Location of Doha

The Fourth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization, also known as the WTO Fourth Ministerial Conference, was held at the Sheraton Doha Hotel and Resort, Doha, Qatar from November 9-13, 2001. At this conference, ministers from all WTO members launched the Doha Development Agenda.

At the conference, trade ministers agreed to undertake a new round of multilateral trade negotiations.^[1] The ministers passed two declarations. The first, the main declaration folded the on-going negotiations in agriculture and services into a broader agenda, which is commonly known as the Doha Development Round. In addition. the Doha agenda included the topic of industrial tariffs, topics of interest to developing countries, changes to WTO rules, and other provisions. The second declaration dealt with the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) and allow government to be flexible of TRIPS to deal with health problems.^[2]

The meeting took place just two months after the World Trade Center attack. As a result, some government officials called for greater political cohesion and saw the trade negotiations as a means toward that end. Some officials thought that a new round of multilateral trade negotiations could help a world economy weakened by recession and terrorism-related uncertainty.^[3]

Ministerial Declaration[link]

The Doha Ministerial Declaration mandate for agriculture calls for comprehensive negotiations aimed at substantial improvements in market access; reductions of, with a view to phasing out, all forms of export subsidies; and substantial reductions in trade-distorting domestic support. These topics — domestic support, export subsidies, and market access — have become known as the three pillars of the agricultural negotiations. The Declaration also provides that special and differential treatment for developing countries would be an integral part of all elements of the negotiations. The Declaration took note of non-trade concerns reflected in negotiating proposals of various member countries and confirmed that they would be taken into account in the negotiations. March 31, 2003 was set as the deadline for reaching agreement on “modalities” (targets, formulas, timetables, etc.) for achieving the mandated objectives, but that deadline was missed. During the rest of 2003, negotiations on modalities continued in preparation for the fifth WTO Ministerial Conference held in Cancun, Mexico September 10-14, 2003.^[4]

Intellectual property declaration[link]

The Doha Declaration on Public Health sought to alleviate developing country dissatisfaction with aspects of the TRIPS regime. It delayed the implementation of patent system provisions for pharmaceutical products for least developed countries (LDCs) until 2016. The declaration committed member states to interpret and implement the agreement to support public health and to promote access to medicines for all. The Declaration recognized certain “flexibilities” in the TRIPS agreement to allow each member to grant compulsory licenses for pharmaceuticals and to determine what constitutes a national emergency, expressly including public health emergencies such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis or other epidemics.^[5]

China's accession to the WTO[link]

The conference also approved the accession of China to the WTO on November 10.^[6]

References[link]

See also[link]

• Doha Declaration

World Trade Organization (English) Organisation mondiale du commerce (French) Organización Mundial del Comercio (Spanish)
200px
WTO members   EU and WTO members   Observers
Formation	January 1, 1995
Headquarters	Centre William Rappard, Geneva, Switzerland
Membership	155[1] member states
Official languages	English, French, Spanish[2]
Director-General	Pascal Lamy
Budget	196 million Swiss francs (approx. 209 million USD) in 2011.[3]
Staff	629[4]
Website	wto.org

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is an organization that intends to supervise and liberalize international trade. The organization officially commenced on January 1, 1995 under the Marrakech Agreement, replacing the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which commenced in 1948. The organization deals with regulation of trade between participating countries; it provides a framework for negotiating and formalizing trade agreements, and a dispute resolution process aimed at enforcing participants' adherence to WTO agreements which are signed by representatives of member governments^[5]:fol.9-10 and ratified by their parliaments.^[6] Most of the issues that the WTO focuses on derive from previous trade negotiations, especially from the Uruguay Round (1986–1994).

The organization is attempting to complete negotiations on the Doha Development Round, which was launched in 2001 with an explicit focus on addressing the needs of developing countries. According to a European Union statement, "The 2008 Ministerial meeting broke down over a disagreement between exporters of agricultural bulk commodities and countries with large numbers of subsistence farmers on the precise terms of a 'special safeguard measure' to protect farmers from surges in imports."^[7] The position of the European Commission is that "The successful conclusion of the Doha negotiations would confirm the central role of multilateral liberalisation and rule-making. It would confirm the WTO as a powerful shield against protectionist backsliding."^[8] An impasse remains. As of May 2012^[update], the future of the Doha Round remains uncertain.

History[link]

Harry White (l) and John Maynard Keynes at the Bretton Woods Conference — Both economists had been strong advocates of a liberal international trade environment, and recommended the establishment of three institutions: the IMF (fiscal and monetary issues), the World Bank (financial and structural issues), and the ITO (international economic cooperation).^[9]

The WTO's predecessor, the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), was established after World War II in the wake of other new multilateral institutions dedicated to international economic cooperation — notably the Bretton Woods institutions known as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. A comparable international institution for trade, named the International Trade Organization was successfully negotiated. The ITO was to be a United Nations specialized agency and would address not only trade barriers but other issues indirectly related to trade, including employment, investment, restrictive business practices, and commodity agreements. But the ITO treaty was not approved by the U.S. and a few other signatories and never went into effect.^[10][11][12]

In the absence of an international organization for trade, the GATT would over the years "transform itself" into a de facto international organization.^[13]

GATT rounds of negotiations[link]

The GATT was the only multilateral instrument governing international trade from 1946 until the WTO was established on January 1, 1995.^[14] Despite attempts in the mid 1950s and 1960s to create some form of institutional mechanism for international trade, the GATT continued to operate for almost half a century as a semi-institutionalized multilateral treaty regime on a provisional basis.^[15]

From Geneva to Tokyo[link]

Seven rounds of negotiations occurred under GATT. The first real GATT trade rounds concentrated on further reducing tariffs. Then, the Kennedy Round in the mid-sixties brought about a GATT anti-dumping Agreement and a section on development. The Tokyo Round during the seventies was the first major attempt to tackle trade barriers that do not take the form of tariffs, and to improve the system, adopting a series of agreements on non-tariff barriers, which in some cases interpreted existing GATT rules, and in others broke entirely new ground. Because these plurilateral agreements were not accepted by the full GATT membership, they were often informally called "codes". Several of these codes were amended in the Uruguay Round, and turned into multilateral commitments accepted by all WTO members. Only four remained plurilateral (those on government procurement, bovine meat, civil aircraft and dairy products), but in 1997 WTO members agreed to terminate the bovine meat and dairy agreements, leaving only two.^[14]

Uruguay Round[link]

During the Doha Round, the US government blamed Brazil and India for being inflexible, and the EU for impeding agricultural imports.^[16] The then-President of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, responded to the criticisms by arguing that progress would only be achieved if the richest countries (especially the US and countries in the EU) make deeper cuts in their agricultural subsidies, and further open their markets for agricultural goods.^[17]

Well before GATT's 40th anniversary, its members concluded that the GATT system was straining to adapt to a new globalizing world economy.^[18][19] In response to the problems identified in the 1982 Ministerial Declaration (structural deficiencies, spill-over impacts of certain countries' policies on world trade GATT could not manage etc.), the eighth GATT round — known as the Uruguay Round — was launched in September 1986, in Punta del Este, Uruguay.^[18]

It was the biggest negotiating mandate on trade ever agreed: the talks were going to extend the trading system into several new areas, notably trade in services and intellectual property, and to reform trade in the sensitive sectors of agriculture and textiles; all the original GATT articles were up for review.^[19] The Final Act concluding the Uruguay Round and officially establishing the WTO regime was signed April 15, 1994, during the ministerial meeting at Marrakesh, Morocco, and hence is known as the Marrakesh Agreement.^[20]

The GATT still exists as the WTO's umbrella treaty for trade in goods, updated as a result of the Uruguay Round negotiations (a distinction is made between GATT 1994, the updated parts of GATT, and GATT 1947, the original agreement which is still the heart of GATT 1994).^[18] GATT 1994 is not however the only legally binding agreement included via the Final Act at Marrakesh; a long list of about 60 agreements, annexes, decisions and understandings was adopted. The agreements fall into a structure with six main parts:

• The Agreement Establishing the WTO
• Goods and investment — the Multilateral Agreements on Trade in Goods including the GATT 1994 and the Trade Related Investment Measures
• Services — the General Agreement on Trade in Services
• Intellectual property — the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS)
• Dispute settlement (DSU)
• Reviews of governments' trade policies (TPRM)^[21]

Ministerial conferences[link]

The topmost decision-making body of the WTO is the Ministerial Conference, which usually meets every two years. It brings together all members of the WTO, all of which are countries or customs unions. The Ministerial Conference can take decisions on all matters under any of the multilateral trade agreements. The inaugural ministerial conference was held in Singapore in 1996. Disagreements between largely developed and developing economies emerged during this conference over four issues initiated by this conference, which led to them being collectively referred to as the "Singapore issues". The second ministerial conference was held in Geneva in Switzerland. The third conference in Seattle, Washington ended in failure, with massive demonstrations and police and National Guard crowd control efforts drawing worldwide attention. The fourth ministerial conference was held in Doha in the Persian Gulf nation of Qatar. The Doha Development Round was launched at the conference. The conference also approved the joining of China, which became the 143rd member to join. The fifth ministerial conference was held in Cancún, Mexico, aiming at forging agreement on the Doha round. An alliance of 22 southern states, the G20 developing nations (led by India, China,^[22] Brazil, ASEAN led by the Philippines), resisted demands from the North for agreements on the so-called "Singapore issues" and called for an end to agricultural subsidies within the EU and the US. The talks broke down without progress.

