This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (January 2010)

Addis Ababa አዲ�?� አበባ
Montage of Addis Ababa、Top of left Addis Ababa City Hall, Top of center:Lion of Jodah Monument, Top of right:Tiglachin monument, Middle of left:St.Georges Carthdral, Center:Yakatit 12 Square, Middle of right:Addis Ababa Railroad Station, Bottom of left: Arat Kilo monument, Bottom of center:View of Addis Ababa from Enato, Bottom of right: Meskel Square
Nickname(s): City of Humans[?], Adisaba, Sheger, Finfinne, Adu, Adu Genet
Addis Ababa Location in Ethiopia
Coordinates: 9°1′48″N 38°44′24″E / 9.03°N 38.74°E / 9.03; 38.74
Country	Ethiopia
Chartered City	Addis Ababa
Chartered	1886
Government
• Mayor	Kuma Demeksa
Area
• City	527 km2 (203 sq mi)
• Land	527 km2 (203 sq mi)
	[1]
Elevation	2,355 m (7,726 ft)
Population (2008)
• City	3,384,569
• Density	5,165.1/km2 (13,378/sq mi)
• Urban	3,384,569
• Metro	4,567,857
	[2]
Time zone	East Africa Time (UTC+3)

Addis Ababa (sometimes spelled Addis Abeba, the spelling used by the official Ethiopian Mapping Authority) is the capital city of Ethiopia. (In Ethiopian languages: Amharic, Addis Abäba [ad�?i�?s aβəβa] "new flower"; Oromo, Finfinne;^[3][4] Ge'ez ኣዲ�?� ኣበባ) It is the largest city in Ethiopia, with a population of 3,384,569 according to the 2007 population census.^[2]

As a chartered city (ras gez astedader), Addis Ababa has the status of both a city and a state. It is where the African Union and its predecessor the OAU are based. It also hosts the headquarters of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) and numerous other continental and international organizations. Addis Ababa is therefore often referred to as "the political capital of Africa", due to its historical, diplomatic and political significance for the continent.^[5] The city is populated by people from different regions of Ethiopia – the country has as many as 80 nationalities speaking 80 languages and belonging to a wide variety of religious communities. It is home to Addis Ababa University. The Federation of African Societies of Chemistry (FASC) and Horn of Africa Press Institute (HAPI) are also headquartered in Addis Ababa.

History[link]

The site of Addis Ababa was chosen by Empress Taytu Betul and the city was founded in 1886 by her husband, Emperor Menelik II. The name of the city (ኣዲ�?� ኣበባ) was taken from parts of the city called hora Finfinnee ("hot springs") in Oromo^{[citation needed]}. Another Oromo name of the city is Sheger . Menelik, as initially a King of the Shewa province, had found Mount Entoto a useful base for military operations in the south of his realm, and in 1879 visited the reputed ruins of a medieval town, and an unfinished rock church that showed proof of an Ethiopian presence in the area prior to the campaigns of Ahmad Gragn. His interest in the area grew when his wife Taytu began work on a church on Entoto, and Menelik endowed a second church in the area.

However the immediate area did not encourage the founding of a town due to the lack of firewood and water, so settlement actually began in the valley south of the mountain in 1886. Initially, Taytu built a house for herself near the "Filwoha" hot mineral springs, where she and members of the Showan Royal Court liked to take mineral baths. Other nobility and their staffs and households settled the vicinity, and Menelik expanded his wife's house to become the Imperial Palace which remains the seat of government in Addis Ababa today. The name changed to Addis Ababa and became Ethiopia's capital when Menelik II became Emperor of Ethiopia. The town grew by leaps and bounds. One of Emperor Menelik's contributions that is still visible today is the planting of numerous eucalyptus trees along the city streets.^[6]

On 5 May 1936, Italian troops invaded Addis Ababa during the Second Italo-Abyssinian War, making it the capital of Italian East Africa from 1936 to 1941, and calling it by the Italian rendition of its name, Addis Abeba. After the Italian army in Ethiopia was defeated by the British forces during the East African Campaign, Emperor Haile Selassie returned to Addis Ababa on 5 May 1941—five years to the very day after he had departed—and immediately began the work of re-establishing his capital.

Emperor Haile Selassie helped form the Organization of African Unity in 1963, and invited the new organization to keep its headquarters in the city. The OAU was dissolved in 2002 and replaced by the African Union (AU), also headquartered in Addis Ababa. The United Nations Economic Commission for Africa also has its headquarters in Addis Ababa. Addis Ababa was also the site of the Council of the Oriental Orthodox Churches in 1965.

Ethiopia has often been called the original home of mankind due to various humanoid fossil discoveries like the Australopithecine Lucy.^[7] North eastern Africa, and the Afar region in particular was the central focus of these claims until recent DNA evidence suggested origins in south central Ethiopian regions like present-day Addis Ababa.^[8][9] After analysing the DNA of almost 1,000 people around the world, geneticists and other scientists claimed people spread from what is now Addis Ababa 100,000 years ago.^[10][11] The research indicated that genetic diversity declines steadily the farther one's ancestors traveled from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.^[12][13]

Geography[link]

Addis Ababa seen from SPOT satellite

Addis Ababa lies at an altitude of 7,546 feet (2,300 metres) and is a grassland biome, located at 9°1′48″N 38°44′24″E / 9.03°N 38.74°E / 9.03; 38.74Coordinates: 9°1′48″N 38°44′24″E / 9.03°N 38.74°E / 9.03; 38.74.^[14] The city lies at the foot of Mount Entoto. From its lowest point, around Bole International Airport, at 2,326 metres (7,631 ft) above sea level in the southern periphery, the city rises to over 3,000 metres (9,800 ft) in the Entoto Mountains to the north.

Climate[link]

Addis Ababa has a Subtropical highland climate (Koppen Cwb). The city possesses a complex mix of highland climate zones, with temperature differences of up to 10 °C, depending on elevation and prevailing wind patterns. The high elevation moderates temperatures year-round, and the city's position near the equator means that temperatures are very constant from month to month.

