro Preto. Its purpose is to promote free trade and the fluid movement of goods, people, and currency. The official languages are Portuguese, Guaraní,^[2] and Spanish. It has been updated, amended, and changed many times since. It is now a full customs union. Mercosur and the Andean Community of Nations are customs unions that are components of a continuing process of South American integration connected to the Union of South American Nations.

Mercosur origins trace back to 1985 when Presidents Raúl Alfonsín of Argentina and José Sarney of Brazil signed the Argentina-Brazil Integration and Economics Cooperation Program or PICE (Portuguese: Programa de Integração e Cooperação Econômica Argentina-Brasil, Spanish: Programa de Integración y Cooperación Económica Argentina-Brasil).^[3] The program also proposed the Gaucho as a currency for regional trade.

Venezuela signed a membership agreement on 17 June 2006.^[4]

The founding of the Mercosur Parliament was agreed at the December 2004 presidential summit. It should have 18 representatives from each country by 2010, regardless of population.

Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru currently have associate member status.

Member states[link]

Member states. Map doesn't highlight Venezuela (full member pending on Paraguay's ratification).

Mercosur is composed of 4 sovereign member states: Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay.

Venezuela will become the fifth full member country after Paraguay's congress ratification; all other members have ratified Venezuela's full membership.

Directly subordinated to the Common Market Group, the Work Subgroups draw up the minutes of the decisions to be submitted for the consideration of the Council, and conduct studies on specific Mercosur concerns. Currently, the Work Subgroups are the following: Commercial Matters; Customs Matters; Technical Standards; Tax and Monetary Policies Relating to Trade; Land Transport; Sea Transport; Industrial and Technology Policies; Agricultural Policy; Energy Policy; Coordination of Macroeconomic Policies; and Labor, Employment and Social Security Matters. Meetings. The meetings of the Work subgroups will be held quarterly, alternating in every member state, in alphabetical order, or at the Common Market Group Administrative Office. Activities will be carried out by the Work Subgroups in two stages: preparatory and conclusive. In the preparatory stage, the members of the Work Subgroups may request the participation of representatives from the private sector of each member state. The decision-making stage is reserved exclusively for official representatives of the member states. The delegations of representatives from the private sector in the preparatory stage of the Work Subgroup activities will have a maximum of three representatives for each member state directly involved in any of the stages of the production, distribution or consumption process for the products that fall within the scope of the subgroup's activities.

Geography[link]

Andes in Argentina.

The territory of Mercosur consists of the combined territories of four of the twelve countries of South America and their population. Including the overseas territories of member states, Mercosur experiences most types of climate from Arctic to tropical, rendering meteorological averages for Mercosur as a whole meaningless. The majority of the population lives in areas with a subtropical climate (Uruguay, Southern Paraguay, Northeastern Argentina and Southern and Southeastern Brazil), or a tropical climate (Northeastern Brazil).

Demographics[link]

The combined population of all 4 member states has been estimated at 242,032,800 as of July 2009. The most populous country of Mercosur is, by a significant margin, Brazil (191,241,714). The remaining member states' populations are, in decreasing order: Argentina (40,482,000), Paraguay (6,831,306), and Uruguay (3,477,780). The population density is of 22.0/km² (57/sq mi) in Brazil, 19.4/km² (50.2/sq mi) in Uruguay, 15.6/km² (40.4/sq mi) in Paraguay, and 14.3/km² (37/sq mi) in Argentina. The largest cities of Mercosur are the global cities São Paulo, Buenos Aires, and Rio de Janeiro. The White population is the majority in Brazil, Argentina and Uruguay (most White Latin Americans possess mixed-race descent to some degree, more known and quantitative and also more times understood and celebrated in Brazil) while the mestizo population is majority in Paraguay.

Languages[link]

Among the many languages and dialects used in Mercosur, it has 3 official and working languages: Portuguese, Spanish and Guaraní. Brazil is the only Portuguese-speaking country in Mercosur and in the Americas, as it formerly was part of Portuguese America. Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay were part of Spanish America. Along with Paraguay (where it is one of two official languages), sectors of Argentina and Brazil speak Guarani.

Objectives[link]

Mercosur's ceremony, and the flags of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Venezuela.

The Southern Common Market promotes:

• The free transit of produced goods, services and factors among the member states. Among other things, this includes the elimination of customs rights and lifting of nontariff restrictions on the transit of goods or any other measures with similar effects;
• Fixing of a common external tariff (CET) and adopting of a common trade policy with regard to nonmember states or groups of states, and the coordination of positions in regional and international commercial and economic meetings;
• Coordination of macroeconomic and sectorial policies of member states relating to foreign trade, agriculture, industry, taxes, monetary system, exchange and capital, services, customs, transport and communications, and any others they may agree on, in order to ensure free competition between member states;
• The commitment by the member states to make the necessary adjustments to their laws in pertinent areas to allow for the strengthening of the integration process. The Asunción Treaty is based on the doctrine of the reciprocal rights and obligations of the member states. Mercosur initially targeted free-trade zones, then customs unification, and finally a common market. The common market will allow (in addition to customs unification) the free movement of manpower and capital across the member nations, and depends the grating of equal rights and duties to all member countries. Because member states will implement the trade liberalization at different speeds, during the transition period the rights and obligations of each party will initially be equivalent but not necessarily equal. In addition to the reciprocity doctrine, the Asunción Treaty also contains provisions for the most-favored nation concept. This concept is that after the common market is formed, member nations are to automatically extend to the other members any advantage, favor, entitlement, immunity or privilege granted to a product originating from or intended for countries that are not party to the Latin American Integration Association (ALADI).

Structure[link]

Headquarters of Mercosur, in the city of Montevideo, Uruguay.

The Asunción Treaty and Ouro Preto Protocol established the basis for the institutional Mercosur structure, creating the Common Market Council and the Common Market Group, both of which are to function at the outset of the transition phase. As provided for in this Treaty, before establishing the common market the member nations must call a special meeting in order to determine the definitive institutional structure for the public agencies managing Mercosur, as well as define the specific functions of each agency and the decision making process.

Common Market Council[link]

The Council is the highest-level agency of Mercosur with authority to conduct its policy, and responsibility for compliance with the objects and time frames set forth in the Asuncion Treaty. The Council is composed of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and the Economy (or the equivalent) of all five countries. Member states preside over the Council in rotating alphabetical order, for 6-month periods. Meetings: Councilmembers shall meet whenever necessary, but at least once a year. The presidents of the member nations shall partake of the annual Common Market Council meeting whenever possible. Decision Making: Council decisions shall be made by consensus, with representation of all member states.

Common Market Group[link]

The Group is the executive body of Mercosur, and is coordinated by the Ministries of Foreign Affairs of the member states. Its basic duties are to cause compliance with the Asuncion Treaty and to take resolutions required for implementation of the decisions made by the Council. Furthermore, it can initiate practical measures for trade opening, coordination of macroeconomic policies, and negotiation of agreements with nonmember states and international agencies, participating when need be in resolution of controversies under Mercosur. It has the authority to organize, coordinate and supervise Work Subgroups and to call special meetings to deal with issues of interest. Composition: The Common Market Group shall be made up of four permanent members and four alternates from each member state, representing the following public agencies: (i) the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; (ii) the Ministry of Economy, or the equivalent (from industry, foreign affairs and/or economic coordination); and (iii) the Central Bank. The members of the Common Market Group appointed by a given member state will constitute the National Section of the Common Market Group for that particular nation. Meetings: The Common Market Group will meet ordinarily at least once every quarter in the member states, in rotating alphabetical order. Special meetings may be freely called at any time, at any previously scheduled place. The meetings will be coordinated by the Head of the Delegation of the host member state. Decision Making: Common Market Group decisions shall be made by consensus, with the representation of all member states. The official Mercosur languages will be Portuguese and Spanish, and the official version of all work papers will be prepared in the language of the country hosting the meeting.

Mercosur/Mercosul's flag in the city of Brasília, Brazil.

Administrative and socioeconomic[link]

The Administrative Office will keep documents and issue the Mercosur official bulletin in both Portuguese and Spanish, and will also be charged with communicating the activities of the Common Market Group so as to allow for the maximum disclosure of decisions and the relevant documentation. The Socioeconomic Advisory Forum is consultative by nature, and represents the various socioeconomic sectors of the member nations.

Work Subgroups[link]

Directly subordinated to the Common Market Group, the Work Subgroups draw up the minutes of the decisions to be submitted for the consideration of the Council, and conduct studies on specific Mercosur concerns. Currently, the Work Subgroups are the following: Commercial Matters; Customs Matters; Technical Standards; Tax and Monetary Policies Relating to Trade; Land Transport; Sea Transport; Industrial and Technology Policies; Agricultural Policy; Energy Policy; Coordination of Macroeconomic Policies; and Labor, Employment and Social Security Matters. Meetings. The meetings of the Work subgroups will be held quarterly, alternating in every member state, in alphabetical order, or at the Common Market Group Administrative Office. Activities will be carried out by the Work Subgroups in two stages: preparatory and conclusive. In the preparatory stage, the members of the Work Subgroups may request the participation of representatives from the private sector of each member state. The decision-making stage is reserved exclusively for official representatives of the member states. The delegations of representatives from the private sector in the preparatory stage of the Work Subgroup activities will have a maximum of three representatives for each member state directly involved in any of the stages of the production, distribution or consumption process for the products that fall within the scope of the subgroup's activities.

Joint Parliamentary Committee[link]

Presidents during the Mercosur's ceremony in Córdoba, Argentina.