The sixth WTO ministerial conference was held in Hong Kong from 13–18 December 2005. It was considered vital if the four-year-old Doha Development Round negotiations were to move forward sufficiently to conclude the round in 2006. In this meeting, countries agreed to phase out all their agricultural export subsidies by the end of 2013, and terminate any cotton export subsidies by the end of 2006. Further concessions to developing countries included an agreement to introduce duty free, tariff free access for goods from the Least Developed Countries, following the Everything but Arms initiative of the European Union — but with up to 3% of tariff lines exempted. Other major issues were left for further negotiation to be completed by the end of 2010. The WTO General Council, on 26 May 2009, agreed to hold a seventh WTO ministerial conference session in Geneva from 30 November-3 December 2009. A statement by chairman Amb. Mario Matus acknowledged that the prime purpose was to remedy a breach of protocol requiring two-yearly "regular" meetings, which had lapsed with the Doha Round failure in 2005, and that the "scaled-down" meeting would not be a negotiating session, but "emphasis will be on transparency and open discussion rather than on small group processes and informal negotiating structures". The general theme for discussion was "The WTO, the Multilateral Trading System and the Current Global Economic Environment"^[23]

Doha Round[link]

The WTO launched the current round of negotiations, the Doha Development Round, at the fourth ministerial conference in Doha, Qatar in November 2001. This was to be an ambitious effort to make globalization more inclusive and help the world's poor, particularly by slashing barriers and subsidies in farming.^[24] The initial agenda comprised both further trade liberalization and new rule-making, underpinned by commitments to strengthen substantial assistance to developing countries.^[8]

The negotiations have been highly contentious. Disagreements still continue over several key areas including agriculture subsidies, which emerged as critical in July 2006.^[25] As of April 2012^[update], agreement has not been reached, despite intense negotiations at several ministerial conferences and at other sessions.

Functions[link]

Among the various functions of the WTO, these are regarded by analysts as the most important:

• It oversees the implementation, administration and operation of the covered agreements.^[27][28]
• It provides a forum for negotiations and for settling disputes.^[29][30]

Additionally, it is the WTO's duty to review and propagate the national trade policies, and to ensure the coherence and transparency of trade policies through surveillance in global economic policy-making.^[28][30] Another priority of the WTO is the assistance of developing, least-developed and low-income countries in transition to adjust to WTO rules and disciplines through technical cooperation and training.^[31]

The WTO is also a center of economic research and analysis: regular assessments of the global trade picture in its annual publications and research reports on specific topics are produced by the organization.^[32] Finally, the WTO cooperates closely with the two other components of the Bretton Woods system, the IMF and the World Bank.^[29]

Principles of the trading system[link]

The WTO establishes a framework for trade policies; it does not define or specify outcomes. That is, it is concerned with setting the rules of the trade policy games.^[33] Five principles are of particular importance in understanding both the pre-1994 GATT and the WTO:

1. Non-discrimination. It has two major components: the most favoured nation (MFN) rule, and the national treatment policy. Both are embedded in the main WTO rules on goods, services, and intellectual property, but their precise scope and nature differ across these areas. The MFN rule requires that a WTO member must apply the same conditions on all trade with other WTO members, i.e. a WTO member has to grant the most favorable conditions under which it allows trade in a certain product type to all other WTO members.^[33] "Grant someone a special favour and you have to do the same for all other WTO members."^[34] National treatment means that imported goods should be treated no less favorably than domestically produced goods (at least after the foreign goods have entered the market) and was introduced to tackle non-tariff barriers to trade (e.g. technical standards, security standards et al. discriminating against imported goods).^[33]
2. Reciprocity. It reflects both a desire to limit the scope of free-riding that may arise because of the MFN rule, and a desire to obtain better access to foreign markets. A related point is that for a nation to negotiate, it is necessary that the gain from doing so be greater than the gain available from unilateral liberalization; reciprocal concessions intend to ensure that such gains will materialise.^[35]
3. Binding and enforceable commitments. The tariff commitments made by WTO members in a multilateral trade negotiation and on accession are enumerated in a schedule (list) of concessions. These schedules establish "ceiling bindings": a country can change its bindings, but only after negotiating with its trading partners, which could mean compensating them for loss of trade. If satisfaction is not obtained, the complaining country may invoke the WTO dispute settlement procedures.^[34][35]
4. Transparency. The WTO members are required to publish their trade regulations, to maintain institutions allowing for the review of administrative decisions affecting trade, to respond to requests for information by other members, and to notify changes in trade policies to the WTO. These internal transparency requirements are supplemented and facilitated by periodic country-specific reports (trade policy reviews) through the Trade Policy Review Mechanism (TPRM).^[36] The WTO system tries also to improve predictability and stability, discouraging the use of quotas and other measures used to set limits on quantities of imports.^[34]
5. Safety valves. In specific circumstances, governments are able to restrict trade. There are three types of provision in this direction:

• articles allowing for the use of trade measures to attain non-economic objectives;
• articles aimed at ensuring "fair competition"; and
• provisions permitting intervention in trade for economic reasons.^[36]

Exceptions to the MFN principle also allow for preferential treatment of developing countries, regional free trade areas and customs unions.^[5]:fol.93

Organizational structure[link]

The General Council has the following subsidiary bodies which oversee committees in different areas:

Council for Trade in Goods

There are 11 committees under the jurisdiction of the Goods Council each with a specific task. All members of the WTO participate in the committees. The Textiles Monitoring Body is separate from the other committees but still under the jurisdiction of Goods Council. The body has its own chairman and only 10 members. The body also has several groups relating to textiles.^[37]

Council for Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights

Information on intellectual property in the WTO, news and official records of the activities of the TRIPS Council, and details of the WTO's work with other international organizations in the field.^[38]

Council for Trade in Services

The Council for Trade in Services operates under the guidance of the General Council and is responsible for overseeing the functioning of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). It is open to all WTO members, and can create subsidiary bodies as required.^[39]

Trade Negotiations Committee

The Trade Negotiations Committee (TNC) is the committee that deals with the current trade talks round. The chair is WTO's director-general. As of April 2012^[update] the committee was tasked with the Doha Development Round.^[40]

The Service Council has three subsidiary bodies: financial services, domestic regulations, GATS rules and specific commitments.^[37] The General council has several different committees, working groups, and working parties.^[41] There are committees on the following: Trade and Environment; Trade and Development (Subcommittee on Least-Developed Countries); Regional Trade Agreements; Balance of Payments Restrictions; and Budget, Finance and Administration. There are working parties on the following: Accession. There are working groups on the following: Trade, debt and finance; and Trade and technology transfer.

Decision-making[link]

The WTO describes itself as "a rules-based, member-driven organization — all decisions are made by the member governments, and the rules are the outcome of negotiations among members".^[42] The WTO Agreement foresees votes where consensus cannot be reached, but the practice of consensus dominates the process of decision-making.^[43]

Richard Harold Steinberg (2002) argues that although the WTO's consensus governance model provides law-based initial bargaining, trading rounds close through power-based bargaining favouring Europe and the U.S., and may not lead to Pareto improvement.^[44]

Dispute settlement[link]

In 1994, the WTO members agreed on the Understanding on Rules and Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes (DSU) annexed to the "Final Act" signed in Marrakesh in 1994.^[45] Dispute settlement is regarded by the WTO as the central pillar of the multilateral trading system, and as a "unique contribution to the stability of the global economy".^[46] WTO members have agreed that, if they believe fellow-members are violating trade rules, they will use the multilateral system of settling disputes instead of taking action unilaterally.^[47]

The operation of the WTO dispute settlement process involves the DSB panels, the Appellate Body, the WTO Secretariat, arbitrators, independent experts and several specialized institutions.^[48] Bodies involved in the dispute settlement process, World Trade Organization.