Mid-November to January is the winter season in Addis Ababa. The Highland Climate regions are characterized by dry winters, therefore that is the dry season in Addis Ababa. During this seasons the daily highs will not be more that 23c, the night time lows can get to freezing and range of temperatures can be felt between the highs and the lows in one day. The short rain season is from February to May. This time of the year temperature differences between the day time highs and the night time lows are not as high as the other seasons because the night time lows might come up to 10-15c. This time of the year the city experiences warm temperature and a pleasant rainfall. The long wet season is from June to mid-September. This season is also summer season in the city but the temperatures in this season are much more lower that the other seasons as it will be raining and hailing a lot and there will be a high amount of cloud cover causing less hours of sunshine. This time of the year is characterized by dark, chilly and wet days and nights. After that comes the 'spring season'. This time of the year (until the end thereof) is the time when the rainfall diminishes and the dry season comes.

Demographics[link]

Based on the 2007 Census conducted by the Central Statistical Agency of Ethiopia (CSA), Addis Ababa has a total population of 2,739,551, of whom 1,305,387 are men and 1,434,164 women; all of the population are urban inhabitants. For the capital city 662,728 households were counted living in 628,984 housing units, which results in an average of 4.1 persons to a household. Although all Ethiopian ethnic groups are represented in Addis Ababa due to its position as capital of the country, the largest groups include the Amhara (47.04%%), Oromo (19.51%), Gurage (16.34%), Tigray (6.18%), Silt'e (2.94%), and Gamo (1.68%). Languages spoken include Amharic (71.0%), Oromiffa (10.7%), Gurage (8.37%), Tigrinya (3.60%), Silt'e (1.82%) and Gamo (1.03%). The religion with the most believers in Addis Ababa is Ethiopian Orthodox with 74.7% of the population, while 16.2% are Muslim, 7.77% Protestant, and 0.48% Catholic.^[17]

In the previous census, conducted in 1994, the city's population was reported to be 2,112,737, of whom 1,023,452 were men and 1,089,285 were women. At that time not all of the population were urban inhabitants; only 2,084,588 or 98.7% were. For the entire administrative council there were 404,783 households in 376,568 housing units with an average of 5.2 persons per household. The major ethnic groups included the Amhara (48.3%), Oromo (19.2%), Gurage (13.5%; 2.3% Sebat Bet, and 0.8% Sodo), Tigray 7.64%, Silt'e 3.98%, and foreigners from Eritrea 1.33%. Languages spoken included Amharic (72.6%), Oromiffa (10.0%), Gurage (6.54%), Tigrinya (5.41%), and Silt'e 2.29%. In 1994 the predominant religion was also Ethiopian Orthodox with 82.0% of the population, while 12.7% were Muslim, 3.87% Protestant, and 0.78% Catholic.^[18]

According to the 2007 national census, 98.64% of the housing units of Addis Ababa had access to safe drinking water, while 14.9% had flush toilets, 70.7% pit toilets (both ventilated and unventilated), and 14.3% had no toilet facilities.^[19] Values for other reported common indicators of the standard of living for Addis Ababa as of 2005^[update] include the following: 0.1% of the inhabitants fall into the lowest wealth quintile; adult literacy for men is 93.6% and for women 79.95%, the highest in the nation for both sexes; and the civic infant mortality rate is 45 infant deaths per 1,000 live births, which is less than the nationwide average of 77; at least half of these deaths occurred in the infants’ first month of life.^[20]

The City is partially powered by water at the Koka Reservoir Koka Dam Power Plant.

Economy[link]

The bustling centre of Addis Ababa.

Bole Dembel Shopping Center.

The economic activities in Addis Ababa are diverse. According to official statistics from the federal government, some 119,197 people in the city are engaged in trade and commerce; 113,977 in manufacturing and industry; 80,391 homemakers of different variety; 71,186 in civil administration; 50,538 in transport and communication; 42,514 in education, health and social services; 32,685 in hotel and catering services; and 16,602 in agriculture. In addition to the residents of rural parts of Addis Ababa, the city dwellers also participate in animal husbandry and cultivation of gardens. 677 hectares (1,670 acres) of land is irrigated annually, on which 129,880 quintals of vegetables are cultivated.^{[citation needed]} It is a relatively clean and safe city, with the most common crimes being pickpocketing, scams and minor burglary.^[21] The city has recently been in a construction boom with tall buildings rising in many places. Various luxury services have also become available and the construction of shopping malls has recently increased. According to Tia Goldenberg of IOL, area spa professionals said that some people have labelled the city, "the spa capital of Africa."^[22]

Ethiopian Airlines has its headquarters on the grounds of Bole International Airport in Addis Ababa.^[23]

Government[link]

Arkebe Oqubay was a Mayor of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. He held office from early 2003 to May 2005. On 31 March 2005, Arkebe Oqubay was named "African Mayor of 2005" by Broadcasting Network of Africa. Mayor Oqubay lost the mayorship of Addis Ababa in May 2005 to Berhanu Nega, but after boycotting the parliament Berhanu Nega's C.U.D. or Kinijit party did not take control of the city government. The leaders of the CUD, his opposition party which swept the election in the capital, were later imprisoned and not permitted to assume control of the city. They were pardoned and released after two years in prison.

Though most of the CUD refused to join the parliament, factions of CUD and all the rest of opposition parties joined parliament in 2005. The government has appointed a provisional city government with Berhanu Deresa the acting Mayor.

Landmarks[link]

Addis Ababa is the headquarters of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa and the African Union. The fossilized skeleton, and a plaster replica of the early hominid Lucy (known in Ethiopia as Dinkinesh) is preserved at the Ethiopian National Museum in Addis Ababa. Meskel Square is one of the noted squares in the city and is the site for the annual Meskel at the end of September annually when thousands gather in celebration.

The city is home to the Ethiopian National Library, the Ethiopian Ethnological Museum (and former Guenete Leul Palace), the Addis Ababa Museum, the Ethiopian Natural History Museum, the Ethiopian Railway Museum and the National Postal Museum. Notable buildings include St George's Cathedral (founded in 1896 and also home to a museum), Holy Trinity Cathedral (once the largest Ethiopian Orthodox Cathedral and the location of Sylvia Pankhurst's tomb) as well as the burial place of Emperor Haile Selassie and the Imperial family, and those who fought the Italians during the war. There is also Menelik's old Imperial palace which remains the official seat of government, and the National Palace formerly known as the Jubilee Palace (built to mark Emperor Haile Selassie's Silver Jubilee in 1955) which is the residence of the President of Ethiopia. Africa Hall is located across Menelik II avenue from this Palace and is where the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa is headquartered as well as most UN offices in Ethiopia. It is also the site of the founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) which eventually became the African Union. The African Union is now housed in a new headquarters built on the site of the demolished Akaki prison, on land donated by Ethiopia for this purpose in the south western part of the city. The Hager Fikir Theatre, the oldest theatre in Ethiopia, is located at the Piazza district. Near Holy Trinity Cathedral is the art deco Parliament building, built during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie, with its clock tower. It continues to serve as the seat of Parliament today. Across from the Parliament is the Shengo Hall, built by the Derg regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam as its new parliament hall. The Shengo Hall was the world's largest pre-fabricated building, which was constructed in Finland before being assembled in Addis Ababa. It is used for large meetings and conventions.