The Committee will have both an advisory and decision-making nature, with powers to submit proposals as well. It will be competent, inter alia, to: follow up on the integration process and keep the respective Congresses informed; Take the necessary steps for the future instatement of a Mercosur parliament; Organize subcommittees to examine matters relating to the integration process; Submit its recommendations to the Common Market Council and Group as to how the integration process should be conducted and Southern Common Market formed; Make the adjustments necessary to harmonize the laws of the different member states and submit them to the respective Congresses; Establish relationships with private entities in each of the member states, as well as international agencies and bureaus so as to obtain information and specialized assistance with matters of interest: Establish relationships targeting cooperation with Congresses of the nonmember nations and entities involved in regional integration schemes; Subscribe to cooperation and technical assistance accords with public and/or private entities whether domestic, supranational or international. The Committee will be composed of a maximum of 64 acting parliamentary members, 16 per member state, and an equal number of alternates, appointed by the Congress to which they pertain, and with a term of office of at least two years. The meetings shall be conducted by a directors' board consisting of four Presidents (one for each member state). The Committee will ordinarily meet twice a year, and extraordinarily whenever summoned by any of its five Presidents. Meetings are to be held in the territory of each member state on a successive and alternating basis. Decision Making: Meetings of the Joint Parliamentary Committee will only be valid when attended by parliamentary delegations from all member states. Decisions by the Joint Parliamentary Committee will be made by consensus vote of the majority of the members accredited by the respective Congresses of each member state. Portuguese and Spanish are the official languages of the Joint Parliamentary Committee.

Trade Commission[link]

The Trade Commission will assist the Mercosur executive body, always striving to apply the instruments of common trade policy agreed to by the member states for operation of the customs unification. Additionally, the commission should also follow up on the development of issues and matters related to common trade policies, the intra-Mercosur trade and trade with other countries. The commission will have five actual members and four alternates, with each member nation's indicating a member. The Trade Commission shall exert every effort to apply common trade policy instruments such as: Trade agreements with other countries or international entities; Administrative/commercial product lists; Final adaptation system for Mercosur customs unification; Origin system; Free-trade zone system, special customs areas and export processing zones; System to discourage unfair trade practices; Elimination and harmonization of tariff restrictions; Nonmember country safeguard systems; Customs coordination and harmonization; Consumer protection systems; and Export incentive harmonization.

Furthermore, the trade commission should speak out regarding the issues raised by the member states regarding application and compliance with common offshore tariffs and other common trade policy instruments. The commission shall meet at least once a month, as well as whenever asked to by the Mercosur executive agency or by a member state. The commission can take decisions entailing administration and application of trade policies adopted under Southern Common Market, and whenever necessary submit proposals to the executive body regarding regulation of the areas under its authority; additionally, it can propose new guidelines or modify those in existence in Mercosur trade and customs matters. In this respect, the trade commission can propose a change in the import duty on specific items under common external tariffs, including cases referring to development of new Mercosur production activities. In order to better achieve its objectives, the trade commission can create technical committees targeting direction and supervision of the work it engages in. It can also adopt internal operating regulations. Proposals and decisions of the trade commission will be taken by a consensus of the representatives indicated by each member nation. Any disputes ensuing from the application, interpretation or compliance with the acts issued by the trade commission are to be referred to the Mercosur executive body, and should be resolved using the directives set forth in the Dispute Resolution System adopted under Southern Common Market.

International jurisdiction over contractual matters[link]

Court of Mercosur, in the city of Asunción, Paraguay.

The rules on litigation jurisdiction over contractual matters will apply to disputes arising from civil or commercial international contracts between private-law legal entities or individuals provided that: They are domiciled or headquartered in different member states: At least one of the parties to the contract is domiciled or headquartered in any member state and, additionally, has made a choice of jurisdiction in favor of a court in one of the member states. In this case, there must be a reasonable connection between the jurisdiction chosen and the controversy. The scope of the application of the international jurisdiction guidelines over contractual matters excludes the following: legal relationships between bankrupt entities/individuals and their creditors and any other analogous proceedings (especially concordatas composition with creditors); matters under agreements involving family and succession law; social security contracts; administrative contracts; employment contracts; consumer sales contracts; transport contracts; insurance policies; and rights in rem.

Choice of Jurisdiction[link]

Courts in member nations to whose jurisdiction the contracted parties have agreed to submit the matter in writing will have jurisdiction to settle controversies stemming from civil or commercial international contracts.

Agreement of choice[link]

The jurisdiction can be agreed on at the time the contract is signed, during the life of the contract, or even when the dispute actually arises. The validity and effects of the choice of venue will be governed by the law of the member nations that normally have jurisdiction to hear the case, always resorting to the law most favorable to the validity of the contract. Whether or not jurisdiction is chosen, such jurisdiction will be prorogated in favor of the courts of the member state where the proceedings are in fact filed, provided the respondent voluntarily allows this in an affirmative and unfeigned way.

Subsidiary jurisdiction[link]

Should the contracted parties not reach an agreement regarding the courts competent to settle disputes, the member state chosen by the plaintiff of the case in point will have jurisdiction: The court of the place where the contract is to be performed; or The court of the domicile of the respondent; or The court of the domicile or headquarters of the claimant when the latter can show that it has done its part. For purposes of item (i) above the place of performance of the contract will be the member state where the obligations on which the claim is based have been or should be performed, taking into consideration the following: For contracts involving certain specific items, the place where they existed at the time of contract signing; For contracts involving specific items according to their type, the place of domicile of the debtor at the time of contract signing; For contracts involving fungible items, the place of domicile of the debtor at the time of conclusion of the contract; and For service rendering contracts:

• If in regard to items, the place where they were at the time of contract signing;

• If effectiveness is related to any special place, the place where they were to produce effects;

• In all other cases, the place of domicile of the debtor at the time of contract signing. For purposes of application of second item above for determination of the domicile of the respondent in a contractual dispute involving individuals, the following will be taken into consideration: The habitual residence: On a subsidiary basis, the central place of business; and In the absence of any such considerations, the place where found, meaning the actual residence. When dealing with a legal entity, the determination of the domicile will be based on where the administrative headquarters have been set up. The claim plaintiff can, as an alternative, file in any of the places where the legal entity has branches, establishments, agencies or any other type of representation. Legal entities headquartered in any member state that have concluded contracts with any other member state can be sued in the courts of this latter state should there be any dispute as to the construction and implementation of the obligations regulated by contract. In the event there is a codefendant, a suit on contractual matters can be adjudicated with the courts of jurisdiction in the territory of the domicile of any of the parties to the litigation. Additionally, any claims entailing personal collateral rights or intervention of nonmember states in contractual obligations can be filed with the court hearing the main proceeding.

Counterclaims[link]

In the event of there being a counterclaim based on any act or fact that served as the basis for the main proceeding, the courts hearing the main proceeding will be competent to hear any counterclaims that may arise.

Educational integration[link]

University of São Paulo, located in the city of São Paulo, Brazil. Is one of the most highly esteemed university institutions in the region of Mercosur.^[5][6]

Based on the premise that education is a fundamental factor in the regional integration process, educational courses at the primary or junior high level, provided that they do not entail technical studies, will be recognized by member states as being on the same level for all member nations. Likewise, in order to permit continuing education, certificates proving course conclusion issued by an official institution accredited in one of the member states will be valid in all other member states. Nontechnical primary and junior high level studies that have not been completed will be accredited by any member state, thereby allowing course conclusion in another member nation. Studies will be completed using an equivalency table to determine the level achieved.

Regional Technical Commission[link]

In order to harmonize the mechanisms favoring accreditation of studies undertaken in any member nation in any other member nation, and to resolve any situations that may not be covered by the equivalency table, a Regional Technical Commission will be created. This Commission will include delegations from the ministries of education of each member nation, and will meet whenever at least two member states think it necessary to convene. The meeting sites will be established on a rotating basis. Any disputes that arise among the member states as a result of application, construction or noncompliance regarding the provisions related to education will be initially resolved by direct diplomatic negotiations. Should the countries not reach an accord or should the dispute be only partially resolved, then the procedures set forth in the Dispute Resolution System will be resorted to. Should the member nations enter into a bilateral convention or accord whose provisions are more favorable to their students, the member states in question can apply whichever provisions they consider most advantageous.

Free Trade Zones[link]

The Province of Tierra del Fuego in Argentina has a free-trade zone.

The member nations can have commercial free-trade zones, industrial free-trade zones, export processing zones, and special customs areas, all of which target providing merchandise marketed or produced in these areas with treatment different from that afforded in their respective customs territories.

Tariffs[link]

The member states can assess merchandise from these areas with the common external tariff used for Mercosur merchandise, or, in the case of certain special products, the domestic tariff prevailing in each individual state. In this way, the products from the free-trade zones can have the more favorable tax treatment established under Southern Common Market, given to the merchandise produced in the normal customs zones of each member state or, in the case of certain special products, can have the normal customs treatment prevailing in each nation.

Safeguards[link]

Products produced or marketed in the free-trade zones of each member nation will be eligible for the safeguard system whenever this entails an increase not provided for in imports, but capable of causing damages or threatened damages to the importer country.

Incentives[link]

The city of Manaus, Brazil, has a free-trade zone.

In the event of the producing nation's granting special incentives for production from the free-trade zones that are not compatible with the corresponding guidelines established under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the member nation can make any adjustments needed to return the situation to equilibrium.

Creation[link]

The member nations agreed that any free-trade zones that in August 1994 were already in operation could operate normally under Mercosur, along with any that are set up in light of legal guidelines prevailing or in course in Congress during this same time period. This means that a member nation can no longer create new free-trade zones that are more privileged.