Accession and membership[link]

The process of becoming a WTO member is unique to each applicant country, and the terms of accession are dependent upon the country's stage of economic development and current trade regime.^[49] The process takes about five years, on average, but it can last more if the country is less than fully committed to the process or if political issues interfere. The shortest accession negotiation was that of the Kyrgyz Republic, while the longest was that of the People's Republic of China (P. Farah, Five Years of China's WTO Membership, 263–304). Russia, having first applied to join GATT in 1993, was approved for membership in December 2011.^[50] An offer of accession is only given once consensus is reached among interested parties.^[51]

Accession process[link]

WTO accession progress. (As of May 2012^[update], including imminent membership of the Russian Federation.):

  Members (including dual-representation with the European Union)

  Draft Working Party Report or Factual Summary adopted

  Goods and/or Services offers submitted

  Memorandum on Foreign Trade Regime (FTR) submitted

  Observer, negotiations to start later or no Memorandum on FTR submitted

  Frozen procedures or no negotiations in the last 3 years

  No official interaction with the WTO

A country wishing to accede to the WTO submits an application to the General Council, and has to describe all aspects of its trade and economic policies that have a bearing on WTO agreements.^[52] The application is submitted to the WTO in a memorandum which is examined by a working party open to all interested WTO Members.^[51]

After all necessary background information has been acquired, the working party focuses on issues of discrepancy between the WTO rules and the applicant's international and domestic trade policies and laws. The working party determines the terms and conditions of entry into the WTO for the applicant nation, and may consider transitional periods to allow countries some leeway in complying with the WTO rules.^[49]

The final phase of accession involves bilateral negotiations between the applicant nation and other working party members regarding the concessions and commitments on tariff levels and market access for goods and services. The new member's commitments are to apply equally to all WTO members under normal non-discrimination rules, even though they are negotiated bilaterally.^[52]

When the bilateral talks conclude, the working party sends to the general council or ministerial conference an accession package, which includes a summary of all the working party meetings, the Protocol of Accession (a draft membership treaty), and lists ("schedules") of the member-to-be's commitments. Once the general council or ministerial conference approves of the terms of accession, the applicant's parliament must ratify the Protocol of Accession before it can become a member.^[53]

Members and observers[link]

The WTO has 155 members (to become 156 on the pending accession of Russia) and 29 observer governments (including the Russian Federation).^[54] In addition to states, the European Union is a member. WTO members do not have to be full sovereign nation-members. Instead, they must be a customs territory with full autonomy in the conduct of their external commercial relations. Thus Hong Kong (as "Hong Kong, China" since 1997) became a GATT contracting party, and the Republic of China (Taiwan) acceded to the WTO in 2002 as "Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu" (Chinese Taipei) despite its disputed status.^[55] The WTO Secretariat omits the official titles (such as Counselor, First Secretary, Second Secretary and Third Secretary) of the members of Chinese Taipei's Permanent Mission to the WTO, except for the titles of the Permanent Representative and the Deputy Permanent Representative.^[56]

Iran is the biggest economy outside the WTO.^[57] With the exception of the Holy See, observers must start accession negotiations within five years of becoming observers. A number of international intergovernmental organizations have also been granted observer status to WTO bodies.^[58] 14 states and two territories so far have no official interaction with the WTO.

Agreements[link]

The WTO oversees about 60 different agreements which have the status of international legal texts. Member countries must sign and ratify all WTO agreements on accession.^[59] A discussion of some of the most important agreements follows. The Agreement on Agriculture came into effect with the establishment of the WTO at the beginning of 1995. The AoA has three central concepts, or "pillars": domestic support, market access and export subsidies. The General Agreement on Trade in Services was created to extend the multilateral trading system to service sector, in the same way as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) provided such a system for merchandise trade. The agreement entered into force in January 1995. The Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights sets down minimum standards for many forms of intellectual property (IP) regulation. It was negotiated at the end of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1994.

The Agreement on the Application of Sanitary and Phytosanitary Measures—also known as the SPS Agreement—was negotiated during the Uruguay Round of GATT, and entered into force with the establishment of the WTO at the beginning of 1995. Under the SPS agreement, the WTO sets constraints on members' policies relating to food safety (bacterial contaminants, pesticides, inspection and labelling) as well as animal and plant health (imported pests and diseases). The Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade is an international treaty of the World Trade Organization. It was negotiated during the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, and entered into force with the establishment of the WTO at the end of 1994. The object ensures that technical negotiations and standards, as well as testing and certification procedures, do not create unnecessary obstacles to trade".^[60] The Agreement on Customs Valuation, formally known as the Agreement on Implementation of Article VII of GATT, prescribes methods of customs valuation that Members are to follow. Chiefly, it adopts the "transaction value" approach.

Directors-General[link]

The Directors-General of the WTO have been:^[61]

• Pascal Lamy, 2005–
• Supachai Panitchpakdi, 2002–2005
• Mike Moore, 1999–2002
• Renato Ruggiero, 1995–1999
• Peter Sutherland, 1995

The Directors-General of the precursor organization, GATT, were:

• Peter Sutherland, 1993–1995
• Arthur Dunkel, 1980–1993
• Olivier Long, 1968–1980
• Eric Wyndham White, 1948–1968

See also[link]

Notes[link]

External links[link]

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: World Trade Organization

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: World Trade Organization

Official pages

• Official WTO homepage
  • WTO 10th AnniversaryPDF (1.40 MB) — Highlights of the first decade, Annual Report 2005 pages 116–166
  • Glossary of terms—a guide to 'WTO-speak'
• International Trade Centre — joint UN/WTO agency

Government pages on the WTO

• European Union position on the WTO

Media pages on the WTO

• World Trade Organization
• BBC News — Profile: WTO
• Guardian Unlimited — Special Report: The World Trade Organisation ongoing coverage

Non-governmental organization pages on the WTO

• Gatt.org — Parody of official WTO page by The Yes Men
• Public Citizen
• Transnational Institute: Beyond the WTO

Alexander Claud Cockburn ( /ˈkoʊbərn/ KOH-bərn; born 6 June 1941) is an American political journalist. Cockburn was brought up in Ireland but has lived and worked in the United States since 1972. Together with Jeffrey St. Clair, he edits the political newsletter CounterPunch. Cockburn also writes the "Beat the Devil" column for The Nation and a weekly syndicated column for the Los Angeles Times as well as for The First Post, which is syndicated by Creators Syndicate.

Life and career[link]

Born in Scotland, Cockburn grew up in Youghal, County Cork, Ireland. He is the eldest son of the sometime communist author and journalist, Claud Cockburn, by his third wife, Patricia Byron, née Arbuthnot (who also wrote an autobiography, Figure of Eight). He has one daughter, Daisy Cockburn, whose mother is the writer Emma Tennant (his wife 1968-73), and two younger brothers, Andrew Cockburn and Patrick Cockburn, who are also journalists. His half-sister, the barrister and mystery writer Sarah Caudwell, died in 2000. In addition, journalists Laura Flanders and Stephanie Flanders are his half-nieces, daughters of his half-sister Claudia Davis/Cockburn and her husband Michael Flanders. Actress Olivia Wilde is his niece, daughter of his brother Andrew Cockburn. After studying at Glenalmond College, an independent boys' boarding school in Perthshire, Scotland, and at Keble College, Oxford, Cockburn worked in London as a reporter and commentator.

Since moving to the United States, Cockburn has written for many publications, including The New York Review of Books, Esquire, and Harper's. From 1973 to 1983 he was a writer with The Village Voice, originating its longstanding "Press Clips" column, but he was suspended, the Voice stated, "for accepting a $10,000 grant from an Arab studies organization in 1982."^[1][2] His defenders charge that his criticism of Israeli government policies was behind the firing. Cockburn has said he left the Voice following the offer of a regular column in The Nation called "Beat the Devil" (after the title of a novel by his father). Since leaving the Voice he has also written columns for the Wall Street Journal, New York Press and the New Statesman. Cockburn has also been a regular contributor to the Anderson Valley Advertiser. Cockburn currently resides in Petrolia, California.