In the Mercato district, which happens to be the largest open market in Africa, is the impressive The Grand Anwar Mosque, the biggest mosque in Ethiopia built during the Italian occupation. A few meters to the southwest of the Anwar Mosque is the Raguel Church built after the liberation by Empress Menen. The proximity of the mosque and the church has symbolized the long peaceful relations between Christianity and Islam in Ethiopia. The Roman Catholic Cathedral of the Holy Family is also in the Mercato district. Near Bole International Airport is the new Medhane Alem (Savior of the World) Orthodox Cathedral, which is the second largest in Africa.

Other features of the city include the large Mercato market, the Jan Meda racecourse, Bihere Tsige Recreation Centre and a railway line to Djibouti. Sport facilities include Addis Ababa and Nyala Stadiums. The 2008 African Championships in Athletics were held in Addis Ababa. The Entoto Mountains start among the northern suburbs. Suburbs of the city include Shiro Meda and Entoto in the north, Urael and Bole (home to Bole International Airport) in the east, Nifas Silk in the south-east, Mekanisa in the south, and Keraniyo and Kolfe in the west.

The city hosts the We Are the Future center, a child care center that provides children with a higher standard of living. The center is managed under the direction of the mayor’s office, and the international NGO Glocal Forum serves as the fundraiser and program planner and coordinator for the WAF child center in each city. Each WAF city is linked to several peer cities and public and private partners to create a unique international coalition. Launched in 2004, the program is the result of a strategic partnership between the Glocal Forum, the Quincy Jones Listen Up Foundation and Mr. Hani Masri, with the support of the World Bank, UN agencies and major companies.

Education[link]

Addis Ababa University.

Addis Ababa University was founded in 1950 and was originally named "University College of Addis Ababa", then renamed in 1962 for the former Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie I who had donated his Genete Leul Palace to be the University main campus in the previous year. It received its current name in 1975 after the Emperor was deposed. Although the university has six of its seven campuses within Addis Ababa (the seventh is located in Debre Zeit, about 45 km/28 mi away), it also maintains branches in many cities throughout Ethiopia. It is the home of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies and the Ethnological Museum. The city also has numerous private colleges including Admas College, Ethiopian Civil Service College and Unity University.

Transportation[link]

The distinctive Addis Ababa blue taxis

Public transportation is through public buses from Anbessa City Bus Service Enterprise or blue and white share taxis. The taxis are usually minibuses that can seat at most twelve people. Two people are responsible for each taxi, the driver and a weyala who collects fares and calls out the taxi's destination.

The construction of the Addis Ababa Ring Road was initiated in 1998 to implement the city master plan and enhance peripheral development. The Ring Road was divided into three major phases that connect all the five main gates in and out of Addis Ababa with all other Regions (Jimma, Debre Zeit, Asmara, Gojjam and Ambo). For this project, China Road and Bridge Corporation (CRBC) was the partner of Addis Ababa City Roads Authority (AACRA).^[24] The Ring Road has greatly helped to decongest and alleviate city car traffic.

Intercity bus service is provided by the Selam Bus Line Share Company.

The city is served by Bole International Airport, where a new terminal opened in 2003. The old Lideta Airport in the western "Old Airport" district is used mostly by small craft and military planes and helicopters.^{[dubious – discuss]} Addis Ababa also has had a railway connection with Djibouti City, with a picturesque French style railway station, but the railway no longer operates pending the construction of a new modern rail line to be built in the near future.

A light rail system is planned; in September 2010, Ethiopian Railway Corp reached a funding agreement with Export and Import Bank of China. Plans include a 30 km network with two lines; an east-west line from Ayat to the Torhailoch ringroad, and from Menelik Square to Mercato Bus Station, Meskel Square and Akaki.^[25]

Cityscape[link]

• 

  View from the Sheraton Hotel

• 

  Addis Ababa cityscape, and the Sheraton Hotel

• 

  View of Downtown Addis Ababa

• 

  Churchill Road

• 

  High rise buildings overlooking the lion sculpture in front of the National Theatre (Beherawi)

• 

  Abune Petros Square

• 

  Aerial view of Addis Ababa

• 

  Taytu hotel

• 

  Addis Ababa Stadium

• 

  National Museum of Ethiopia

Sister cities[link]

Notable people[link]

• Dinaw Mengestu, (1978) Author
• Nikos Papatakis, (1918) Greek film director
• Meseret Defar, (1983) 2004 Gold Medalist in 5000m
• Liya Kebede, (1978) Ethiopian supermodel
• Mahmoud Ahmed, distinguished Ethiopian singer
• Tilahun Gessesse, famous Ethiopian singer
• Amsale Aberra, famous fashion designer
• Professor Asrat Woldeyes, surgeon/professor & AAPO founder
• Prince Ermias Sahle Selassie, grandson of Emperor Haile Selassie
• Kenna, Indie Rock Musician
• Haile Gebrselassie, long distance runner
• Sheikh Mohammed Al Amoudi, entrepreneur
• Thomas Gobena, Musician currently in Gogol Bordello
• Robel Teklemariam, Ethiopian Olympic cross-country skier
• Ruth Negga, Irish actress

See also[link]

Ethiopia portal

• Large Cities Climate Leadership Group

References[link]

Further reading[link]

• Pankhurst, Richard (2001). The Ethiopians: A History (Peoples of Africa). Wiley-Blackwell; New Ed edition. ISBN 0-631-22493-9. 