Manaus and Tierra del Fuego FTZs[link]

The actual implementation of Mercosur will not affect the special Manaus, Brazil, and Tierra del Fuego, Argentina, free-trade zones organized in light of their special geographic situations. These two free-trade zones may continue normal operations until 2013.

Reciprocal promotion and protection[link]

Celso Amorim, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, Sérgio Cabral during the Leadership of Mercosur/Mercosul.

The nations subscribing to the Asunción Treaty consider that the creation and maintenance of conditions favorable to individual or corporate investments for the jurisdiction of one of the member states in the territory of another state is essential to intensify the economic cooperation targeted so as to accelerate the integration process among all four member states. In this context, Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay and Brazil signed on January 1, 1994 in the city of Colonia del Sacramento, Uruguay, the Colonia Protocol for the Reciprocal Promotion and Protection of Mercosur Investments (Colonia Protocol). It was established in this protocol that investments under Mercosur by investors resident or domiciled in the territory of any member state will be entitled to treatment no less favorable than that accorded by the other member state to national investors or nonmember states.

Investors[link]

For purposes of construction of the Colonia Protocol, investors are considered to be: Individuals that are citizens of any of the member nations or that reside there on a permanent basis or are domiciled there, with due regard for legislation prevailing in such territory; Legal entities organized pursuant to the legislation of one of the member nations that are headquartered there; and Legal entities organized in the territory where the investment is made, actually and directly or indirectly controlled by the legal entities or individuals mentioned above.

Investments[link]

The term investment includes all types of assets such as: movable or immovable property, such as rights in rem and guarantee in rem rights; Shares, corporate holdings and any other type of corporate participations; Credit instruments and rights that may have an economic value; Intellectual property rights or materials, Including copyrights and industrial property rights such as patents, industrial drawings, trademarks, commercial names, technical procedures, know-how and goodwill; Economic concessions involving public law, such as research, cultivation, extraction or natural resource exploration concessions.

Freedom to invest[link]

Brazil-Uruguay International Border.

The nation receiving the investment cannot avail itself of unjustified or discriminatory means capable of restricting the investor's freedom to manage, maintain, use, enjoy and dispose of its investments.

Tax Issues[link]

The member states are not however obligated to extend to investors in the other nations signatory to the Colonia Protocol the benefits of any treatment, preference or privilege resulting from international accords relating fully or partially to tax matters.

Exceptions[link]

In addition, the member nations can temporarily establish a list of exceptions where the new treatment will not yet prevail. In this way, the various member nations decided to except the following economic sectors: Argentina: ownership of real estate on the frontier strip, air transportation, naval industry, nuclear plants, uranium mining, insurance and fishery; Brazil: mineral prospection and mining; use of hydraulic energy; health care; television and radio broadcasting and telecommunications in general, acquisition or leasing of rural properties; participation in the financial intermediation, insurance, social security and capitalization systems; chartering and cabotage as well as inland navigation; Paraguay: ownership of real property on the frontier strip; communications, including radio and television broadcasting; air, sea and land transportation; electricity, water and telephone services; prospecting for hydrocarbons and strategic minerals; import and refining of petroleum derivates and postal services; and Uruguay: electricity; hydrocarbons; basic petrochemicals, atomic energy; prospecting for strategic minerals; financial intermediation; railways, telecommunications; radio broadcasting; press and audiovisual means.

Landmark of the Three Borders - Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay, in Iguazu Falls.

Expropriation and compensation[link]

The member nations undertook to do nothing to nationalize or expropriate investments in their territories that pertain to investors from the signatory countries, unless such measures are taken based on public need. In such case, nothing discriminatory can be done, but everything must be implemented by due legal process. Compensation for the investment holder that is expropriated or nationalized should be both adequate and effective, and made in advance, based on the real investment value determined at the time the decision is publicly announced by the proper authorities. This payment will be updated until actual payment, and the affected investor will receive interest.

Transfers[link]

The original member state investors will be ensured free transfer of their investments and any earnings thereon. These transfers can be made in freely convertible currency, using the exchange rate prevailing on the market pursuant to the procedures established by the member state receiving the investment. Member nations cannot adopt any exchange measures restricting free transfer of the funds invested or from activities exercised in their respective territories.

Role and potential[link]

Some South Americans see Mercosur as giving the capability to combine resources to balance the activities of other global economic powers, especially the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the European Union.^[7] The organization could also potentially pre-empt the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA);^[8] however, over half of the current Mercosur member countries rejected the FTAA proposal at the IV Cumbre de las Américas (IV Summit of the Americas) in Argentina in 2005.

The development of Mercosur was arguably weakened by the collapse of the Argentine economy in 2001 and it has still seen internal conflicts over trade policy, between Brazil and Argentina, Argentina and Uruguay, Paraguay and Brazil, etc. In addition, many obstacles are to be addressed before the development of a common currency in Mercosur.^[9]

In 2004, Mercosur signed a cooperation agreement with the Andean Community of Nations trade bloc (CAN) and they published a joint letter of intent for future negotiations towards integrating all of South America.^[10] The prospect of increased political integration within the organization, as per the European Union and advocated by some, is still uncertain.^[11] Bolivia, also a member of CAN and an associate member of Mercosur before the UNASUR process started, plays a crucial part in relations, says Marion Hörmann, since Bolivia is traditionally seen as a mediator between the Andean countries and the rest of South America. Regional Integration: Key Role for Bolivia

The bloc comprises a population of more than 270 million people, and the combined Gross Domestic Product of the full-member nations is in excess of US$3.0 trillion a year (Purchasing power parity, PPP) according to International Monetary Fund (IMF) numbers, making Mercosur the fifth-largest economy in the World. It is the fourth-largest trading bloc after the European Union.^[12]

The working of Mercosur has not met with universal approval within interested countries. Chile has to a certain extent preferred to pursue bilateral agreements with trading partners, and there have been calls from Uruguayan politicians for this example to be followed.^[13]

FTA with third parties[link]

Mercosur summit in 2006.

Recently, with the new cooperation agreement with Mercosur, the Andean Community gained four new associate members: Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. These four Mercosur members were granted associate membership by the Andean Council of Foreign Ministers meeting in an enlarged session with the Commission (of the Andean Community) on 7 July 2005. This move reciprocates the actions of Mercosur which granted associate membership to all the Andean Community nations by virtue of the Economic Complementarity Agreements (Free Trade Agreements) signed between the CAN and individual Mercosur members.^[14]

Colombian president Álvaro Uribe signed a free trade agreement with Mercosur in December 2005, giving Colombian products preferential access to a market of 230 million people. Colombian entrepreneurs will also be able to import materials and capital goods from Mercosur at lower costs due to reduced tariffs resulting from the agreement.^[15]

The agreement's asymmetry clauses favor Colombia because it allows the gradual and progressive reduction of tariffs and likewise gives Colombia the opportunity to gradually reform its production system to adapt it to the requirements of the future negotiations within the scheme of Mercosur and the Union of South American Nations. Mercosur signed a free trade agreement with Israel in Uruguay in December 2007.^[16][17]

Members[link]

The following countries are full members, in the process of becoming full members, associate members or observers.^[18]

Full members[link]

Associate members[link]

Observers[link]

See also[link]

Further reading[link]

• Samuel A. Arieti, The Role of MERCOSUR as a Vehicle for Latin American Integration, Chicago Journal of International Law, vol. 6 (2005/2006), pp. 761–773.

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Mercosur

• Mercosur Official Website
• Radio Mercosur - Website and radio online

v t e Mercosur · Mercosul  (Southern Common Market) Treaties Treaty of Asunción Protocol of Ouro Preto Currencies Argentine peso Brazilian real Paraguayan guaraní Uruguayan peso gaucho Members Argentina Brazil Paraguay Uruguay Venezuela Associates Bolivia Chile Colombia Ecuador Peru Observers Mexico New Zealand

v t e Union of South American Nations Member states Argentina Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Ecuador Guyana Paraguay Peru Suriname Uruguay Venezuela Summits 2004 South American Summit 2008 South American Summit 2009 South American Summit 2010 South American Summit 2011 South American Summit Topics Cusco Declaration Constitutive Treaty President Pro Tempore Secretary General Bank of the South South American Parliament Initiative for Infrastructure Integration of South America Mercosur Andean Community

Rafael Correa
President of Ecuador
Incumbent
Assumed office 15 January 2007
Vice President	Lenín Moreno
Preceded by	Alfredo Palacio
President pro tempore of the Union of South American Nations
In office 10 August 2009 – 26 November 2010
Preceded by	Michelle Bachelet
Succeeded by	Bharrat Jagdeo
Chairman of the PAIS Alliance
Incumbent
Assumed office 19 February 2006
Preceded by	Position established
Minister of Finance
In office 20 April 2005 – 8 August 2005
Preceded by	Mauricio Yepez
Succeeded by	Magdalena Barreiro
Personal details
Born	(1963-04-06) 6 April 1963 (age 49) Guayaquil, Ecuador
Nationality	Ecuadorian
Political party	PAIS Alliance
Spouse(s)	Anne Malherbe
Children	Sofía Anne Dominique Rafael Miguel
Residence	Carondelet Palace (Official) Quito (Private)
Alma mater	Catholic University of Guayaquil Catholic University of Louvain University of Illinois, Urbana–Champaign
Religion	Roman Catholicism
Website	Official website

Rafael Vicente Correa Delgado (6 April 1963)^[1] is the President of the Republic of Ecuador and was the president pro tempore of the Union of South American Nations. An economist educated in Ecuador, Belgium and the United States, he was elected President in late 2006 and took office in January 2007. In December 2008, he declared Ecuador's national debt illegitimate, based on the argument that it was odious debt contracted by corrupt and despotic prior regimes. He then pledged to fight creditors in international courts, and succeeded in reducing the price of the debt letters and continued paying all the debt.^[2] He brought Ecuador into the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas in June 2009. To date, Correa’s administration has succeeded in reducing the high levels of poverty, indigence, and unemployment in Ecuador.^[3][4]