Cockburn originally chose Irish citizenship (over UK citizenship), but in 2009 he became a citizen of the United States.^[3] On March 16, 2009 Cockburn officially became a new columnist for the paleoconservative Chronicles magazine.^[4]

Themes and opinions[link]

There have been a number of consistent themes in Cockburn's political writing, among them:

• Outspoken criticism of US foreign policy, from its policies in Central America in the 1980s, including the Iran-Contra scandal, to the First Gulf War in 1991, the Kosovo War in 1999, and the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 and 2003 invasion of Iraq.
• Criticism of the government of Israel based on its treatment of the Palestinians.
• Calls for political reform in the United States, mostly focused on criticizing the Democratic Party for failing to provide a progressive alternative to the Republican Party, as well as strong support for Ralph Nader's presidential candidacies in the 2000 and 2004 elections.
• Contempt for the mainstream establishment, in particular for public figures who, in his view, gain mainstream respectability by criticizing those to their left; targets have included The New York Times, President Barack Obama, Senator Bernie Sanders, the late academic Irving Howe and some of his colleagues at The Nation, including Marc Cooper, David Corn^[5] and Eric Alterman. Cockburn has also been highly critical (see below) of his former friend and colleague, Christopher Hitchens.^[6]
• Criticism of 9/11 conspiracy theories^[7][8]
• Regarding prior knowledge of Pearl Harbor, Cockburn thinks "there is strong evidence that FDR did have knowledge that a Japanese naval force in the north Pacific was going to launch an attack on Pearl Harbor. It's quite possible Roosevelt thought it would be a relatively mild assault and thought it would be the final green light to get the US into the war."^[7]

Cockburn has criticized the German government for passing restrictive laws against the Church of Scientology, invoking several comparisons with Nazi Germany. Although he stated that Scientology deserved scrutiny, he also maintained that the demonization of any particular unpopular group — even one officials consider a cult — presented a far more imminent danger than the activities of Scientologists, or the organization they belong to.^[9]

Cockburn denounced the economic and political sanctions imposed on the Iraqi government by the United Nations, but Cockburn was more aggressive than most in his criticisms of American and British actions during the 12 years between the formal resolution of the Persian Gulf War and the 2003 invasion. In a column published in 2000, Cockburn averred that the economic embargo imposed upon Iraq was "demonically designed to prompt gnawing, endless suffering throughout Iraq's social economy". In the same column, Cockburn concluded that every major Republican or Democratic nominee running in the 2000 presidential election was supportive of Iraq sanctions, and was therefore complicit in mass murder.^[10]

Cockburn also joined the widespread criticism of the subsequent occupation of Iraq by American, British and other national military forces (the self-described "Coalition of the Willing"). In the wake of the capture of Saddam Hussein, Cockburn penned a column entitled "How to kill Saddam," in which he argued that the ensuing trial of Hussein would be a mock tribunal, conducted by a "kangaroo court," and that Hussein's conviction and ultimate execution were foregone conclusions.^[11]

In contrast, Cockburn's position on global warming is consistent with views usually held by the right. He believes the phenomenon has not been proven to be caused by humans,^[12] citing the statements of Martin Hertzberg that rising CO₂ levels are a symptom, not a cause, of global warming, which Hertzberg asserts is the result of natural, predictable changes in the Earth's elliptic orbit.^[13] In fact, Hertzberg is a semi-retired explosives expert who does not claim to be a climatologist.^[14] Cockburn is also critical of the "greenhouse" explanation for warming by positing that it is incongruous with the laws of physics, specifically the second law of thermodynamics.^[15] He cites the research of Gerhard Gerlich and Ralf Tscheuschner's Falsification of the Atmospheric CO₂ Greenhouse Effects Within the Frame of Physics.^[16]

Cockburn also has been critical of the originator of the Green Revolution concept. In an article in the Nation on Al Gore's 2007 Nobel Peace Prize, Cockburn made the following statement on Norman Borlaug's 1971 Nobel Prize: "Line up some of the more notorious Nobel Peace Prize recipients, such as Kissinger, and if you had to identify the biggest killer of all it was probably Norman Borlaug, one of the architects of the Green Revolution, which unleashed displacement, malnutrition and death across the Third World." Cockburn has criticized Borlaug previously on this issue.^[17]

At times acerbic, Cockburn can also be gently and humorously ironic, once declaring Gerald Ford America's greatest president for doing the least damage (his administration was the shortest in the 20th century) and praising the Lewinsky scandal's entertainment value.^[18] In the same vein, he has also expressed his admiration for the beauty of both Tipper Gore and Laura Bush. His nudge-nudge, wink-wink brand of humor is demonstrated in his response to a question asking for a comparison between George W. Bush and Napoleon. He replied that he wasn't sure about Bush as Napoleon, "though surely Josephine's heart beats beneath Laura's delicious bosom."^[19]

Criticism[link]

Cockburn and anti-Semitism[link]

Cockburn has written a great deal on the use of anti-Semitism accusations in modern politics, particularly by the state of Israel and its supporters, and has co-edited a book on the subject, The Politics of Anti-Semitism.^[20] Cockburn himself has also been accused of anti-Semitism, which he denies and considers an example of the use of that accusation to intimidate criticism of Israel and avert attention from Israel's policies.

One of those making anti-Semitism charges against Cockburn is Harvard law professor Alan Dershowitz. In November 2005, Dershowitz wrote to the National Catholic Reporter that Cockburn's Counterpunch web site was anti-Semitic.^[21] This was in response to a review of Norman Finkelstein's book Beyond Chutzpah by Counterpunch contributor Neve Gordon. Cockburn had previously accused Dershowitz, in 2003, of plagiarism,^[22] and, in October 2005, of supporting torture.^[23] Cockburn and Dershowitz have each denied the other's charges. Dershowitz has also claimed that Cockburn has been one of three writers (along with Norman Finkelstein and Noam Chomsky) who are engaged in an attempt to discredit him, which Cockburn has also denied.^[24][25]

A 2002 Cockburn article on anti-Semitic remarks by Reverend Billy Graham^[26] reprinted elsewhere,^[27] discussed the furor over recently released tape recorded conversations between Graham and President Richard Nixon. Cockburn contrasted that response to the response to revelations in 1989 that Graham had advocated destroying Vietnam's irrigation infrastructure, which by Nixon's estimate would kill a million civilians, if the Paris peace talks failed. The latter revelations, in Cockburn's view, received little press coverage, while the anti-Semitic remarks caused a media firestorm.^[28][29][30] Cockburn wrote that Graham's anti-Semitic comments were

consonant with the standard conversational bill of fare at 75 percent of the country clubs in America, not to mention many a Baptist soiree? But they (Nixon, Graham, and White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman) didn't say they wanted to kill a million Jews. That's what Graham said about the Vietnamese and no one raised a bleat.

His critics quoted the final passage, reproduced below, to accuse Cockburn of spreading anti-Semitic conspiracy theories:^[31][32]

Certainly, there are a number of stories sloshing around the news now that have raised discussions of Israel and of the posture of American Jews to an acrid level. The purveyor of anthrax may have been a former government scientist, Jewish, with a record of baiting a colleague of Arab origins, and with the intent to blame the anthrax on Muslim terrorists. Rocketing around the web and spilling into the press are many stories about Israeli spies in America at the time of 9/11. On various accounts, they were trailing Mohamed Atta and his associates, knew what was going to happen but did nothing about it, or were simply spying on US facilities.

One of the Cockburn critics was Franklin Foer of The New Republic, who first noted Cockburn's response:

To be fair, Cockburn doesn't exactly endorse these theories. Rather, by noting that all of these Jewish conspiracy stories are "sloshing around the news," Cockburn seems merely to be pointing out that, hey, anti-Semitic ideas are still out there today — so why the shock that Graham endorsed them 30 years ago? Indeed, when I reached Cockburn to ask him about these conspiracies, he insisted he was just reporting what was already in circulation.

Part of Cockburn's response to the Graham article controversy is his ironically entitled essay My Life as an "Anti-Semite", from the The Politics of Anti-Semitism. Cockburn writes:

Over the past 20 years I've learned there's a quick way of figuring out just how badly Israel is behaving. You see a brisk uptick in the number of articles here accusing the left of anti-Semitism. ... Back in the 1970s when muteness on the topic of how Israel was treating Palestinians was near-total in the United States, I'd get the anti-Semite slur hurled at me once in a while for writing about such no-no stuff as Begin's fascist roots in Betar, or the torture of Palestinians by Israel's security forces. I minded then, as I mind now, but overuse has drained the term of much clout.^[33]

In May 2012 Cockburn said of Marine Le Pen, leader of the French Front Nastional, that she is a "nationalist politician, quite reasonably exploiting the intense social discontent in France amid the imposition of the bankers' austerity programs". He disputed the impact of Le Pen's attacks on Muslims and immigrants and rejected claims of her antisemitism.^[34]

Cockburn and Christopher Hitchens[link]

Christopher Hitchens is often mentioned in connection with Cockburn as ideological differences on various issues caused bitter moments between the two men. Beyond issues such as the wars in the former Yugoslavia, Afghanistan and Iraq, they strongly differed over ethical disputes involving writers such as Sidney Blumenthal and Edward Said. In a Counterpunch article in August 2005, Cockburn attacked Hitchens as: "A guy who called Sid Blumenthal one of his best friends and then tried to have him thrown into prison for perjury; a guy who waited til his friend Edward Said was on his death bed before attacking him in the Atlantic Monthly; a guy who knows perfectly well the role Israel plays in US policy but who does not scruple to flail Cindy Sheehan as a LaRouchie and anti-Semite because, maybe, she dared mention the word Israel."^[35] Hitchens responded by standing by his criticism of Sheehan and then defending his deposition to House prosecutors regarding Blumenthal during the Clinton impeachment and his critical review of Said’s book, Orientalism (Hitchens stating that the review was determined by the 25th anniversary of the book’s original publication and not the state of Said’s health).^[36]