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Addis Abeba

Official

• Addis Ababa City Administration
• Addis Ababa City Council

General

• News, Entertainment, Classifieds and Hotels - Addis All Around (dot) com
• Global Integrity Report: Ethiopia has details of anti-corruption programs and government censorship.
• Introduction to Addis Ababa
• Hotels in Addis Ababa
• Support for Mayor's overhaul of Addis Ababa
• Dawn in Addis Multimedia from CLPMag.org
• Interactive City Map and Business Finder

Travel Guide

• Addis Ababa travel guide from Wikitravel

Articles Related to Addis Ababa v t e Cities of Ethiopia Adama (Nazret) Addis Ababa Adigrat Adwa Ambo Arba Minch Asella Awasa Axum Bahir Dar Debre Berhan Debre Marqos Debre Tabor Debre Zeyit Degehabur Dembidolo Dessie Dila Dire Dawa Gambela Goba Gode Gondar Harar Irgalem Jijiga Jimma Kebri Dahar Kombolcha Mek'ele Negele Arsi Negele Boran Nekemte Shashamane Sodo Weldiya Wukro Ziway v t e First-level administrative divisions of Ethiopia Regions Afar Amhara Benishangul-Gumuz Gambela Harari Oromia Somali Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People's Region Tigray Chartered cities Addis Ababa Dire Dawa Provinces (prior to 1995) Arsi Bale Gamu-Gofa Gojjam Begemder Hararghe Illubabor Kaffa Shoa Sidamo Tigray Welega Wollo v t e Capitals of Africa     Abuja, Nigeria Accra, Ghana Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Algiers, Algeria Antananarivo, Madagascar Asmara, Eritrea Bamako, Mali Bangui, Central African Republic Banjul, Gambia Bissau, Guinea-Bissau Bloemfontein, South Africa 1 Brazzaville, Rep. of the Congo Bujumbura, Burundi Cairo, Egypt Cape Town, South Africa 2 Conakry, Guinea Dakar, Senegal Djibouti, Djibouti Dodoma, Tanzania Freetown, Sierra Leone Gaborone, Botswana Gao, Azawad 4 Harare, Zimbabwe Hargeisa, Somaliland 4 Jamestown, Saint Helena Juba, South Sudan Kampala, Uganda Khartoum, Sudan Kigali, Rwanda Kinshasa, D.R. Congo Libreville, Gabon Lilongwe, Malawi Lobamba, Swaziland 2 Lomé, Togo Luanda, Angola Lusaka, Zambia Malabo, Equatorial Guinea Mamoudzou, Mayotte Maputo, Mozambique Maseru, Lesotho Mbabane, Swaziland 3 Mogadishu, Somalia Monrovia, Liberia Moroni, Comoros Nairobi, Kenya N'Djamena, Chad Niamey, Niger Nouakchott, Mauritania Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso Port Louis, Mauritius Porto-Novo, Benin Praia, Cape Verde Pretoria, South Africa 3 Rabat, Morocco Saint-Denis, Réunion São Tomé, São Tomé and Príncipe Tripoli, Libya Tunis, Tunisia Victoria, Seychelles Windhoek, Namibia Yaoundé, Cameroon Yamoussoukro, Côte d'Ivoire 1 Judicial. 2 Parliamentary. 3 Executive. 4 An unrecognised or partially-recognised state.

The neutrality of this article is disputed. Please see the discussion on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until the dispute is resolved. (May 2008)

This article's lead section may not adequately summarize its contents. Please consider expanding the lead to provide an accessible overview of the article's key points. (December 2009)

Meles Zenawi መለስ ዜናዊ
Meles Zenawi at the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2012
Prime Minister of Ethiopia
Incumbent
Assumed office 23 August 1995
President	Negasso Gidada Girma Wolde-Giorgis
Preceded by	Tamirat Layne
President of Ethiopia
In office 28 May 1991 – 22 August 1995
Prime Minister	Tesfaye Dinka Tamirat Layne
Preceded by	Tesfaye Gebre Kidan (Acting)
Succeeded by	Negasso Gidada
Personal details
Born	(1955-05-08) 8 May 1955 (age 57) Adwa, Ethiopia
Political party	Tigrayan People's Liberation Front Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front
Spouse(s)	Azeb Mesfin
Alma mater	Open University Erasmus University Rotterdam
Religion	Ethiopian Orthodoxy

This article contains Ethiopic text. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Ethiopic characters.

Meles Zenawi Asres (Ge'ez: መለስ ዜናዊ አስረስ Mäläs Zenawi Äsräs; born 8 May 1955) has been the Prime Minister of Ethiopia since 1995. He was President of Ethiopia from 1991 to 1995. Since 1985, he has been chairman of the Tigrayan Peoples' Liberation Front (TPLF), and he is head of the ruling Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).

Background[link]

Meles was born in Adwa, Tigray in Northern Ethiopia, to an Ethiopian father from Adwa, Ethiopia, and a mother from Adi Quala, Eritrea.^[1] He graduated from the General Wingate high school in Addis Ababa, then studied medicine at Addis Ababa University (at the time known as Haile Selassie University) for two years before interrupting his studies in 1975 to join the TPLF.^[2] While a member of the TPLF, he founded the Marxist-Leninist League of Tigray. His first name at birth was "Legesse" (thus Legesse Zenawi, Ge'ez: ለገሰ ዜናዊ legesse zēnāwī) but he is better known by his nom de guerre Meles. He later changed his first name to "Meles" in honor of a University student and a revolutionary radical who was executed by the previous government in 1975.^[3]

The TPLF was one of many armed groups struggling against Lieutenant Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam. Zenawi was elected Leader of the Leadership Committee in 1979 and Leader of the Executive Committee in 1983. He has been the chairperson of both the TPLF and the EPRDF since the EPRDF assumed power at the end of the Ethiopian Civil War in 1991. He was president of the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE), during which Eritrea seceded from the country and the experiment of ethnic federalism started.