Correa's first term in office had been due to end on 15 January 2011, but the new approved constitution written by the new National Assembly mandated general elections for 26 April 2009. In that election, Rafael Correa won in the first round with 51.9%^[5] of votes counted. It was the first time since 1979 in which a representative was elected without having to face a second round. Consequently, Correa began a new term in office due to end on 10 August 2013, which could be extended by reelection until 2017.^[6][7][8]

Correa's policies towards the media have been controversial. These have included lawsuits against journalists and media directors, government expropriation of private media outlets and promotion of new government-owned media. Critics charge Correa with running a campaign against the independence of the media.^[9][10][11] Among other actions, Correa brought a libel case against the newspaper El Universo and won damages of $40 million, confirmed by the National Court of Justice (Ecuador's highest court) as of February 16, 2012. The court also confirmed three-year prison sentences against a journalist and three executives of the newspaper.^[12] Following widespread condemnation of the sentences, Correa announced on 27 February 2012 that he would pardon the four individuals involved. He also said he would drop a separate case against two other journalists who produced a book purportedly exposing government contracts given to Correa's brother.^[13]

Background[link]

Early life[link]

A descendant of the Chilean politician Rafael Correa of Saa and Lazón and Delgado and Flaquito, Rafael Correa comes from a working class family in Guayaquil.^{[citation needed]} His father was Rafael Correa Icaza, born in the Province of Los Ríos, Ecuador, 23 March 1934 and deceased 10 June 1995; and his mother is Norma Delgado Rendón, born 1 September 1939.^[14] His parents had three more children: Fabricio Correa, Pierina Correa; Bernardita Correa(+).

When Rafael Correa was 25 years old, his father was caught smuggling drugs (cocaine) into the U.S. and was convicted and sentenced to 5 and half years in prison for his crime.^[15] Rafael had a troubled and difficult childhood - his father ended up committing suicide and the family struggled to make ends meet.^[16] Correa has publicly acknowledged this incident, he said: "...drug smugglers are not delinquents. They are single mothers or unemployed people who are desperate to feed their families". He even has plans to implement reforms to the laws that govern these type of crimes ("Ley de Control de Tráfico de Estupefacientes"). to allow some leniency for cocaine (or other drugs) smugglers. His antipathy towards the US government is in part due to this sad event in Correa's life.^[17][18]

He is married to Anne Malherbe, a teacher of Belgian nationality born in 1969, whom he met in 1990 at the Catholic University of Louvain. The couple have three children: Sofía, Anne Dominique and Miguel.^[19]

He carried out his primary and secondary studies in the Catholic school San José-La Salle, in Guayaquil.^[20] During his youth he was part and directed groups of Scouts of the Association of Scouts of Ecuador, as well as a troop of the Group 14 San José-La Salle, and afterwards, Group 17 Christopher Columbus that also helped to create.^[20]

During his secondary studies he was President of the Lasallian Student Cultural Association ("ACEL" in Spanish). Afterwards and based on his academic achievements, he obtained a scholarship to study at the Catholic University of Santiago de Guayaquil (UCSG in Spanish), a private higher education institution in Guayaquil, Ecuador, where he obtained an undergraduate degree in economics in 1987.^[21]

When attending UCSG, he was elected President of the Association of Students of Economy, Audit and Administration (AEAA) and, later on, President of the Federation of Students (FEUC) of the same education center, a position which in 1986 allowed him to preside over the Private Universities Students Federation of Ecuador (FEUPE in Spanish).^[21]

In 1993 he was a director at the Ministry of Education and Culture (MEC) in Ecuador, with administrative oversight supervising improvement programs of the national educational system. The improvement programs were funded by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB).

Career 1987–2001[link]

Following the conclusion of his studies at UCSG, he worked for one year in a mission at a kindergarten run by the Salesian order in Zumbahua, Cotopaxi Province, where Correa provided support to increase literacy of the indigenous population, as well as support for microenterprise development. During his work at Zumbabua he acquired a basic knowledge of Quechua, which is spoken by the majority of the indigenous population living in the Ecuadorean Andes.^[22] In addition to Spanish and Quechua, he speaks French and English.^[23]-

In June 1991, he received a Master of Arts in Economics from the Université Catholique de Louvain in Belgium. He later studied at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, where he earned a Master of Science in Economics in May 1999, and later a PhD in Economics in October 2001. According to The Washington Post, Correa's adviser at the University of Illinois, Werner Baer, supports his former student. "He appreciates the market to a certain point, but he knows that the market left alone concentrates wealth", he said. "He is not going to do anything foolish... because he is a fairly open-minded person."^{[24][dead link]}

In his doctoral dissertation, titled "Three Essays on Contemporaneous Latin American Development", Correa affirmed essentially that the structural reforms instituted in Latin America beginning in the 1980s, failed as driver for growth in the region. By means of econometric analysis, Correa argued that the reforms did not spur growth and also that the liberalization of the labor markets reduced the productivity of Latin American countries.^[25]

Minister of Finance 2005[link]

In 2005, Correa served as economy and finance minister under Alfredo Palacio. During his four months in office, he advocated poverty reduction and economic sovereignty. Correa was skeptical of a free-trade deal with the United States, did not take advice from the International Monetary Fund, and worked to increase Ecuador's cooperation with other Latin American countries. After the World Bank withheld a loan (citing changes to the oil income stabilization fund), Correa resigned from Palacio's government. Correa had also proposed the issuance of government bonds at a lower interest rate than the 8.5% prevailing one at that time one. Venezuela's government was to purchase half of the new bond issue. Correa claimed in his resignation letter that the sale was done with full presidential authorization, but cited lack of support from the president as a factor in his decision to resign.^[26]

When Correa resigned as minister, polls showed he had the highest credibility of any official in the administration at the time, with 57% of Ecuadorians saying that they trusted him.^[27]

2006 Presidential campaign[link]

Preparations[link]

At the start of 2006 Presidential campaign, Rafael Correa founded the Alianza PAIS—Patria Altiva y Soberana ("Proud and Sovereign Fatherland Alliance"). The movement espouses political sovereignty, regional integration, and economic relief for Ecuador's poor. Correa, an actively observant Roman Catholic, describes himself as a humanist, a Christian leftist, and a proponent of 21st century socialism.^[28]

During the campaign, Correa proposed a constituent assembly to rewrite Ecuador's constitution.^[29] Alianza PAIS did not run any congressional candidates, as Correa had stated that he would call for a referendum to begin drafting a new constitution. However, the Alianza PAIS movement signed a political alliance with the Ecuadorian Socialist Party, which did present candidates for Congress.^[30] Alliance PAIS also signature 31 July the 2006 a Programmatic Political Agreement with the Communist Party of Ecuador when Correa was postulated for candidate for president.^[31]

Other parties that united to Alliance PAIS in the second electoral turn other parties as: Democratic People's Movement,^[32] Democratic Left,^[33] Pachakutik,^[34] and the Partido Roldista Ecuatoriano.^[35]

Petroleum policy[link]

On economic policy, Correa called for reform of the petroleum industry, including an increase in the percentage of petroleum revenues spent on social programs for the Ecuadorian poor, following the reforms of the Hydrocarbons Law promoted by former Economy and Finance Minister Diego Borja. He accused foreign petroleum companies operating in Ecuador of failing to meet existing environmental and investment regulations. In an interview, Correa stated:

Many of the oil contracts are a true entrapment for the country. Of every five barrels of oil that the multinationals produce, they leave only one for the state and take four... That is absolutely unacceptable. We're going to revise and renegotiate the contracts."^[36]

Finances and debts[link]

He advocated reform of the financial sector, including limiting offshore deposits by local banks to no more than 10% of their holdings.

Correa also proposed strategies for reducing the burden of Ecuador's foreign debt service through compulsory debt restructuring. He indicated that his top priority would be spending on social programs rather than servicing Ecuador's debt.^[37]

Correa criticized the neoliberal policies of Jamil Mahuad to adopt the US dollar as the country's official currency while later acknowledging that it would not now be feasible to abandon that policy.

Commerce and foreign policies[link]

Correa also criticized Ecuador's draft free trade agreement as currently negotiated with the US,^[38] although he does advocate expanding trade and opening markets with other countries, urging in particular the integration of South American economies.^[39]

On foreign policy, Correa commented on Ecuador's relations with its neighbor Colombia. Correa stressed Ecuador's interest in staying uninvolved in internal conflict in Colombia.^[40] In October 2006, Correa added that he would "pursue and capture" FARC members if they enter Ecuador. He also declared that he condemns their kidnappings, violations of human rights and bombings.^[41] Later, during his presidency National Police of Colombia accused Correa of having ties to the FARC. Correa denied the accusations. See section Presidency.

In August 2006, Correa told the Ecuadorian press that he is not part of the Venezuelan Bolivarian movement, although he considers Hugo Chávez a personal friend.

In response to Chávez's comparison of George W. Bush with Satan, Correa said it was unfair to the devil.^[42]

Indigenous votes[link]

In addition to his platform on economic and social policy, Correa's ability to communicate with a large majority of Ecuador's indigenous population in their own language also differentiated him from other candidates. He learned Quichua in his youth during a year he spent volunteering in a remote highland town.^[43] However, in the 15 October election, a large percentage of the votes in areas with high concentration of indigenous people went to candidate Gilmar Gutiérrez, brother of Lucio Gutiérrez, although Correa generally ran second in these areas.^[44]

Result[link]

In the 15 October 2006 general election Correa obtained second place (22.84%) behind banana tycoon Álvaro Noboa (26.83%). Correa won the subsequent 26 November 2006 runoff election with 56.67% of the vote.^[45] He took office on 15 January 2007.