In a 2009 interview with C-SPAN's Brian Lamb, Hitchens intimated that his friendship with Cockburn was still intact, despite the critical gulf between them, discussed above, which was primarily exposed in the press in 2005 and before. Lamb directly asked what Hitchens' relationship with Cockburn was at that time [April, 2009], to which Hitchens mentioned that he recently had attended a Cockburn family wedding in which Alexander officiated, and that he and Cockburn used to see each other frequently, but, due to each of them now living on opposite coasts, they see each other much less. In this same interview Lamb and Hitchens further discussed Cockburn's scathing remarks about Hitchens criticisms of Said and Sheehan, mentioned above. From his 2009 perspective, Hitchens clearly felt the intervening years had justified his criticisms of Sheehan, and expressed that "it's beneath Alexander to be defending someone as cheap and demagogic as her." In the case of Hitchens' criticisms of Edward Said on his death bed, Hitchens replied, "It's actually rather silly of Alexander to say that, I think, because if you look at his [Cockburn's] journalism, he would rightly be proud of saying that he's often written counter-obituaries of people who have been overpraised and has chosen precisely the moment when there's a lot of sentimental garbage being published to say, 'come on, this guy wasn't so great!' So, it's silly of him – he gives a hostage to fortune in saying that."^[37] Following Hitchens' death in 2011, Cockburn wrote a highly critical obituary of him for Counterpunch.^[38]

Bibliography[link]

• Incompatibles (1967) (co-edited with Robin Blackburn)
• Student Power (1969) (co-edited with Robin Blackburn)
• Idle Passion: Chess and the Dance of Death (1975)
• Smoke: Another Jimmy Carter Adventure (1978) (with James Ridgeway)
• Political Ecology (1979) (co-edited with James Ridgeway)
• Corruptions of Empire (1988) ISBN 0-86091-940-4
• The Fate of the Forest: Developers, Destroyers and Defenders of the Amazon (1989) (with Susanna Hecht) ISBN 0-06-097322-6
• The Golden Age Is in Us: Journeys and Encounters (1995) ISBN 0-86091-664-2
• Washington Babylon (1995) (with Ken Silverstein) ISBN 1-85984-092-2
• Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press (1998) (with Jeffrey St. Clair) ISBN 1-85984-258-5
• 5 Days That Shook The World: The Battle for Seattle and Beyond (2000) (co-edited with Jeffrey St. Clair) ISBN 1-85984-779-X
• Al Gore: A User's Manual (2000) (with Jeffrey St. Clair) ISBN 1-85984-803-6
• CounterPunch: The Journalism That Rediscovers America (2002) (co-edited with Jeffrey St. Clair) ISBN 1-85984-455-3
• The Politics of Anti-Semitism (2003) (co-edited with Jeffrey St. Clair) ISBN 1-902593-77-4
• Serpents in the Garden (2004) (co-edited with Jeffrey St. Clair) ISBN 1-902593-94-4
• Imperial Crusades (2004) (co-edited with Jeffrey St. Clair) ISBN 1-84467-506-8
• Dime's Worth of Difference (2004) (co-edited with Jeffrey St. Clair) ISBN 1-904859-03-8
• End Times: Death of the Fourth Estate (2006) (with Jeffrey St. Clair)

Compact Disc[link]

• Beating the Devil: The Incendiary Rants of Alexander Cockburn

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Alexander Cockburn

• CounterPunch website
• Column archive at Creators Syndicate
• Column archive at The Nation
• Column archive (1974-1982) at The New York Review of Books
• Podcasts of Cockburn's recent articles
• Appearances on C-SPAN
  • In Depth interview with Cockburn, April 1, 2007
• Alexander Cockburn at the Internet Movie Database
• Works by or about Alexander Cockburn in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
• Alexander Cockburn at the Notable Names Database

Atal Bihari Vajpayee
11th Prime Minister of India
In office 19 March 1998 – 19 May 2004
President	K. R. Narayanan& A P J Abdul Kalam
Deputy	L. K. Advani
Preceded by	I. K. Gujral
Succeeded by	Manmohan Singh
In office 16 May 1996 – 1 June 1996
President	Shankar Dayal Sharma
Preceded by	P. V. Narasimha Rao
Succeeded by	H. D. Deve Gowda
Minister of External Affairs
In office 26 March 1977 – 28 July 1979
Prime Minister	Morarji Desai
Preceded by	Yashwantrao Chavan
Succeeded by	Shyam Nandan Prasad Mishra
Personal details
Born	(1924-12-25) 25 December 1924 (age 87) Gwalior, British India
Political party	Bharatiya Janata Party (1980–present)
Other political affiliations	Bharatiya Jana Sangh (Before 1980)
Alma mater	Victoria College (Now Laxmibai College), Gwalior DAV College, Kanpur
Profession	Poet, Politician
Religion	Hinduism
Signature

Atal Bihari Vajpayee (Hindi: अटलबिहारी वाजपेयी, Birth: 25 December 1924 in Gwalior) is a veteran Indian statesman who served as a non congress Prime Minister of India three times, viz. 13 days in 1996, 13 months from 1998 to 1999, and lastly a five year's term from 19 March 1998 until 19 May 2004. A parliamentarian for over four decades, Vajpayee was elected to the Lok Sabha a record nine times, and twice to the Rajya Sabha.^[1] He also served as the Member of Parliament for Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, until 2009, when he retired from active politics due to health concerns. Vajpayee was one amongst the founder members of erstwhile Jana Sangh and had been its president also. He was also the Minister of External Affairs in the cabinet of Morarji Desai. When Janata government collapsed Vajpayee merged his entire party into a fresh party and named it as Bharatiya Janata Party in the interest of nation. A poet-politician Vajpayee has been the liberal face of BJP.

Early life and Education[link]

Atal Bihari Vajpayee was born to Krishna Devi and Krishna Bihari Vajpayee on 25th December, 1924 in a respected middle class Brahmin family. His birthplace was Shinde Ki Chhavani, a small town in Gwalior district of Madhya Pradesh (then known as Central Province). His grandfather, Pandit Shyam Lal Vajpayee, had migrated to Gwalior from his ancestral village of Bateshwar, Uttar Pradesh and his father, Krishna Bihari Vajpayee, was a poet and a schoolmaster in his hometown. Vajpayee attended Gwalior's Victoria College (now Laxmi Bai College), and graduated with distinctions in Hindi, English and Sanskrit. He completed his Post Graduation with a (M.A.) degree in Political Science from DAV College, Kanpur, securing first-class.^[2] Later he became a full time worker of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and served the Rashtradharma, Veer Arjun and Panchjanya newspapers as a journalist. Like other full time workers of the Sangh, Vajpayee never married and decided to dedicate his entire life for the service of the nation.

Early political career[link]

Vajpayee's first tryst with politics occurred in 1942, when he was arrested for his participation in the Quit India movement.^[3][4][5] In 1951, He was deputed to work for the newly formed Bharatiya Jana Sangh, a right wing political party associated with the RSS and espousing the Hindu cause. He soon became a close follower and aide of Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, the leader of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS). In 1953, Vajpayee was at Mukherjee's side when he went on a fast-unto-death in Kashmir to protest against perceived inferior treatment of non-Kashmiri Indian visitors to the state. Mukherjee died in prison during this strike. The protest and martyrdom of Mukherjee ended the identity card crisis, the centerpiece of Indian national security at that time. In 1957, Vajpayee was elected to the Lok Sabha, where his oratorical skills so impressed the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru that he predicted that Vajpayee would someday become India's Prime Minister.^[6] By his oratorical and organizing skills, he became the face of the Jana Sangh. After the tragic death of Deendayal Upadhyaya, the mantle of the leadership of Jana Sangh fell on the shoulders of the young Vajpayee. He became the National president of the Jana Sangh in 1968 and along with Nanaji Deshmukh, Balraj Madhok and Lal Krishna Advani led Jan Sangh to national prominence.

He was arrested during the Emergency clamp down against the opposition and was detained in Bangalore during 1975-77. In 1977, Heeding the call of Jayaprakash Narayan for all the opposition parties to unite against the Congress; Vajpayee led the Jana Sangh to merge with the Janata Party. Following the massive and historic victory of the Janata Party in the 1977 general elections, he became the Minister for External Affairs in the Janata government headed by Morarji Desai. That same year, he also became the first person to deliver a speech to the United Nations General Assembly in Hindi. By the time the Janata government crumbled in 1979, Vajpayee had established himself as an experienced statesman and a respected political leader.^[7]

The rise of the BJP[link]

The Janata Party was dissolved soon after Morarji Desai resigned as Prime Minister in 1979. The Bharatiya Jana Sangh had devoted its political organization to sustain the coalition, and was left exhausted by the internecine political wars within the Janata Party.