Education and personal life[link]

Meles Zenawi acquired an MBA (Master of Business Administration) from the Open University of the United Kingdom in 1995 and an MSc. (Masters of Science) in Economics from the Erasmus University of the Netherlands in 2004.^[4] In July 2002 Meles received an honorary doctoral degree in political science from the Hannam University in South Korea.^[5]

Meles Zenawi is married to Azeb Mesfin and is the father of three children. Azeb Mesfin is now the chair of the Social Affairs Standing Committee of Parliament, and in January 2007, she was given the "Legacy of a Dream" award for her leadership against HIV/AIDS during a ceremony held in memory of America's civil rights activist Dr. Martin Luther King.^[6] In addition, Azeb Mesfin and various government agencies have addressed child mortality issues in Ethiopia. According to UNICEF, the child mortality rate in Ethiopia has declined by 40% since the current ruling party took office.^[7]

Prime Minister of Ethiopia[link]

At the 33rd G8 summit in Heiligendamm in 2007 (Zenawi at back fourth from left)

Meles Zenawi thinks EPRDF's victory is^{[weasel words]} a triumph for the thousands of TPLF-fighters who were killed, for the millions of Ethiopians who were victims of the country's biggest famine during the Derg regime when some estimates put up to 1.5 million deaths of Ethiopians from famine and the Red Terror. Accordingly, the big support it received from peasants and rural areas helped EPRDF maintain peace and stability. Foreign support was diverse; the Arab League, as well as Western nations, supported the EPRDF rebels against the communist Moscow-supported government (although the TPLF was at the time Marxist) at the height of the Cold War.

"What the implications of this will be in terms of relations between Ethiopia and the European Union, we will have to wait and see but I don't think you will be surprised if Ethiopia were to insist that it should not be patronised.”^[8]

The United States helped the EPRDF rebels to get power in Ethiopia and many angry demonstrators in Addis Ababa protested against Herman Cohen, the U.S. State Department's chief of African affairs who attended a conference that demonstrators viewed as legitimizing the EPRDF. A New York Times editorial commented in 1991,

Demonstrators cursing the Americans ignore two realities. The cold war is over in Africa, and Ethiopia is no longer a focus of superpower rivalry. Otherwise it would have been unthinkable for four contending Marxist groups to turn to Washington for help. The other reality is that Mr. Cohen cannot undo at the conference table what has happened on the battlefield^[9]

Even though EPRDF's success was welcomed as a relief from DERG strong anti-EPRDF sentiments were present in many areas and strongly visible in Addis Ababa. These were just the beginning of the opposition to Meles Zenawi's EPRDF party after it gained power and more strong opposition followed. Addis Ababa has since been the center of peaceful opposition to the EPRDF, while the eastern Somali Region has been the most active region for armed opposition.

Following the defeat and exile of Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991, the July Convention of Nationalities was held. It was the first Ethiopian multinational convention where delegates of various nations and organizations were given fair and equal representation and observed by various international organizations including the United Nations, Organization for African Unity, European Economic Community, and the United States and the United Kingdom.

Of the 24 groups, the ones with the largest delegations at the Convention were the EPRDF (32), the Oromo Liberation Front (12), Afar Liberation Front (3), the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromia (3), and the Western Somali Liberation Front (3). Near the end of the year, Meles Zenawi became the President of the TGE, and following the first elections in 1995 1995 Meles was elected as Prime Minister and Dr. Negasso Gidada as President. International Election Observers concluded that had opposition parties contested, they could have won seats.

In the 2000 general elections, Meles was again elected Prime Minister, and his ruling EPRDF party shared parliament seats with the opposition party United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF). According to observers organized by Ethiopian Human Rights Council, local U.N. staff, diplomatic missions, political parties, and domestic non-governmental organizations, both the general and the regional elections that year were generally free and fair in most areas; however, serious election irregularities occurred in the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples' Region (SNNPR), particularly in the Hadiya Zone.^[10]

Meles encountered his first real challenge in the 2005 elections. His party was declared winner and kept his prime minister seat for another term, although the major opposition groups (the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), UEDF, and the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement) gained a number of seats in the national parliament. More than 30 other political parties participated in the election.^[11] These elections have been the most contested and the most controversial in Ethiopia's short democratic history, with some opposition parties arguing that the election was stolen by the ruling party. Allegations of fraud were especially strong in the rural areas, as the opposition parties won in most urban areas, whereas the EPRDF won mostly in rural districts.

The aftermath of the election led to riots and demonstrations against the results, particularly in the capital, which had to be stopped by peace officers. Some opposition parties blamed the government for the violence, even though they were tried and convicted in the court of the countries law. At the end of the demonstration, along with seven police officers 193 citizens were killed and 763 civilians wounded.^[12][13] Tens of thousands of Ethiopians were also jailed. Many protesters and around 75 police officers were injured.^[14] This led to many rounds of accusations between the government and the protesters where the Information Minister Berhan Hailu said the government was "sorry and sad", but blamed the violence on the CUD.^[15] The opposition parties have continuously accused the government of a massacre. EU election observers concluded the election failed to meet international standards for free and fair elections while the Carter Center concluded the election was fair but with many irregularities and a lot of intimidation by both sides especially the government.^[16][17] The Carter Center didn't publish its final report at the time. Meanwhile CUD opposition members continued to accuse the ruling party of fraud. However some accusations of fraud coming from opposition parties were very strange. For instance, a day before the final count of votes in Addis Ababa, the CUD opposition party accused the ruling party of fraud and decided not to accept the result in Addis Ababa. But it ended up that the CUD party was actually refusing its own victory, since the vote count showed that the CUD won 100% of the votes in Addis Ababa.^[18] According to critics, this strange event led to speculations that the main opposition party, CUD, had already planned not to accept the result no matter what, in order to paint a bad image of Meles's ruling party and the elections and gain the support of the international community following the predestined failure of the election.^[19]

In an interview, the United States AID director repeated that the Carter Center understood that the ruling party (EPRDF) won the election and most of his peers confirmed that as well. The USAID director also criticized some EU observers, accusing them of bias and favoring the opposition. He said some European observers practiced outside of their jobs and went "overboard in encouraging the opposition and making them think that somehow they had won the election."^[20] He concluded that the American government never believed the opposition won the election.^[21]