Presidency 2007–2009[link]

Ecuador

This article is part of the series: Politics and government of Ecuador

Constitution (history) President Rafael Correa Vice President Lenín Moreno National Assembly Political parties Constitutional Tribunal Elections: 2006, 2007, 2009 Provinces Cantons Parishes Foreign relations

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Rafael Correa during his inaugural speech as president of Ecuador

Rafael Correa was officially declared President of Ecuador on 4 December 2006 by the country's electoral court. He was sworn in on 15 January 2007 as the 56th president of Ecuador, the seventh to occupy the post since the legislature removed president Abdalá Bucaram 10 years earlier in the midst of a debt crisis that devastated the country. His inauguration was attended by most regional leaders, as well as the Iranian president and Spanish Crown Prince.^[46]

Correa promised to get rid of the traditionally corrupt political class.^[47][48][49]

Economic policy[link]

Socialism will continue. The Ecuadorian people voted for that. We are going to emphasize this fight for social justice, for regional justice. We are going to continue the fight to eliminate all forms of workplace exploitation within our socialist conviction: the supremacy of human work over capital. Nobody is in any doubt that our preferential option is for the poorest people, we are here because of them. Hasta la victoria siempre! (Until the eternal victory)

— Rafael Correa, April 30, 2009^[50]

Correa's administration has suggested that the new government will not sign an agreement allowing the International Monetary Fund to monitor its economic plan. In February 2007, Correa's economy minister Ricardo Patiño stated: "I have no intention ... of accepting what some governments in the past have accepted: that (the IMF) tell us what to do on economic policy." "That seems unacceptable to us," Patiño added. However, as a member of the IMF, the annual report known as the "Article IV" report will be undertaken.^[51]

Market manipulation[link]

In May 2007, evidence surfaced that some of the Ecuadorian government rhetoric might have been part of an alleged market manipulation to benefit Ecuador from movements in the price of financial instruments linked to Ecuadorian Bonds.^[52] A fall in Ecuador bond prices, ignited by aggressive default rhetoric, would trigger a buyback by Ecuador, financed by Venezuelan banks. This strategy collapsed due to operations engaged by Venezuelan financial institutions who profited from the market swings. Correa referred to the allegations as a conspiracy from a powerful banker.^[53][54][55] On 26 July 2007, Rafael Correa replaced finance minister Patiño, due to Patiño's appearance in a video recording, apparently discussing the market manipulation. Patiño then assumed a newly created position responsible for the Pacific coast region and later assumed the Politics Affairs Ministry.^[56] In a radio address on 13 December, Correa said that he wanted to force a “big discount” on creditors, whom a day earlier he called “true monsters who won’t hesitate to crush the country”.^[57] "I have lost sleep over this ... this will cost us tears and sweat but I think we are doing the right thing."^[58] Correa, who endorses anti-debt NGO Jubilee 2000's slogan "life before debt", is popular among Ecuadorians for his stance against foreign investors.^[58]

Dollarisation[link]

Correa has criticised the neoliberal policies of previous presidents, particularly former president Mahuad's adoption of the U.S. dollar as Ecuador's domestic currency in 2000. Correa has characterized dollarization as a "technical error" which has effectively eliminated Ecuador's ability to set its own monetary and exchange policy. However, Correa has also acknowledged that it would be politically impossible to abandon that policy now. After his election victory of 15 April 2007, he pledged to maintain dollarization during the four years of his administration, though he also indicated his support for the idea of replacing the dollar with a regional South American currency at some point in the future.^[59]

Bond repurchase[link]

On 16 April 2009, Finance Minister Maria Elsa Viteri embarked on a trip to Europe in a mission to present Ecuador's offer to buy back global bonds 2012 and 2030 at 30% of their current value. In May 2009, Ecuador announced that it had successfully bought 91% of the bonds at a cost of 35 cents on the dollar.^[60]

Concessions of mobile telephony[link]

In May of the 2008, under direct administration of Rafael Correa, it was possible to re-negotiate the concessions of radio spectrum of cellular operators Porta and Movistar for a total amount of 700 million dollars, a higher sum than the established one on studies carried out in previous governments, in which it was recommended to give the same concessions for 70 million dollars.^[61]

Foreign policy[link]

Presidents of South American countries meet in Rio de Janeiro. From left to right: Rafael Correa (Ecuador), Evo Morales (Bolivia), Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (Brazil), Michelle Bachelet (Chile), Hugo Chávez (Venezuela) and Nicanor Duarte (Paraguay)

During Rafael Correa's tenure as presidency he took some radical alternative steps to change the course of Ecuador's relations with the rest of the world. Amongst these were economic moves to correct Ecuador's debt imbalance, a distancing from the United States, a rift with its northern neighbour Colombia, and a strengthening of ties with ALBA (including Venezuela and Bolivia), as well as Iran.

Rafael Correa with Dmitry Medvedev

Tension with Colombia[link]

On 1 March 2008 at 00:25 local time (05:25 UTC), Colombia launched this military operation, 1.8 kilometers (1.1 mi) into Ecuador.^[62][63][64] According to Colombian authorities, the guerrillas responded militarily to this initial bombardment from a position in the vicinity of Santa Rosa de Yanamaru, on the Ecuadorian side of the border, killing a Colombian soldier, Carlos Hernández. A second bombardment was then carried out, resulting in the deaths of Raúl Reyes and at least 20 more FARC members.^[65] Two bodies, several documents and three laptops found in the guerrilla camp were returned to Colombia.^[62][66] This was the first time the Colombian military had killed a member of FARC's leadership council in combat.^[67] After this operation, the Colombian authorities increased its security measures nationwide, fearing FARC retaliation.^[68]

According to the Ecuadorian government, the attack happened 3 kilometres (1.9 mi) inside its own territory, lacked its permission and was a planned strike, intended to be followed by the incursion of Colombian troops by helicopter. It pointed out that the attack had left a total of more than 20 people dead in Ecuadorian territory, many of whom were found to be wearing underwear or sleeping clothes.^[69][70] The government of Ecuador concluded that the attack was a "massacre" and not the result of combat or "hot pursuit". Ecuadorian president Rafael Correa had reason to believe that the Colombian warplanes had penetrated 10 km into Ecuador's territory and struck the guerrilla camp while flying north, followed by troops in helicopters who had completed the killings. He claimed that some of the bodies had been found to be shot from behind.^[70]

The Ecuadorian authorities found three wounded women in the camp, including a Mexican student who was identified as Lucía Andrea Morett Álvarez.^[71][72] Lucía Morett claimed that she was visiting the guerrilla group as part of an academic investigation, refusing to answer other questions about the circumstances surrounding her presence there.^[73] Regarding the attack on the camp, she has stated: "I was asleep when we received a first aerial attack. Two or three hours later we were attacked again".^[73] Ecuador said that it was cooperating with Mexico to investigate whether any Mexicans had been killed during the raid.^[74] According to the director of the Ecuadorian military hospital which treated the three women, they had received some sort of medical attention from both the attacking Colombian forces and the Ecuadorian soldiers who later found them.^[75]

President Uribe of Colombia spoke by telephone with his Ecuadorian counterpart, Rafael Correa, early on the morning of the raid, to inform him of the incident.^[76] In a press conference that evening, Correa denounced the attack as "aggression" against Ecuador, calling it a "massacre," and claiming that the rebels had been killed in their sleep using "advanced technology". He announced that he was summoning his ambassador in Colombia for consultations.^[76] On Sunday, 2 March, Correa said that a diplomatic note would be sent in protest at the incursion,^[77] claiming that the action had been a violation of Ecuador's airspace.^[78] Ecuador formally recalled its ambassador from Colombia and expelled the Colombian ambassador from Quito.^[76]

Correa withdrew his government's ambassador in Bogotá, Colombia, and ordered troops to the country's border following the 2008 Andean diplomatic crisis in early March 2008.^[79] On 3 March 2008, Colombia's police said that documents found in a camp in Ecuador where Colombian troops killed Raul Reyes, a top guerrilla boss, showed ties between the FARC rebels and Correa, including contacts about political proposals and local military commanders.^[80] Correa denied the accusations, calling them lies.^[81] Correa also said that a deal to release political prisoners – including former Colombian Sen. Ingrid Betancourt – was nearly complete before the 1 March 2008 Colombian raid into his country.^[82] On 5 March 2008, Correa and Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez met to discuss Colombia's attack and made a series of accusations against Colombia's government.^[83] During the meeting, Correa dismissed Colombia's president Álvaro Uribe as just a "puppet" while others are the "puppet masters".^[84] On 18 May 2011, Colombia's Supreme Court ruled documents found on computers of slain FARC commander "Raul Reyes" are inadmissible as evidence in court as the material is illegally obtained and provides no evidence.^[85]

At a Rio Group summit held in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, on 7 March 2008, after a heated exchange of accusations between Correa and Uribe, the diplomatic crisis was temporarily resolved with Colombia's apologies for the attack and reassurances that it won't be repeated. Correa said that with this resolution Latin America was starting a new era where international principles of justice will have preeminence over power.^[86]

Relations with United States[link]

Correa has not renewed United States Southern Command's lease of Eloy Alfaro Air Base in Manta, ending U.S. occupancy of this military base in September 2009.^[87]

Relations with Venezuela[link]