Vajpayee joined many of his Bharatiya Jan Sangh and Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh colleagues, particularly his long-time friends Lal Krishna Advani and Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, to found the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1980. He became the BJP's first President. He emerged as a strong critic of the Congress (I) government that followed the Janata government.

While the BJP opposed the Sikh militancy that was rising in the state of Punjab, it also blamed Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for her divisive and corrupt politics that fostered such militancy at the expense of national unity and integrity.^[8] The BJP did not support Operation Bluestar, and strongly protested against the violence towards Sikhs in Delhi that broke out in 1984 following the assassination of Indira Gandhi by two of her Sikh bodyguards. During this bloody period, more than 3,000 Sikhs were massacred. The BJP was left with only two parliamentary seats in the 1984 elections; however, the party had established itself in the mainstream of Indian politics, and soon began expanding its organization to attract young Indians throughout the country. During this period, Vajpayee remained at the center-stage as party President and Leader of the Opposition in the Parliament.

The BJP became the political voice of the Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir Movement, which was led by activists of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and the RSS, and which sought to build a temple dedicated to Lord Rama at the site of the Babri mosque in Ayodhya. Hindus believed that the site was the birthplace of Rama, and thus qualified as one of the most sacred sites of Hinduism.

Victory in the assembly elections in Gujarat and Maharashtra in March 1995, and a good performance in the elections to the Karnataka assembly in December 1994, propelled the BJP to greater political prominence. During a BJP conference in Mumbai in November 1995, BJP President L.K. Advani declared that Vajpayee would become the Prime Minister of India if the BJP won in the May 1996 parliamentary elections.^[9]

As Prime Minister of India[link]

Vajpayee served as the Prime Minister of India from 1996 to 2004 in three non-consecutive terms:

First term: May 1996[link]

The BJP grew in strength in the early 1990's riding on the Hindutva wave. In the 1996 general elections, the BJP emerged as the single largest party in the Lok Sabha. The then president Shankar Dayal Sharma invited Vajpayee to form the government in accordance to the Westminster custom. Vajpayee was sworn in as the 11th Prime Minister of India, but the BJP failed to muster enough support from other parties to obtain a majority. He resigned after just 13 days, when it became clear that he could not garner a majority.

Second term: 1998–1999[link]

After the fall of the two United Front governments between 1996 and 1998, the Parliament was dissolved and fresh elections were held. The 1998 general elections again put the BJP ahead of others. This time, a cohesive bloc of political parties joines the BJP to form the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and A.B. Vajpayee was sworn in as the Prime Minister.^[10] The NDA proved its majority in the parliament. This government lasted 13 months as in mid-1999, the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) under J. Jayalalitha withdrew its support to the 13-month old government.^[11] The government lost the ensuing vote of confidence motion in the Lok Sabha by a single vote. As the Opposition was unable to come up with the numbers to form the new government, the country returned to election mode with Vajpayee remaining the "care-taker Prime Minister".

Nuclear tests[link]

In May 1998, India conducted five underground nuclear tests in Pokhran, Rajasthan. The five tests shocked and surprised the world, especially considering that the government had been in power for only a month. Two weeks later, Pakistan responded with its own nuclear tests, making it the newest declared nation with nuclear weapons.

While some nations, such as Russia and France, endorsed India's right to defensive nuclear power,^[12] others including the United States, Canada, Japan, Britain and the European Union imposed sanctions on information, resources and technology to India. In spite of the intense international criticism and the steady decline in foreign investment and trade, the nuclear tests were popular domestically and Vajpayee's popularity as well as the BJP's prestige rose in response.

The Lahore summit[link]

In late 1998 and early 1999, Vajpayee began a push for a full-scale diplomatic peace process with Pakistan. With the historic inauguration of the Delhi-Lahore bus service in February 1999, Vajpayee initiated a new peace process aimed towards permanently resolving the Kashmir dispute and other conflicts with Pakistan. The resultant Lahore Declaration espoused a commitment to dialogue, expanded trade relations and mutual friendship and envisaged a goal of denuclearized South Asia. This eased the tension created by the 1998 nuclear tests, not only within the two nations, but also in South Asia and the rest of the world.

The Vajpayee led government was faced with two crises in mid 1999. The AIADMK had continually threatened to withdraw from the coalition and national leaders repeatedly flew down from Delhi to Chennai to pacify the AIADMK chief J. Jayalalitha. However, in May 1999, the AIADMK did pull the plug on the NDA, and the Vajpayee administration was reduced to a caretaker status pending fresh elections scheduled for October 1999.

Kargil War[link]

In a stunning development soon after, it was revealed that militants and non-uniformed Pakistani soldiers (many with official identifications and Pakistan Army's custom weaponry) had infiltrated into the Kashmir Valley and captured control of border hilltops, unmanned border posts and were spreading out fast. The incursion was centered around the town of Kargil, but also included the Batalik and Akhnoor sectors and include artillery exchanges at the Siachen Glacier.

Indian army units were swiftly rushed into Kashmir in response. Operation Vijay (1999), launched in June 1999, saw the Indian military fighting thousands of militants and soldiers amidst heavy artillery shelling and while facing extremely cold weather, snow and treacherous terrain at the high altitude. Over 500 Indian soldiers were killed in the three-month long Kargil War, and it is estimated around 600-4,000 Pakistani militants and soldiers died as well. India pushed back the Pakistani militants and Northern Light Infantry soldiers. Almost 70% of the territory was recaptured by India. With news of Pakistan planning to launch a nuclear attack in the face of a loss in the war with India, Pakistan's Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was summoned to the US by Bill Clinton and warned against any such mis-adventure.^[12] After heavy losses and a recalcitrant general in Musharraf, and with both the United States and China refusing to condone the incursion or threaten India to stop its military operations, Nawaz Sharif asked the remaining militants to stop and withdraw to positions along the LoC. The militants were not willing to accept orders from Sharif while the NLI soldiers withdrew.^[12] The militants were killed by the army or forced to withdraw in skirmishes which went beyond the announcement of withdrawal by Pakistan. The victory in Kargil bolstered the image of Vajpayee and he was hailed across the country for his bold and strong leadership. It also, gave a tremendous boost to the morale of the Indian public and bolstered National pride.

Third term: 1999–2004[link]

In the 1999 General elections, the BJP-led NDA won 303 seats out of the 543 seats in the Lok Sabha, in the aftermath of the Kargil operations,^[13] thereby securing a comfortable, stable majority. On 13 October 1999, Atal Bihari Vajpayee took oath as Prime Minister of India for the third time. The coalition government that was formed lasted its full term of 5 years – the only non-Congress government to do so.

Indian Airlines hijack[link]

A national crisis emerged in December 1999, when Indian Airlines flight (IC 814) en-route Kathmandu to New Delhi was hijacked by five terrorists and flown to Taliban-ruled Afghanistan.^[14] The hijackers made several demands including the release of certain terrorists like Maulana Masood Azhar from prison. Under extreme public pressure for the safe release of the hostages, the government ultimately caved in and Jaswant Singh, the then Indian External Affairs minister, flew with the terrorists to Afghanistan and exchanged them for the passengers.

A.B.Vajpayee meeting President Bush in the White House in 2001

National Highways Development Project, Foreign policy and Economic reforms[link]

During his administration, Vajpayee introduced many important economic and infrastructural reforms domestically including, encouraging the private sector and foreign investments; reducing governmental waste; encouraging research and development and privatization of some government owned corporations.^[15]

Vajpayee's pet projects were the National Highway Development Project and Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana, two high profile and popular projects in which he took a personal interest.

In March 2000, Bill Clinton, the President of the United States, paid a state visit to India. His was the first state visit to India by a US President in the past 22 years. President Clinton's visit to India was hailed as a significant milestone in the relations between the two countries. Since the visit followed barely two years after the Pokhran tests, and one year after the Kargil invasion and the subsequent coup in Pakistan, it was read to reflect a major shift in the post-Cold War U.S. foreign policy. The Indian Prime Minister and the U.S. President discussed strategic issues, but the major achievement was a significant expansion in trade and economic ties. The Historic Vision Document on the future course of relations between the two countries was signed by Prime Minister Vajpayee and President Clinton during the visit.

Domestically, the BJP-led government was under constant pressure from its ideological mentor, the RSS, and the hard-line VHP to enact the Hindutva agenda. But owing to its dependence on coalition support, it was impossible for the BJP to push items like building the Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir in Ayodhya, repealing Article 370 which gave a special status to the state of Kashmir, or enacting a uniform civil code applicable to adherents of all religions. The BJP was however accused of saffronising (Saffron is the color of the flag of the RSS, symbol of the Hindu nationalism movement) the official state education curriculum and apparatus. Also, Home Minister L.K. Advani and HRD minister Murli Manohar Joshi were indicted in the 1992 Babri Mosque demolition case for inciting a mob of activists. The RSS also routinely criticized the government for free-market policies which introduced foreign goods and competition at the expense of 'swadeshi' industries and products.