An inquiry into the violence found the property damage caused by the rioters and protesters in Addis Ababa and other cities totaled to 4.45 million Ethiopian Birr, including 190 damaged buses and 44 cars as police officers tried to restrain the rioters. The SBS journalist, Olivia Rousset, indicated that the government used too much force to subdue the rioters. She also said that "stone-throwing rioters" tried to take the guns from the security forces.^[22] Some EU observers have also shown their discontent at the post-election violence, suggesting that the police response was disproportionate, and blamed the government. In a rare response, Meles Zenawi said that he was disappointed that "some people have misunderstood the nature of the problem and misinterpreted it." In its final report, the independent commission concluded that the aggressive steps taken by the police force were to "avoid large scale violence and to protect the constitution" and that the reason behind the riotings might have been the protestors' unfamiliarity with the "process of democratization" e.g., respecting election results. However, the commission also acknowledged that there were serious errors that needed to be addressed regarding the capabilities of the Ethiopian Security forces to control riots.^[23] However, three members of the Inquiry Commission have defected and given their testimonies to members of the U.S. Congress and the International Media. The former Supreme Court Judge of the Southern Ethiopian nations and nationalities, Judge Frehiwot Samuel, who was also Chairman of the Inquiry Commission, and his Deputy, Judge Wolde-Michael Meshesha, have fled Ethiopia with a video and final report of the Commission’s findings that shows the commission deciding, through an eight to two vote, that the government had used excessive force and that there were grave human rights violations.^[24] Some leaders, including the UK's Tony Blair, condemned the violence but repeated that Meles's ruling party "won the election."^[25] Other European organizations also praised the election saying it was a "free and fair multi-party election."^[26] So far, most of the US representatives have not changed their outlook and the US government supports the Ethiopian government in both military and aid assistance. Other analysts also described progress in Ethiopia's first multi-party parliament in history.^[27]

Meanwhile many international media outlets continued to display the post-election bloodshed, followed by criticism of Meles's ruling party. At the same time, some people implied that opposition members were planning to use violence or provoke it as a means to gain power.^[28] In fact, various events were said to show that many opposition supporters, even in universities, try to provoke the police hoping that the security forces will overreact and create chaos.^[29] About the violence U.S. state department reports said some opposition supporters were engaged in a peaceful movement to "create greater democratic space" but some opposition supporters were "demonstrating to overthrow the government" and were engaged in "violent protests."^[30][31] Other reaction to the election issue was condemnation of the EU election observers. An Irish committee said "the situation in Ethiopia had not been helped by inaccurate leaks from the EU election monitoring body which led the opposition to wrongly believe they had been cheated of victory."^[32]

In early 2004 Meles Zenawi received medical treatment in the UK for an unspecified condition. Flanked by numerous UK police officers and diplomatic protection officers he was observed at the Parkside Hospital in southwest London, a private hospital staffed by numerous specialist consultants.

Domestic policy[link]

Structural reforms[link]

Economic structure[link]

The Ethiopian economy is based on agriculture, which accounts for about 45% of GDP and 85% of employment. Agricultural commodities also dominate the export sector, mainly coffee, qat, and hides and skins.

After the Meles Zenawi government gained power, major new players in the Ethiopian economy have been "endowment companies," as the ruling party calls them, commonly known as party companies. EFFORT, the biggest of all, is a conglomerate which is owned by Meles Zenawi's party, the TPLF. Some criticize this as the previous "government parastatals" during DERG regime being replaced by "party parastatals". In recent developments, Bloomberg reported that Guna Trading, owned by EFFORT,^[33] plans to become one of the biggest coffee exporters.^[34]

Land and agriculture[link]

Ethiopian agriculture is predominantly rain-fed subsistence agriculture, troubled by recurrent droughts. After Meles came to power in 1991, there were three major droughts in 1999/2000,^[35] 2002/2003^[36] and 2009/2010.^[37]

The most significant reform regarding land use after Meles took power was the dissolution of the collective farms and redistribution of land at local levels. The demand for land ownership, expressed in the slogan "Land to the tiller," was central in toppling the feudal monarchy. The demand, however, was not fully answered. The new constitution, in Article 40, section 3, states that, "The right to own rural and urban land as well as natural resources belongs only to the state and the people".^[38] The farmers have land use rights, but uncertain transfer rights. Starting in 2008, this land policy was set back after the government announced that it would begin leasing large areas of "empty" farm lands to foreign investors. Derided internationally as "land grabs,"^{[citation needed]} these operations threaten some smallholders with the loss of their plots. Reporting on this issue, the New York Times, quoting an expert, wrote, "One thing that is very clear, that seems to have escaped the attention of most investors, is that this is not simply empty land"^[39]

The government defends its land policy, given the common occurrences of natural disasters such as drought or bad weather. The argument is that had farmers been allowed to own land, they might have been forced to sell it during drought. To prevent this, the EPRDF government believes land ownership should not be privatized. Accordingly, the government states that it should focus on its agriculture sector while it is developing its industrial sector simultaneously, so that it can balance everything once the other sectors are developed and increase productivity. Government transformation of the construction sector, for example, led to a rare construction boom from the early 2000s until cement and other shortages caused it to slow down. The government believes privatization should be employed in the future but not presently. Knowing that constitutional change is required to privatize lands, the government assumed that it would hold a long-term super majority in parliament, to enable it to make the transition.

Since this approach to land ownership is unconventional (especially to western nations), and very controversial, opposition political parties have used this to their advantage during elections, arguing that land ownership has to be privatized. Yet the government seems unfaltering and states that flexibility is needed to address the lack of industrial development in the country despite accusations from the opposition.^[40]

Multi-party system[link]

Meles Zenawi is the first leader in Ethiopia to develop a multi-party system (including an opposition) in parliament.^[41] Though the country had its first national elections in 1995, a multi-party representative government was established in 2005, after the election of some candidates of the UEDF opposition party. Outspoken critics of the CUD included not only the top UEDF leaders, Dr. Merera Gudina and Dr. Beyene Petros, but also Bulcha Demeksa, Lidetu Ayalew, Hailu Shawel, Birtukan Mideksa, Temesgen Zewdie and Hailu Araya. Birtukan Mideksa was imprisoned at the start of 2009. Most opposition politicians are known for openly displaying deep anger for the ruling party's semblance of democracy, with some labeling Meles a "dictator" and others calling for his resignation.^[42] After the disputed 2005 national elections, opposition party members, led by the CUD, UEDP-Medhin, UEDF and Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM), filled almost one third of the Ethiopian parliament seats.^[43] Despite the fact that the Ethiopian constitution dictates a multi-party system, Meles Zenawi's full control of the military forces has promoted the reality of a single-party state.