Presidents of Paraguay, Fernando Lugo,of Bolívia, Evo Morales, of Brasil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, of Ecuador, Rafael Correa, and Venezuela, Hugo Chavez, in Fórum Social Mundial for Latin America

In June 2009, Correa joined the Chavez-backed Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), together with Cuba, Nicaragua, Bolivia and other countries.^[88]

2008 Constitution[link]

Conflicts with Congress[link]

In February 2007, Correa's plan to have a referendum on the convening of a constituent assembly was approved by Congress. The referendum took place on 15 April 2007. However, after this date was set, the "statutes" for the referendum were modified by Correa to allow more powers to the constituent assembly.,^[89][90] One of these powers was the ability to dismiss Congress, a power which Congress never approved. The newer version of the referendum was approved by the majority of the seven-seat Electoral Tribunal. In early March, Congress, which was controlled by Correa's opposition, reacted by trying to impeach the President of the electoral tribunal.^[91] The electoral tribunal then removed from office the 57 members of Congress who tried to impeach the President of the Electoral Tribunal, on the grounds of attempting to intervene an electoral process. Correa backed the electoral tribunal (which approved his version of the referendum) while stating that the removal of the 57 congressmen was constitutional. The situation escalated to a feud between the opposition in Congress and the Executive and marches in the street against Congress and police intervention to prevent the Congressmen from entering the legislative building.^[92][93]

On 22 March, 21 alternate deputies were sworn in, allowing the Congress to regain quorum, and on 23 and 24 March a further 20 deputies were sworn in. The new majority (formed by 28 alternate deputies and 31 deputies from parties that support the referendum and Assembly) pledged to support the referendum on the Constitutional Assembly.^[94] On 23 April, the Constitutional Tribunal decided to try to reinstate 51 of the 57 Congressmen who had been fired by the Electoral Tribunal. The Constitutional Tribunal claimed that it was illegal to remove them in the first place, and approved a petition by the 51 requesting their reinstatement.^[95] But before the congressmen had the chance to reenter Congress, Congress voted to fire all nine judges of the Constitutional Tribunal for their "unconstitutional actions".^[96]

Constituent referendum[link]

On 15 April, Ecuadoreans voted overwhelmingly (81.72% in favor) to support the election of a constituent assembly.^[97]

Assembly election[link]

On 30 September 2007, due to the extraordinarly large number of candidates and lists (26 national lists, 428 provincial lists, 44 emigrant lists) the Ecuadorian Constituent Assembly election, 2007 was the most complex in Ecuador's history.^[98] As a result in the national election, President Correa won backing for his plans to rewrite Ecuador's constitution and expand state control of the nation's economy. Correa's faction won approximately 61% of the seats in the National Assembly (80 of 130 Assembly Members).^[99]

Constituent Assembly[link]

The Ecuadorian Constituent Assembly first convened on 29 November 2007 in Montecristi, and was given six months to write a new constitution, with a possible two-month extension. In June 2008, the president of the CA, Alberto Acosta, resigned due to his opposition to speeding up the debate on the remaining articles to meet the deadline of 26 July 2008. He was replaced by Fernando Cordero Cueva on 24 June 2008.^[100] When Ecuador began the process of writing a new constitution, they received help from the Community Environmental Legal Defense Fund to draft environmental laws giving nature and ecosystems rights.^{[101] [102][103] [104]}

In late July, 2008, the assembly approved a draft constitution with 494 articles.^[105]

Constitutional referendum[link]

A constitutional referendum was held in Ecuador on 28 September 2008 to ratify or reject the constitution drafted by the Ecuadorian Constituent Assembly elected in 2007.^[106] Partial results show that 64% of voters voted to approve the 2008 Constitution of Ecuador.^[107]

Relationship with the media[link]

The President steps into a helicopter

Correa, paraphrasing Tony Blair, stated that the Ecuadorian press acted as "a group of wild beasts". He has also regularly criticized it as "...mediocre, incompetent, inaccurate, lying and is a part of the structure of corruption and accomplice of the national disaster."^{[108][109][110]}

Correa has criticized to several newspapers as El Universo, El Comercio, Diario Hoy, Diario Expreso, La Hora, it qualified them of "informative mafias", for their criticism the decision of the TSE that deprived 57 legislators of the opposition. Correa argued that the press has remained silent before the holdups that have happened in government enterprises like Pacifictel, and the Corporation Ecuadorian Aduanera (CAE).^{[111][112][113]}

On 19 May, during the Enlace Ciudadano called by Correa to talk about freedom of speech, he ordered that security eject the opinion editor of the Guayaquil-based El Universo newspaper, whom he had invited to the event after ten minutes of dialogue. Correa ordered him to be ejected because the editor began insulting Correa's personal life.^[114] Video

Correa declared that he would not hesitate to revoke the license of "coup instigating" media stations following the example of Hugo Chavez when he took RCTV off the air.^[115]

[edit] Lawsuit against the La Hora newspaper

On 10 May 2007, Correa filed a lawsuit against Francisco Vivanco Riofrío of the board of directors of the Quito-based La Hora newspaper, over an editorial published in the paper on 9 March. The editorial, titled “Official Vandalism,” said that Correa intended to rule Ecuador “with turmoil, rocks and sticks”. It described the president’s behavior as “shameful.”^[116]

Correa's suit is based on Article 230 of the country’s penal code that sets prison penalties of up to two years for contempt, expressed in “threats or libel that would offend the president.”^[117]

Francisco Vivanco Riofrío has declared that he will not apologize for the editorial and that he is prepared to face the lawsuit. He has also declared that "that editorial reflects our thoughts and we will defend not only our right to manifest our opinions but also the opinions of all citizens, as we have done during the 25 years of our newspaper's existence.”^[118]

Reactions to the lawsuit[link]

In connection with Correa's complaint against La Hora, the Ecuadorian Association of Newspaper Publishers (AEDEP), has shown its support for that newspaper and declared that "no contemporary Ecuadorian politician has employed such legal figure (contempt) as an instrument to frighten the press."^[119] Counter media has pointed that Politicians, Leon Febres Cordero, and Jaime Nebot suppressed numerous medias in the 90's, however this was never denounced by El Universo, as an act against freedom of speech.

The Inter American Press Association (IAPA) has declared that it is "a clumsy step on the part of the Ecuadorean president to file a criminal charge against a news outlet, accusing it of contempt, an archaic concept in a modern democracy and outmoded in Latin America and which should be eliminated from penal codes, as the IAPA has been insisting."^[10] The Committee to Protect Journalists has also protested against the lawsuit: “Fear of criminal penalties will inhibit the Ecuadoran press in reporting and commenting on issues of public interest. We call on President Correa to drop the libel suit against Vivanco and repeal defamation laws that contradict international standards on freedom of expression.”^[120] The World Press Freedom Committee has declared that "it is clear that this attempt to silence the Ecuadorian press goes against very basic freedom of the press tenets, as consecrated in at least two of the most important international human right charts."^[11]

Expropriation of Gamavision and TC television channels[link]

Correa has constantly denounced what he views as the political activism of the major Ecuadorian television channels. He has also denounced the fact that they are owned by business groups who own banks related to the financial crisis of 1999, where millions of state dollars were given to rescue them while these left thousands of people without their life savings. In mid 2008, the Correa government expropriated Gamavision and TC television channels along with another hundred firms, because they were property of the Isaias. This group owned Filanbanco, a bank involved in the crisis of 1999. Currently these channels are owned by the state and have been defined as assets before calling an auction to sell them. Correa hopes that the stations' own workers gather together to buy each channel.^{[citation needed]}

Public Media[link]

Correa decided to create Ecuador TV, the first state-owned channel in the country, with the announced intention of producing television with better quality standards than the private channels. Also newspaper El Telegrafo became state owned). They were also created: Radio Pública, El Ciudadano, ANDES and PP,which are administered by state instances.^[121][122]

Environmental conservation[link]

This section needs attention from an expert on the subject. The following WikiProjects or Portals may be able to help recruit one: • WikiProject Biography • WikiProject Ecuador If another appropriate WikiProject or portal exists, please adjust this template accordingly. (May 2009)

The President has affirmed that his is a "green" Government for its defense of the environment."^[123] In this line, he has decided to return to the Commission International Whaler to impede the reboot in the hunt of these mammals;^[124] it has established a prohibition to the extraction of beautiful wood;^[125] and he has announced that for a compensation of 350 millions of annual dollars of the international community it would give up the exploitation of an oil field with around 1000 million barrels, one of their biggest reservations of petroleum,^[126][127] located in a reservation of the well-known biosphere as the National Park Yasuní,^[128] in the Amazon Basin. The proposal hopes to collect contributions starting from 2010.

Correa announced that it will allow the export of shark fins, in case the sharks are captured accidentally. Several organizations environmentalists, as a sector of Ecological Action, Black Shepherd and Global Activism criticized this decision strongly.