Vajpayee's administration earned the ire of many trade unions and government workers for its aggressive campaign to privatize government owned corporations. Vajpayee promoted pro-business, free market reforms to reinvigorate India's economic transformation and expansion that were started by the former PM Narasimha Rao but stalled after 1996 due to unstable governments and the 1997 Asian financial crisis. Increased competitiveness, extra funding and support for the information technology sector and high-tech industries, improvements in infrastructure, deregulation of trade, investments and corporate laws - all increased foreign capital investment and set in motion an economic expansion.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee with Russia's then president Vladimir Putin.

These couple of years of reform however were accompanied by infighting in the administration and confusion regarding the direction of government.Vajpayee's weakening health was also a subject of public interest, and he underwent a major knee-replacement surgery at the Breach Candy Hospital in Mumbai to relieve great pressure on his legs.

In March 2001, the Tehelka group released incriminating videos of the BJP President Bangaru Laxman, senior army officers and NDA members accepting bribes from journalists posing as agents and businessmen. The Defence Minister George Fernandes was forced to resign following the Barak Missile Deal Scandal, another scandal involving the botched supplies of coffins for the soldiers killed in Kargil, and the finding of an inquiry commission that the Government could have prevented the Kargil invasion. These developments as well as an ambiguous response of the economy to the reforms, reduced the Vajpayee administration's popularity and undermined its future^{[citation needed]}.

Vajpayee again broke the ice in the Indo-Pak relations by inviting Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf to Delhi and Agra for a joint summit and peace talks. His second major attempt to move beyond the stalemate involved inviting the man who had planned the Kargil invasions. But accepting him as the President of Pakistan, Vajpayee chose to move forward. But after three days of much fanfare, which included Musharraf visiting his birthplace in Delhi, the summit failed to achieve a breakthrough as President Musharraf declined to leave aside the issue of Kashmir.

In 2001, the Vajpayee government launched the famous Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, which aimed at improving the quality of education in primary and secondary schools.

2001 attack on Parliament[link]

On 13 December 2001, a group of masked, armed men with fake IDs stormed the Parliament building in Delhi. The terrorists managed to kill several security guards, but the building was sealed off swiftly and security forces cornered and killed the men, who were later proven to be Pakistan nationals. Coming just three months after the September 11 attacks upon the United States, this fresh escalation instantly enraged the nation. Although the Government of Pakistan officially condemned the attack, Indian intelligence reports pointed to a conspiracy rooted in Pakistan. Prime Minister Vajpayee ordered a mobilization of India's military forces, and as many as 500,000 servicemen amassed along the international boundary bordering Punjab, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Kashmir. Pakistan responded with the same. Vicious terrorist attacks and an aggressive anti-terrorist campaign froze day-to-day life in Kashmir, and foreigners flocked out of both India and Pakistan, fearing a possible war and nuclear exchange. For as long as two years, both nations remained perilously close to a terrible war.

The Vajpayee administration also passed the Prevention of Terrorist Act against vigorous opposition of non-NDA parties. Human rights groups have condemned the act which gives wide authority to the government to crack down and hold anybody. Its repeal was advocated by human rights organisations.^[16]

But the biggest political disaster hit his government between December 2001 and March 2002: the VHP held the Government hostage in a major standoff in Ayodhya over the Ram Mandir. At the 10th anniversary of the destruction of the Babri mosque, the VHP wanted to perform a shila daan, or a ceremony laying the foundation stone of the cherished temple at the disputed site. Tens of thousands of VHP activists amassed and threatened to overrun the site and forcibly build the temple. A grave threat of not only communal violence, but an outright breakdown of law and order owing to the defiance of the government by a religious organization hung over the nation.^[7] But to the relief of Vajpayee, this crisis tided over rather smoothly.

Remainder of term[link]

In late 2002 and 2003 the government pushed economic reforms, and the country's GDP growth accelerated at record levels, exceeding 6–7%. Increasing foreign investment, modernization of public and industrial infrastructure, the creation of jobs, a rising high-tech and IT industry and urban modernization and expansion improved the nation's inter-national image. Good crop harvests and strong industrial expansion also helped the economy. The Government reformed the tax system, increased the pace of reforms and pro-business initiatives, major irrigation and housing schemes and so on. The political energies of the BJP shifted to the rising urban middle-class and young people, who were positive and enthusiastic about the major economic expansion and future of the country. He faced stiff opposition from other equally strong originations within Sangh Parivar such as Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, Bharatiya Kisan Sangh. However, he continued with his aggressive economic reform policy. In August 2003, He announced before Parliament his "absolute last" effort to achieve peace with Pakistan. Although the diplomatic process never truly set-off immediately, visits were exchanged by high-level officials and the military stand-off ended. The Pakistani President and Pakistani politicians, civil and religious leaders hailed this initiative as did the leaders of America, Europe and much of the world. In July 2003, Prime Minister Vajpayee, visited China, and met with various Chinese leaders. He recognized Tibet, as a part of China, which was welcomed by the Chinese leadership, who in the following year, recognized Sikkim, as a part of India. Sino-Indian Relations, improved greatly, in the followsing years. In November–December 2003, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won three major state elections, fought mainly on development issues, without ideological campaigns. A major public relations campaign was launched to reach out to Muslims and stop the 2002 communal riots controversy from haunting the party's future. But the attention of the media and of millions now moved from Vajpayee to his more possible successor, L.K. Advani, although the question was never directly raised or contested in any way. Vajpayee's age, failing health and diminished physical and mental vigor were obvious factors in such speculations. Advani assumed greater responsibilities in the party, and although no perceivable conflict has been known to arise between the longtime friends and political colleagues, several embarrassing statements were made. Once Vajpayee said "Advani would lead the BJP in the elections," prompting Advani to clarify that he would merely lead the election campaign, not the party. And then the BJP President Venkaiah Naidu used mythological references to depict Vajpayee as Vikas Purush (Man of Progress) and Advani as Loh Purush(Man of Steel).

As the BJP prepared for general elections in 2004, Vajpayee was still the choice of the BJP and of the wider NDA, for the Prime Minister's job.

2004 general election[link]

The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) was widely expected to retain power after the 2004 general election. The 13th Lok Sabha had been dissolved before the completion of its term to capitalize on the perceived 'Feel-good factor' and BJP's recent successes in the Assembly elections in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chattisgarh. The BJP hoped to capitalise on the slogan "India Shining" and released many ads touting the economic growth of the nation.

However, the coalition sidestepped controversial and ideological issues in favour of economic and security issues during the campaign^{[citation needed]} and subsequently lost almost half its seats, with several prominent cabinet ministers being defeated. The Indian National Congress, led by Sonia Gandhi became the single largest party and, along with many minor parties, formed the United Progressive Alliance. With the conditional support of the leftist parties from the outside, the UPA formed a government under Dr Manmohan Singh. Vajpayee resigned as Prime minister and promised co-operation to the new government.^[17]

Vajpayee was criticized within his party and by the Sangh Parivar for sacrificing core issues like Hindutva and the Ram Temple to please the Muslim voters (the BJP lost the Muslim vote by a heavy margin)^{[citation needed]}. Accepting moral responsibility for the defeat, he decided not to take up the position of the Leader of the Opposition and passed on the leadership mantle to Lal Krishna Advani. However, he retained his post as Chairman of the NDA.