Ethnic federalism[link]

The Meles Zenawi government created an ethnic-based federalism, which came under attack by some Ethiopians. Meles Zenawi's TPLF party believed that there was no choice—this was the only solution to the centuries-old oppression by centralist governments, and to domination of culture, language, politics and economy by one ethnic group, namely the Amhara. On the other hand, some parties like the OLF (Oromo Liberation Front), which was a partner in drafting the constitution, see Amhara and Tigrayan domination of the country. The aim of the government policy was to empower all ethnicities and develop their cultures and languages. Also it was widely seen as a solution to the demand of governance preferred by the ethnic-based liberation fronts and parties participating in the July Convention of Nationalities in 1991. In response to critics who say ethnic federalism can bring divisions, Meles Zenawi said this policy serves many interests, including equitable distribution of wealth and empowerment of ethnicities. He also said that since this was how the nationalities were before colonization, ethnicity was the language they understood best. He said the "ethnic basis of Ethiopia's democracy stemmed from the government's fight against poverty and the need for an equitable distribution of the nation's wealth: peasants must be enabled to make their own decisions in terms of their own culture. Power must be devolved to them in ways that they understand, and they understand ethnicity.... Other approaches to development had been hegemonic and exploitative and had led to internecine strife and civil war."

Meles Zenawi has claimed that there are two basic views about ethnic federalism: "if you think it is a threat, it will be; if you think it a benefit, then it will be." Making this statement, he concluded that "ethnicity will become less an issue as the economy grows and Ethiopia's process of assimilation does its job."^[44]

Opposition to ethnic federalism[link]

Meles Zenawi's policy of ethnic federalism has been attacked by two groups of opposition parties. Pan-Ethiopian opposition parties like AEUP, UEDP-medhin and Andenet accuse Meles Zenawi of harming the stability and unity of Ethiopia by dividing the country on language lines. They express their fear for the future unity of the country, pointing out a rise in ethnic conflicts after the ethnic federalism policy introduced, whereas in the past Ethiopia's economic marginalization of groups or ethnicities was a cause of warfare in the country, as experts indicated.^[45]

On the other hand, ethnic-based opposition parties like the OFDM, Oromo National Congress (renamed OPC) as well as armed groups like the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) accuse Meles Zenawi's government that the powers given to the regions by the constitution are only on paper. Recently Dr Merara Gudina (from ONC) said, "The only thing EPRDF’s federalism has achieved is that it helped the party hold a tight grip on the people through a divide-and-rule system"^[46]

Most of the opposition on both sides want to change the existing ethnic-federal system if they gain power. Those who reject ethnic federalism propose that administrative regions should be carved out on consideration of more factors than language alone. On the other hand, armed groups who favor ethnic federalism want to apply Article 39 and declare full independence for their own ethnic regions like Eritrea did in 1993.

It is important to underline opposition from both sides which are legally registered, and participated in the disputed 2005 election, won considerable seats.

Equity and growth[link]

Throughout its operation, the government and the Prime Minister have advocated "pro-poor" domestic policies. According to World Bank's East African leadership, the Ethiopian government ranks number one in Africa on spending as a share of GDP going to pro-poor sectors.^[47]

The administration has also created self-governing regional development organizations like Amhara Development Association,^[48] Tigray Development Association,^[49] Oromia Development Association and many others.^[50]

Even though Meles Zenawi's administration inherited one of the worst, if not the lowest, economies in the world, the country's economy has been growing steadily since he took office. During the last three years, Ethiopia's GDP has shown a rate of growth of about 9 percent a year. The country was also in the top category for “policies of social inclusion and equity,” in the domain of “economic management,” and Ethiopia did exceptionally well in the domain of “structural policies” and “public sector management and institutions." Gross primary enrollment rates, a standard indicator of investment in the poor, went up to 93 percent in 2004 from 72 percent in 1990, contributing to a rise in literacy rates from 50 percent in 1997 to 65 percent in 2002.^[51] Still some opposition parties in the Ethiopian parliament doubted the economic growth. During the House's 31st regular session where the parliament reserved its monthly "Opposition Day," some opposition MPs condemned the ruling party, pointing to double-digit inflation as a sign of the government's economic failures.^[52] The African Development Bank and the Paris-based OECD Development Center stated that Ethiopia has become one of the fastest growing countries in Africa.^[53]

Water[link]

One of the most important resources of the country, water (the Nile), has also been a focus of Meles's administration. Due to the potential conflict that can occur between Egypt and Ethiopia, Meles's EPRDF-led government has chosen to initiate and support programs that would benefit all sides in the use of the Nile. So far many small scale dams have been constructed in Ethiopia but large dams have been rare because of limited financial capabilities. Two of the big projects include the Tekeze hydro-electric power project in Tigray and the largest hydroelectric plant in Ethiopia located in Achefer Woreda of the Amhara State^[54][55] Yet the building of the Tekeze power project has dominated the media since it was built in the Tigray region, the home state of Meles. The country is planning to export electricity to Sudan and Djibouti by 2010, and has currently began the newest project in western Ethiopia to construct Africa's biggest hydroelectric dam which is located on the Ethiopia-Sudan border.^[56]

Freedom of religion[link]

Even though Muslims and Orthodox Christians lived together for many centuries, complete religious freedom was only formalized in 1991. Many of the pre-existing issues—dominance of the state religion to 1974, seizure of the church properties by the Mengistu regime, 1974–91, state-sponsored persecution of non-Orthodox Christians, second-class citizenship accorded to Ethiopian Muslims, landownership problems and similar issues for non-Orthodox believers—have subsided for the most part. Currently, there are between 12 and 15 million Protestant Christians, as well as other new non-Orthodox Christians. Even though there was one big religious war in Ethiopia many centuries ago, since then clashes have been very rare with the domination of the Orthodox. Most analysts say that since such equality and full religious freedom didn't exist before, the infrequent clashes might occur until the culture of tolerance grows between all old and new religions and denominations.