Yasuní-ITT Initiative[link]

Yasuní-ITT Initiative, The aim of the initiative is to provide a creative solution for the threat posed by the extraction of crude oil in the Ishpingo-Tiputini-Tambococha (ITT) oil fields, which are located in the highly vulnerable area of Yasuní National Park. The proposal would contribute to preserving biodiversity, reducing carbon dioxide emissions, and respecting the rights of indigenous peoples and their way of life.^{[citation needed]}

President Correa has stated that Ecuador’s first option is to maintain the crude oil in the subsoil. The national and international communities would be called on to help the government implement this costly decision for the country. The government hopes to recover 50% of the revenues it would obtain by extracting the oil. The procedure involves the issuing of government bonds for the crude oil that will remain “in situ,” with the double commitment of never extracting this oil and of protecting Yasuní National Park. If Ecuador succeeds in receiving the hoped for-amount – estimated at 350 million dollars annually – it would only be for a period of ten years beginning after the sixth year, since production, and thus potential revenues, would progressively decline after those ten years.^{[citation needed]}

A more promising alternative^{[original research?][not in citation given]} would be a strategy to provide the government with the 50% of resources in such a way as to provide a consistent income for an indefinite period of time. This resource would be channeled towards activities that help to free the country from its dependency on exports and imports and to consolidate food sovereignty.^[129]

Sea Conservation[link]

Correa overturned a ban on the sale of shark fins, which are popular in Asia, but stipulated that the fins can only be sold if the sharks are caught accidentally and by artisan fishermen. He did not say how authorities would determine whether the shark had been caught accidentally or deliberately.^[130]

On 3 August 2007, Correa ordered the deportation of Sean O'Hearn-Gimenez, director of the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society, saying that he would not allow "gringuitos" (literally, "little gringos") to tell Ecuadorians what to do or to pursue local fishermen. However, a local newspaper noted that O'Hearn-Gimenez had signed a 5-year agreement with Ecuador's own Environmental Police rather than acting unilaterally (as a foreigner with no authority of his own), and was married to an Ecuadorian.^[131] The deportation was ordered because Sea Shepherd, in partnership with the Ecuadorian National Environmental Police, exposed and stopped the biggest shark-fin shipment in the port city of Manta.^[132] Correa later rescinded the extradition order because O'Hearn-Gimenez was married to an Ecuadorian woman. All the arrested fishermen were released, too, and the confiscated shark fins returned to them.^[133]

Other policies[link]

Reformations of Ministries[link]

Correa's administration began 15 January 2007 with the execution through its first two ordinances of two of its campaign proposals: the convocation of a popular consultation so that the citizenship decided if wanted a Constituent National Assembly, and the reduction halfway the wages of the high positions of the Estado,19 beginning with the retribution of the own President that was diminished to 4.250 monthly dollars (25 minimum living wages). At the moment officials of the judicature wages have been awarded for on the 5.000 dollars.

The President also looked for the gender balance and its Executive had to the beginning of his administration 40% of the wallets occupied by women. Likewise, it prohibited their minister and other public employees to receive gifts and agasajos20 for their work. Nevertheless, the candidates of the Alianza PAIS to the Constituent Assembly have participated in official events, such as the inauguration of the hydroelectric power station San Francisco (Alberto Acosta), and the beginning of the construction of the headquarters for the Constituent Assembly (Trajano Andrade), both when they carried out the positions of Secretaries of Energy, Transport and Public Works respectively, previous to the convocation to elections.^[134]

Social Investment[link]

According to the Office of Press of the Presidency, the Government's realizations in the first weeks of activity were the increment in a 15%44 of the social investment of the State,^[135] the committed duplication of the Voucher of Human Development,^[136] dedicated to help to the families with less economic resources and in situation of poverty; as well as an increment of 100% in the voucher of the housing to facilitate the construction,^[137] buys and rehabilitation of the housings of people more desfavorecidas. You has also begun to distribute medications in a gratuitous way.^[138]

Energy politics[link]

Their government has put special emphasis in developing the energy system. During their period, the construction of the Hydroelectric of Mazar culminated that takes advantage of the flow of the river it Averages that you dilute up it is used in it dams it well known as Amaluza. it was also awarded the construction of the project Coca Codo Sinclair, the most ambitious hydroelectric project in the history of the Ecuador. Is also projected the construction of it dams it of the rivers Toachi and Pilatón. During November 2009, Ecuador should ration energy, in view of a deficit that was overcome after the installation of thermal generators. Is projected the growth of the capacity of generation of the Ecuador, country that he/she will stop to depend on the energy that Colombia or Peru consent to sell him.

States of Emergency[link]

Correa declared in emergency situation and it dedicated extraordinary economic resources to diverse sectors, among them the justice system^[139] – that suffers from overcrowding, with 16,000 prisoners when its real capacity is only 8,000 -; for the counties affected by the eruption of the volcano Tungurahua;^[140] for the Police Nacional;^[141] for the educación;^[141] for the system of health pública;^[142] for the sector ferroviario;^[143] for the reconstruction vial;^[144] for the agricultura;^[145] and to stop the environmental deterioration of the archipelago of Galápagos;^[146] among others.Correa ordered him not to be used companies of labor intermediation that exploit the workers.^[147]

Security and Defense[link]

One of the most serious problems that Correa's Government has faced has been the inability to lower the criminal indexes significantly. To this end, the police were equipped with weapons, and a weapons control plan was instituted.^[148]

In June and July 2007 in several communities of the Amazonía and domestic South, protests were carried out against oil and mining concessions to transnational companies (PetroChina, PetroBras and mining Canadian). According to some media, the Government repressed abusing from the force to these mobilizations.^[149]

Correa proposed the Plan Ecuador, which according to him emphasizes development, justice and peace to the militarism proposed by the Plan Colombia, financed by the United States.^[150]

Presidency 2009–present[link]

Rafael Correa was re-elected for a second term in general election in 26 April 2009. It was the first time in thirty years that the country had re-elected a president.^[151] He won by a large margin over the other seven candidates, taking 52 per cent of the vote to the 28 per cent of Lucio Gutiérrez, his nearest rival. His party also won the largest legislative block in the National Assembly, although not a majority.^[2]

Correa was sworn into the Presidency on 10 August 2009, the same day as Ecuador's bicentennial.^[152][153] His speech took place in front of several South American dignitaries, such as the president of Argentina Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, Bolivian President Evo Morales, Cuban President Raúl Castro, and Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez.^[152] Correa used the opportunity to promise a continuation of his “socialist revolution”, his plans to end poverty and to go on “stamping out the structural causes of poverty”.^[152] He also said the actions of the media were opposing his government.^[153] He claims that the continuation of his "Revolución Ciudadana" policy is intended to ensure all citizens are equal.^[151]

Closure of Teleamazonas[link]

In June 2009, CONARTEL (a radio and television regulating body) imposed fines on a remaining independent television station, Teleamazonas, for transmitting bull-fights and "The Simpsons" during prime time. A third fine could lead to a temporary or permanent ban on this private television channel. In December 2009, the station was taken off the air by the Superintendent of Telecommunications [es], under a provisional suspension of 72 hours.^[154]

Mining protests[link]

In January, Ecuador was shaken by mass protests against large-scale mining. Indigenous people were demanding that they not be exploited at all and were blockading highways to make their point. President Rafael Correa responded by calling the protesters “nobodies” and “extremists.” The government detained a number of protest leaders, charging some of them with terrorism. One leader in the Amazon was briefly disappeared only to show up in a hospital in the Amazonian city of Macas with a gunshot wound to the head. Police officers were also injured in attempting to clear blockades.^[155] In an interview with the state-run media on Thursday, Correa said that the police were not armed and had only riot gear to protect them from demonstrators who were wielding shotguns. The Shuar man that died was killed by protesters' own weapons, Correa said.^[156]

In 2012, Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador called for a cross-country march to culminate in Quito on 22 March in protest against mining concessions amid concerns of environmental degradation. Correa condemned the action and said it would fail.

Hydrocarbon production reforms[link]

Correa announced that on Monday 26 July 2010 Ecuador will enact reforms to a hydrocarbons law that aims to expropriate foreign company operations unless they sign service contracts increasing state control of the industry. Correa reminded oil companies that if they don't abide by the state's policies, they will have their fields nationalized and will be forced from the country.^[157]

Law of Superior education[link]

A debate to modify this and other reforms, specially the one which granted control of the Higher Education System by the government, was practically passed with consensus by the multi-partisan National Assembly on 4 August 2010 but vetoed by the president Rafael Correa,^[158] who wanted to keep the law strictly as it was originally redacted by his political party and SENPLADES (National Secretary of Panning and Development). Due to this change, there are many highly educated professionals and academicians under the old structure but estimated that only 87% of the faculty in public universities have already obtained a master's degree and fewer than 5% have PhD (although many of them have already Ecuadorian granted Doctorate degrees).^[159]

2010 Ecuador crisis[link]

On 30 September 2010, the National Police went on strike over the passage of a bill that would end the practice of giving medals and bonuses with each promotion.^[160] In what was called an attempted coup d'état, protests included road blockades, storming the National Assembly and state-run television station, and the military seizure of the Mariscal Sucre International Airport in Quito.^{[161][162][163][164]} President Correa went to debate with the rebellious police, but he was unsuccessful and instead challenged them to kill him, saying, "I'm not taking one step back. Gentleman, if you want to kill the president, here he is, kill him if you have the guts."^[160] The police responded by attacking him and taking him hostage. While held in the hospital inside the police headquarters, Correa declared a national state of emergency.^[160][165] That night, an elite army unit rescued him from the hospital amid violent clashes between the police and the army.^[166] The Army then took him to Carondelet Palace, where he announced he would not pardon those responsible.^[167][168] Throughout Ecuador, eight people were killed and 274 wounded in the unrest.^[169]

After the rescue, Correa immediately was presented in the Palacio of Carondelet in the night of 30 September.