Later career[link]

In December 2005, Vajpayee announced his retirement from active politics, declaring that he would not contest in the next general election. In a famous statement at the BJP's silver Jubilee rally at Mumbai's historic Shivaji Park, Vajpayee announced that "Henceforth, Lal Krishna Advani and Pramod Mahajan will be the Ram-Laxman (the two godly brothers much revered and worshipped by Hindus) of the BJP."^[18]

Vajpayee was referred to as the Bhishma Pitamah of Indian Politics by Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh during his speech in the Rajya Sabha.^[19]

Vajpayee was hospitalized at AIIMS for chest infection and fever on 6th February 2009. He was put on ventilator support as his condition worsened but he eventually recuperated and was later, discharged.^[20] Unable to participate in the campaign for the 2009 general election due to his poor health, he wrote a letter urging voters to back the BJP. His protege Lalji Tandon was able to retain the Lucknow seat even though the NDA suffered electoral reverses allover the country. The tall apolitical image of Vajpayee was said to be the main reason behind Lalji's success in Lucknow even though BJP's performance was poor elsewhere in Uttar Pradesh.^[21]

About his poetry[link]

Vajpayee has expressed very clear thoughts about his poetry: "My poetry is a declaration of war, not an exordium to defeat. It is not the defeated soldier's drumbeat of despair, but the fighting warrior's will to win. It is not the despirited voice of dejection but the stirring shout of victory.^[22]"

Awards[link]

• 1992, Padma Vibhushan^[23]
• 1993, D.Lit from Kanpur University^[24]
• 1994, Lokmanya Tilak Award^[24]
• 1994, Best Parliamentarian Award
• 1994, Bharat Ratna Pandit Govind Vallabh Pant Award^[23]

Works[link]

Social and political[link]

• Nayi chunauti, naya avasara (Hindi Edition). (2002). ISBN 978-81-7016-501-9.
• India's Perspectives on ASEAN and the Asia-Pacific Region. (2003). ISBN 978-981-230-172-7.
• NEW DIMENSIONS OF INDIA'S FOREIGN POLICY. (1979).
• Decisive days. (1999).
• When will atrocities on Harijans stop?: A.B. Vajpayee's speech in Rajya Sabha. (1988).
• Heal the wounds: Vajpayee's appeal on Assam tragedy to the parliament. (1983).
• National integration. (1961).
• Sakti se santi. (1999).
• Rajaniti ki rapatili rahem. (1997).
• Vicara-bindu (Hindi Edition). (2000). ISBN 978-81-7016-475-3.
• Bindu-bindu vicara. (1997).
• Kucha lekha, kucha bhashana. (1996).
• Back to square one. (1998).
• Dynamics of an open society. (1977).
• Na dainyam na palayanam (Hindi Edition). (1998).
• Bindu-bindu vicara (Hindi Edition). (1997).
• Kucha lekha, kucha bhashana (Hindi Edition). (1996).
• Sekyularavada: Bharatiya parikalpana (Da. Rajendra Prasada Smaraka vyakhyanamala). (1996).

Autobiography[link]

• Atal Bihari Vajpayee, meri samsadiya yatra (Hindi Edition). (1999). ISBN 978-81-7315-281-8.
• Four decades in parliament. (1996).
• Atala Bihari Vajpayee, samsada mem tina dasaka. (1992).
• Pradhanamantri Atala Bihari Vajapeyi, chune hue bhashana. (2000).
• Values, vision & verses of Vajpayee: India's man of destiny. (2001).
• India's foreign policy: New dimensions. (1977).
• Assam problem: Repression no solution. (1981).
• Suvasita pushpa: Atala Bihari Vajapeyi ke sreshtatama bhashana. (1997).
• A"

Poetry[link]

• Twenty-One Poems. (2003). ISBN 978-0-670-04917-2.
• Kya khoya kya paya: Atala Vihari Vajapeyi, vyaktitva aura kavitaem (Hindi Edition). (1999). ISBN 978-81-7028-335-5.
• Meri ikyavana kavitaem. (1995).
• Meri ikyavana kavitaem (Hindi Edition). (1995).
• Sreshtha kabita. (1997).
• Nayi Disha - an album with Jagjit Singh (1999)
• Samvedna - an album with Jagjit Singh (2002)

Speeches[link]

• Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, selected speeches. (2000). ISBN 978-81-230-0834-9.
• President's addresses, 1980-1986. (2000).
• Presidential address. (1986).
• Presidential address: Bharatiya Pratinidhi Sabha session, Bhagalpur (Bihar), 5 6 & 7 May 1972. (1972).
• Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Pokhran Test.

References[link]

• In India's Spotlight, He Was Both Director and Audience - NYTimes

Further reading[link]

• L.K. Advani. My Country My Life. (2008). ISBN 978-81-291-1363-4.
• M.P. Kamal. Bateshwar to Prime Minister House - An Interesting Description of Different Aspects of Atalji's . (2003). ISBN 978-81-7604-600-8.
• G.N.S. Raghavan. New Era in the Indian Polity, A Study of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and the BJP. (1996). ISBN 978-81-212-0539-9.
• P. R Trivedi. Atal Bihari Vajpayee: The man India needs : the most appropriate leader for the twentyfirst century. (2000). ISBN 978-81-7696-001-4.
• Sujata K. Dass. Atal Bihari Vajpayee. (2004). ISBN 978-81-7835-277-0.
• Chandrika Prasad Sharma. Poet politician Atal Bihari Vajpayee: A biography. (1998). ASIN: B0006FD11E.
• Sheila Vazirani. Atal Bihari Vajpayee; profile & personal views (Know thy leaders). (1967). ASIN: B0006FFBV2.
• Dr. C.P. Thakur. India Under Atal Behari Vajpayee: The BJP Era.(1999). ISBN 978-81-7476-250-4
• Sita Ram Sharma. Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee: Commitment to power. (1998). ISBN 978-81-85809-24-3.
• Bhagwat S. Goyal Values, Vision & Verses of Vajpayee: India's Man of Destiny 2001 Srijan Prakashan R-6/233 Rajnagar Ghaziabad 201002 ISBN 81-87996-00-5.
• Darshan Singh. Atal Behari Vajpayee: The arch of India. (2001). ISBN 978-81-86405-25-3.
• Yogesh Atal. Mandate for political transition: Reemergence of Vaypayee. (2000). ASIN: B0006FEIHA.
• Sujata K. Das. Atal Bihari Vajpayee. (2004). ISBN 978-81-7835-277-0.

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Atal Bihari Vajpayee

Wikisource has original works written by or about: Atal Bihari Vajpayee

• Profile Govt. of India
• Profile at BBC News
• Annotated Bibliography for Atal Bihari Vajpayee from the Alsos Digital Library for Nuclear Issues
• Atal Bihari Vajpayee collected news and commentary at The New York Times
• Atal Bihari Vajpayee collected news and commentary at The Times of India
• Complete List of Poems by Atala Bihari Bajpai
• अटलजी की रचनाएँ
• BJP website
• A. B. Vajpayee at BJP leaders, India
• Atalji's life journey poems and songs collection
• Read few poems of Atal Bihari Vajpayee in Hindi Script
• Atal Bihari Vajpayee at the Internet Movie Database
• Works by or about Atal Bihari Vajpayee in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
• Works by Atal Bihari Vajpayee on Open Library at the Internet Archive
• Atal Bihari Vajpayee at the Notable Names Database

v t e Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru Lal Bahadur Shastri Indira Gandhi Morarji Desai Charan Singh Rajiv Gandhi V. P. Singh Chandra Shekhar P. V. Narasimha Rao Atal Bihari Vajpayee H. D. Deve Gowda I. K. Gujral Manmohan Singh

v t e Bharatiya Janata Party Presidents Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1980 - 1986) · Lal Krishna Advani(1986 - 1991, 1993-1998, 2004-2006) · Murli Manohar Joshi (1991 - 1993) · Kushabhau Thakre (April 1998 - August 2000) · Bangaru Laxman (August 2000 - March 2001) · Jana Krishnamurthi (March 2001 - July 2002)  · Venkaiah Naidu (July 2002 - October 2004) · Rajnath Singh (January 2006 - December 2009) · Nitin Gadkari (December 2009 - incumbent) Branches Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad · Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha · Bharatiya Kisan Sangh · Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh Party leaders Sushma Swaraj · Arun Jaitley · Venkaiah Naidu · Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi · Narendra Modi · Sushil Kumar Modi · Murli Manohar Joshi · Shivraj Singh Chauhan History Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh  · Bharatiya Jana Sangh  · Janata Party  · Organisation

This article is outdated. Please update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. Please see the talk page for more information. (April 2011)

Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (Arabic: خالد شيخ محمد‎; also transliterated as Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, and additionally known by at least fifty aliases)^[10][11][12] is a Kuwait-born militant in U.S. custody in Guantánamo Bay for alleged acts of terrorism, including mass murder of civilians.

Khalid Sheikh Mohammed was a member of Osama bin Laden's terrorist group al-Qaeda organization, although he lived in Afghanistan, heading al-Qaeda's propaganda operations from sometime around 1999. The 9/11 Commission Report alleges that he was "the principal architect of the 9/11 attacks." He is also alleged to have confessed to a role in many of the most significant terrorist plots over the last twenty years, including the World Trade Center 1993 bombings, the Operation Bojinka plot, an aborted 2002 attack on the U.S. Bank Tower in Los Angeles, the Bali nightclub bombings, the failed bombing of American Airlines Flight 63, the Millennium Plot, and the murder of Daniel Pearl.

He was captured on March 1, 2003, in Rawalpindi, Pakistan, by the Inter-Services Intelligence agency of Pakistan, and transferred to U.S. custody. In March 2007, he confessed to masterminding the September 11 attacks, the Richard Reid shoe bombing attempt to blow up an airliner over the Atlantic Ocean, the Bali nightclub bombing in Indonesia, the 1993 World Trade Center bombing and various foiled attacks. He was charged in February 2008 with war crimes and murder by a U.S. military commission and faces the death penalty if convicted.