Private property of means of communication[link]

Meles Zenawi's administration was the first to introduce private press in Ethiopia.^{[57][58][59][60][61][62]} However, he has been under fire often for imprisonment of journalists and lately^[when?] for some website censorship.^[63] The Meles government defends its action on the ground that the banned media outlets advocated "a certain population should be quarantined" and incited "violence among different ethnic groups in the country," including using hate-filled text messages on mobile phones asking people to attack ethnic groups.^[64][65] Some sources blame certain websites and papers who have been caught inciting violence and asking for bombings on companies.^[66] A couple of them have even been sued for provoking uprising.^[67] Others claim that the supporters of the previous dictatorship government are trying to use the new opportunity to freely express themselves by defaming the current government officials.^[68] But the government critics say that the ruling party is not willing to be criticised. Many reports of international organizations support their claim. Strong criticism came from the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). In its 2007 press freedom summary it wrote, "Ethiopia [is] the world's worst backslider on press freedom over the previous five years".^[69][70] At the start of 2010, the Agence France-Presse (AFP) reported that an Ethiopian journalist has been jailed for a year for criticising the prime minister Meles Zenawi.^[71]

Because of pressure from the government, the number of private media outlets is significantly lower than before 2005. In addition, its composition is also changing. While previously most of the media were politically oriented, following the government crackdowns on media after 2005 election the number of political media is going down while entertainment and business media are on the rise. On the other hand, for what is believed to be the first time in Ethiopia's history, the government granted private commercial FM radio licenses, to two domestic pro-government operators.^[72][73] As of 2009, there are over 56 radio stations in the country that are owned and operated by regional governments, community organisations, and private companies. The government has issued licenses for seven regional states' television transmissions agencies, but there are still no private broadcasters in the country.^[74]

Language policy[link]

Meles Zenawi's government introduced a diverse but controversial policy of decentralization of the language system in Ethiopia. Most Ethiopians are taught using their mother tongue in primary schools and they are encouraged to develop their own language. Some critics have said that this policy harms the unity and national identity of the country, while others have supported and praised the policy. Currently, many regional states have their own official state language. For instance, Afaan Oromo is the official language of the Oromia regional state but Amharic is still the official language in the State of Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples.^{[citation needed]}

Other[link]

To bring order and transparency to the agricultural sector, the country started its first market exchange program and company, called the The Ethiopia Commodity Exchange (ECX).^[75] In April 2008, the country finalized the ECX, to, according to Meles Zenawi, "revolutionalize the country's backward and inefficient marketing system." ^[76]

Other than the dominant coffee industry, the government has made the floriculture industry another sector where Ethiopia can have comparative advantage. Various Kenyan investors have already moved to Ethiopia and the industry seems to be growing rapidly.^[77][78] Flower growers from other countries were also said to be relocating to Ethiopia.^[79] Ethiopia recently became Africa’s second largest flower exporter after Kenya, with its export earnings growing by 500 per cent over the past year.^[80] According to the Oromia Investment Commission, foreign investors are taking advantage of the new favorable investment opportunity in the sugar sector, where recently $7.5 billion has been invested.^[81] Ethiopia also depends on livestock exports as well. Issues relating to wildlife conservation have been tackled aggressively under Meles Zenawi. The World Wildlife Fund praised the Ethiopian government's progress, saying, "Ethiopia has set a fine example for other countries to emulate."^[82]

Another issue promoted by Meles Zenawi has been economic development in "green fashion." Discussing during an annual meeting under the Clinton Global Initiative in September 2007, Meles debated with Tony Blair and other world leaders about global warming and trade.^[83][84] According to Reuters,Meles stated the need for a cap and trade mechanism and for different strategies towards Africa, since it did not contribute as much towards global warming.^[85]

A recent issue has been the shortage of cement to sustain the construction boom in the country. However, foreign and native investment, including the recent investment in a US$5 billion cement factory in Misraq Gojjam Zone of the Amhara Region, are an attempt to stabilize the situation.^[86] Still the brief severe shortage that occurred in 2005 was blamed on Meles Zenawi's policies that were alleged to ignore urban development. Other recent development in the country included a first car factory in Ethiopia that assembles cars to sell for local- and export-markets, as well as cars that use liquefied petroleum gas, bus manufacturing in Mek'ele and taxi manufacturing in Modjo city, Oromia state.^{[87][88][89][90]} The dramatic development of most sectors in Ethiopia–including textiles, leather, garments, agriculture, beverages, construction, and others–has caused Ethiopia to be labeled the "East African land of opportunity" by the World Investment News.^[91]

Some economists state that Ethiopia's economic growth has come at the expense of inflation.^[92] The World Bank, in Ethiopia's country profile in 2010, mentioned the underlying inflation threat that started in 2008 might continue.^[93] Despite the inflation and differences in the rate of economic growth in reports among several international organizations, they continued to praise the economic growth. The African Development Bank claimed that Ethiopia "is registering a remarkable economic growth in recent years."^[94] On top of that various social concerns exist and the Ethiopian section of VOA news on its Amharic language program has reported about problems facing farmers and growers who often get less profit due to the market exploitation of middlemen.

Education policies[link]

School expansion[link]

Since the 1990s Ethiopia has experienced more increase of schools and colleges despite still not covering all regions.^[95][96] Millions of Ethiopian birr (ETB) continue to be spent on building educational institutions and many new schools have been constructed since Meles Zenawi took office. However, the government's focus on the agricultural sector has slowed the growth of jobs in the urban areas of Ethiopia, which is reflected in the anger of the urban population and its students as well as the landslide victory of opposition parties in these areas during the recent national election.^[97] Statistics showed that in 1991 only 27 percent of Ethiopian children attended school, but in 2004 gross enrollment rate was up to 77 percent and it reached 85 percent in November 2006.^[98]

As of 2005^[update], there were 13,500 elementary schools and 550 secondary schools. A majority of them are newly constructed and the secondary schools are connected by satellite in a new programme called School-Net.^[99]

More colleges and Universities have been constructed and/or expanded during the last few years than in whole history of Ethiopia. These colleges and Universities include Adama University (Oromia), an expansion of Nazreth technical college, Jimma University (started earlier), Mekelle University newly built under Meles, Debub University, an expansion of Awassa college, Bahir Dar (Amhara state) University, an expansion of a polytechnic college and teacher's college, and others.^[99][100] Also most of the older colleges have added various new departments, including faculties of law, business, etc. Other new growing colleges include Jijiga (Somali state) University, institutions in Debre Markos, Semera (Afar), Aksum, Tepi, Nekemte (Oromia), Kombolcha (Amhara State), Dire Dawa and in Debre Birhan. Wollega University in the Oromia state is the most recently finished university in Ethiopia with various modern facilities, with 20 new fields of study^[101] and the new Wolaita Soddo University started taking in students in February 2007.^[102][103] Including the new Axum University, 12 new universities are starting operation in 2007^[104] Other fairly new universities like Dilla University in the Gedeo Zone SNNP region launched new facilities, expanded laboratories for research, and initiated new post-graduate studies.^[105][106]