On the same night, eight South American Presidents attended an emergency summit of UNASUR convened that night in Buenos Aires^[170] to express their full support for Ecuadorean democratic institutions and Rafael Correa.^[171] The summit also announced a "democratic clause" to the UNASUR Constitutive Treaty and an agreement to take immediate and concrete steps if further similar attempts should occur.^[171]

The United States declared support for Correa through its ambassador to the Organization of American States.US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton expressed "full support for President Rafael Correa, and the institutions of democratic government in that country." On 5 October, Ecuadorian foreign minister Ricardo Patiño said “I firmly believe that Mr. Obama had nothing to do with this. I hope, and trust that neither his (immediate subordinates) did.^[172]

President of Unasur[link]

Correa was a signatory to the The UNASUR Constitutive Treaty of the Union of South American Nations on 15 July 2009.^[173]. Ecuador has ratified the treaty. On 10 August 2009 Correa hosted the Heads of Government of South America in Quito, as he took over the one year Pro Tempore Presidency of UNASUR.^[174][175] Correa announced on 3 April 2010 that he would propose to UNASUR the creation of a united front against transnationals like the US company Chevron, which he accused of attempting to destroy his country.^[176] Correa also asked that UNASUR create a commission to investigate the events that led to the 30 Sept. police revolt in Ecuador in which about a dozen people died and 270 were wounded. The uprising was led by police upset over a new law that would deny them promotion bonuses. During Friday's summit, leaders also approved a democratic charter that would serve as a guide for the 12-nation bloc if any of them faced an attempted coup. The charter would have been an effective tool during Ecuador's revolt, Correa said. On 29 November 2010, UNASUR's presidency passed from Ecuador to Guyana.^[177]

[edit] Lawsuit against the El Universo newspaper and Big Brother

Correa announced another lawsuit this time against an editorial writer and the directors of El Universo newspaper. The legal action included the opinion editor of the paper, Emilio Palacio, who was sued for defamation by a high-ranking public official last year. Correa alleged that several of Palacio's editorials were “accusations” and “slander."^{[citation needed][which?]} In an official Universo editorial it was suggested that he might have committed crimes against humanity. El Universo says the president’s suit was announced several hours after the newspaper published an article about an information access request denial. “We are not only suing the editorial writer, but also the newspaper El Universo’s directors,” said Correa, in a radio interview on Ecuadorinmediato, quoted by El Universo. “Ecuador’s autocrat cracks down on media freedom.”^[178] According to an editorial published by The Washington Post on 27 July 2011:

Last week the president personally attended the trial while thuggish supporters threw eggs and bottles at the defendants outside the courthouse. To no one’s surprise, the provisional judge hearing the case quickly ruled in the president’s favor, sentencing Mr. Palacio and the three El Universo directors to three years in prison and awarding $40 million in damages to Mr. Correa – an amount that exceeds the total value of the newspaper.^[9]

As of February 16, 2012, the National Court of Justice (Ecuador's highest court) confirmed the lower court's award of $40 milion in damages, as well as the three-year prison sentences against a journalist and three executives of the newspaper.^[12] The case related to unrest in September 2010, described by Mr Correa as an attempted coup, which saw him trapped inside a hospital for several hours by police officers. In an opinion article from February 2011 which appeared in El Universo, Emilio Palacio alleged that the president had ordered soldiers to fire on the hospital, which was full of civilians.^[179]

Correa has also filed a lawsuit against Juan Carlos Calderón and Christian Zurita, investigative journalists and authors of the book "Gran Hermano" (Big Brother). The lawsuit is based on the book's content, a journalistic investigation into contracts signed between the president's brother, Fabricio Correa, and the State.^[180][181]

Correa has been accused, in the words of the President of the Inter-American Press Association, of mounting a "systematic and hostile campaign to do away with the independent press and establish, by law or through the courts, ownership of the truth that all the Ecuadoran people must swallow."^[9] These complaints relate both to a series of lawsuits against journalists and to government takeovers of many media outlets.

The Washington Post reported in July 2011 that, according to a report for the National Endowment for Democracy, the government had controlled one radio station when Mr. Correa became president in 2007, but that by the time of the report it owned five television channels, four radio stations, two newspapers and four magazines.^[9]

Following wide condemnation of the sentences in the El Universo case, Correa announced on 27 February 2012 that he would pardon the four individuals involved. He also said he would drop his case against the authors of "Gran Hermano".^[13]

Ecuadorian constitutional referendum, 2011[link]

Correa announced a constitutional referendum, which took place on 7 May 2011. The Ecuadorian people were asked to vote on ten questions, including a reform of the judiciary. Despite opposition members denouncing what they call a "power grab" on behalf of Correa's government.^[182] Although an Exit poll driven by the "Santiago Perez" pollster showed that the 10 questions won with the 62% of the votes,^[183] as the count continued the "yes" lost presence even going as far as slightly losing to the "no" for a short period of time in questions 4 and 9. Correa pledged that the data had been manipulated by counting first the votes from the provinces where the "no" have won to create the "sensation of fraud" and he predicted that the "yes" will win with at least 250.000 votes on all 10 questions.^[184] At the end the "yes" won all 10 questions but only the first question got more than the 50% of the votes. ^{[185][186][187]} This was Correa's the eight election to pass during his term in office.^[188]

Chinese credits[link]

In 2010 and 2011, Ecuador received Chinese credits for around USD 5.000 millions. One of this financing model's projects is the hydroelectric Coca Codo Sinclair that the Asian giant builds and it finances with something more than USD 2.000 millions.^[189]

Correa pointed out that that nation gives credits to Ecuador to 7,0 percent, but it is to finance projects with 23 or 25 percent of profitability, that which is extremely good business, when referring to two thousand million dollars that will be dedicated to public investment initiatives, sustained that it is a “good business” to obtain credits with interests of 7 percent to finance projects with a profitability that it goes from the 23 to 25 percent.^[190] Correa discarded that the Ecuador is delivered to or have mortgaged its petroleum to China.

On this point he mentioned that in the 2006 75% of the Ecuadorian petroleum went to United States, in exchange for nothing. “Now we have 50% of the committed petroleum with China, in exchange for thousands of millions of dollars to finance the development of this country.^[191]

Restructuring of the justice[link]

After the results of the popular consultation^[192] was created the Council of the Transitory Judicature integrated by three members Tania Aryans (delegate of the Legislative), Paulo Rodríguez (delegate of the Executive) and Fernando Yávar (delegate of the Function of Transparency).^[193] This advice has 18 months to restructure the Judicial Function Among its functions it was the one of creating the new National Court of Justice whose possession was given January 2012,^[194] 21 whose members will be in the positions for nine years.^[195] The court of justice was created through a competition of merits and opposition. Correa who participated of the act of possession of the new domestic magistrates,^[196] said that the administration of justice is an imperium of the state and at the same time, it is a public service, also it expressed his total back to the new judges of the National Court of Justice (CNJ)^[197]

2012 Ecuadorian protests[link]

Ecuador's largest advocacy group for Indians plans a two-week march to Quito beginning Thursday to protest President Rafael Correa's land and water policies that they say are hurting their way of life. Correa accused the group, called CONAIE, of trying to destabilize his government and urged his followers to mobilize against them. The Indians are supported by the Popular Democratic Movement, a leftist party, the National Union of Educators and CONAIE, which supported Correa at the start of his administration in 2007 but soon moved to the opposition.^[198] The support march to the Government concentrated to thousands of demonstrators coming from different domestic parts that met in a park where they enjoyed artistic shows summoned to celebrate the Woman's International Day.^[199] The march began in an amazon region to the domestic southeast and it looks for to arrive to Quito next March 22. It has the back of teachers' organizations and students that this Thursday March 8 will concentrate in Quito and in several Ecuadorian counties

Correa declared that the protests look for to destabilize his government and he called to their followers to “to continue mobilized up to March 22”. “to resist peacefully. March 8 go to repletar the Square of the Independence (in front of Government's Palacio, in Quito) to tell them: ‘Here is and this revolution doesn't stop it anything neither nobody! '”, he manifested. Those in favor of the Government also announced the realization of countermarches in diverse domestic counties,^[200] as in Cuenca where they carried out a concentration that gathered around fifteen thousand people.^[201]

Public Image[link]

According to the Cedatos, Correa began his presidency with a 73 percent approval rating.^[202] An opinion poll carried out by Profiles of Opinion in the cities of Quito and Guayaquil, in March 2012, it indicates that 80,5% of those interviewed qualifies as positive the president's administration Correa.^[203] According to the Mitofsky of April of 2012, as regards the “approval of leaders in America and the world”, the president Correa, possesses an excellent evaluation.^[204] that it even increases from 75% to 81% of August from 2011 to January of 2012.^[205]

Recognition[link]

Rafael Correa has been honored with:

Necklace of the Liberator's Order, maximum badge of Venezuela 11 October 2007.^[206]

Conquering badge of Tarqui in Grade of Great Cruz of the Armed forces of Ecuador in gratefulness to the administration carried out in the soldiers' of the Homeland benefit.^[207]

Necklace of the Liberator's Order San Martin, maximum badge of the Republic Argentina, 20 April 2008^[208]

Order Great Marshal of Ayacucho of Venezuela for the character bolivariano of their administration in Ecuador, February 2009.^[209]

Order Francisco Morazán in Great Cruz's Grade, Badge of Gold of the Republic of Honduras.^[210]

Great Necklace of the Order The Sun of the Peru, maximum badge of that country, 9 June 2010.^[211]

Medal of Honor in Great Cruz's Grade, maximum badge of the Congress of the Peru, 12 June 2010.^[212]

Order Augusto Caesar Sandino in grade Battles of San Hyacinth, maximum badge of the Republic of Nicaragua 13 November 2010 to survive the blow of State.^[213]

Great Necklace of the Ecuadorian Federation of Soccer in November 2010 in gratefulness to the expedition of the Law of the Sport.^[214]

Medal of “Distinguished Visitor”, by the UCSG in the inauguration of the III Congress International University, Development and Cooperation.^[215]

Maximum badge of part of the Association of General retired of the National Police to have made reality the approval of pensions jubilares to near 20 thousand former uniformed.^[216]