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The frontispiece of Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan, depicting the Sovereign as a massive body wielding a sword and crozier and composed of many individual people.

Sovereignty is the quality of having supreme, independent authority over a geographic area, such as a territory.^[1] It can be found in a power to rule and make law that rests on a political fact for which no purely legal explanation can be provided. In theoretical terms, the idea of "sovereignty", historically, from Socrates to Thomas Hobbes, has always necessitated a moral imperative on the entity exercising it.

For centuries past, the idea that a state could be sovereign was always connected to its ability to guarantee the best interests of its own citizens. Thus, if a state could not act in the best interests of its own citizens, it could not be thought of as a “sovereign” state.^[2]

The concept of sovereignty has been discussed throughout history, from the time of the Romans through to the present day. It has changed in its definition, concept, and application throughout, especially during the Age of Enlightenment. The current notion of state sovereignty is often traced back to the Peace of Westphalia (1648), which, in relation to states, codified the basic principles:

• territorial integrity
• border inviolability
• supremacy of the state (rather than the Church)
• a sovereign is the supreme lawmaking authority within its jurisdiction.^{[citation needed]}

History[link]

Classical[link]

The Roman jurist Ulpian observed that:^{[citation needed]}

• The imperium of the people is transferred to the Emperor,
• The Emperor is not bound by the law,
• The Emperor's word is law. Emperor is the law making and abiding force.

Ulpian was expressing the idea that the Emperor exercised a rather absolute form of sovereignty, although he did not use the term expressly. Ulpian's statements were known in medieval Europe, but sovereignty was not an important concept in medieval times. Medieval monarchs were not sovereign, at least not strongly so, because they were constrained by, and shared power with, their feudal aristocracy. Furthermore, both were strongly constrained by custom.^[1]

Medieval[link]

Sovereignty existed during the Medieval Period as the de jure rights of nobility and royalty, and in the de facto capability of individuals to make their own choices in life.^{[citation needed]}In the medieval times,sovereignty was seen as absoluteness of the state,this is according to Thomas Hobbes in his text,'leviathan'.

Around c. 1380–1400, the issue of feminine sovereignty was addressed in Geoffrey Chaucer's Middle English collection of Canterbury Tales, specifically in The Wife of Bath's Tale.^[3]

A later English Arthurian romance, The Wedding of Sir Gawain and Dame Ragnell (c. 1450),^[4] uses much of the same elements of the Wife of Bath's tale, yet changes the setting to the court of King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table. The story revolves around the knight Sir Gawain granting to Dame Ragnell, his new bride, what is purported to be wanted most by women: sovereignty.

We desire most from men,
From men both lund and poor,
To have sovereignty without lies.
For where we have sovereignty, all is ours,
Though a knight be ever so fierce,
And ever win mastery.
It is our desire to have master
Over such a sir.
Such is our purpose.

—The Wedding of Sir Gawain and Dame Ragnell (c. 1450), ^[4]

Reformation[link]

Sovereignty reemerged as a concept in the late 16th century, a time when civil wars had created a craving for stronger central authority, when monarchs had begun to gather power into their own hands at the expense of the nobility, and the modern nation state was emerging. Jean Bodin, partly in reaction to the chaos of the French wars of religion; and Thomas Hobbes, partly in reaction to the English Civil War, both presented theories of sovereignty calling for strong central authority in the form of absolute monarchy. In his 1576 treatise Les Six Livres de la République ("Six Books of the Republic") Bodin argued that it is inherent in the nature of the state that sovereignty must be:^[1]

• Absolute: On this point he said that the sovereign must not be hedged in with obligations and conditions, must be able to legislate without his (or its) subjects' consent, must not be bound by the laws of his predecessors, and could not, because it is illogical, be bound by his own laws.
• Perpetual: Not temporarily delegated as to a strong leader in an emergency or to a state employee such as a magistrate. He held that sovereignty must be perpetual because anyone with the power to enforce a time limit on the governing power must be above the governing power, which would be impossible if the governing power is absolute.

Bodin rejected the notion of transference of sovereignty from people to sovereign; natural law and divine law confer upon the sovereign the right to rule. And the sovereign is not above divine law or natural law. He is above (ie. not bound by) only positive law, that is, laws made by humans. The fact that the sovereign must obey divine and natural law imposes ethical constraints on him. Bodin also held that the lois royales, the fundamental laws of the French monarchy which regulated matters such as succession, are natural laws and are binding on the French sovereign. How divine and natural law could in practice be enforced on the sovereign is a problematic feature of Bodin's philosophy: any person capable of enforcing them on him would be above him.^{[citation needed]}

Despite his commitment to absolutism, Bodin held some moderate opinions on how government should in practice be carried out. He held that although the sovereign is not obliged to, it is advisable for him, as a practical expedient, to convene a senate from whom he can obtain advice, to delegate some power to magistrates for the practical administration of the law, and to use the Estates as a means of communicating with the people.^{[citation needed]}

With his doctrine that sovereignty is conferred by divine law, Bodin predefined the scope of the divine right of kings.^{[citation needed]}

Age of Enlightenment[link]

Hobbes, in Leviathan (1651) introduced an early version of the social contract (or contractarian) theory, arguing that to overcome the "nasty, brutish and short" quality of life without the cooperation of other human beings, people must join in a "commonwealth" and submit to a "Soveraigne [sic] Power" that is able to compel them to act in the common good. This expediency argument attracted many of the early proponents of sovereignty. Hobbes deduced from the definition of sovereignty that it must be:^{[citation needed]}

• Absolute: because conditions could only be imposed on a sovereign if there were some outside arbitrator to determine when he had violated them, in which case the sovereign would not be the final authority.

• Indivisible: The sovereign is the only final authority in his territory; he does not share final authority with any other entity. Hobbes held this to be true because otherwise there would be no way of resolving a disagreement between the multiple authorities.

Hobbes' hypothesis that the ruler's sovereignty is contracted to him by the people in return for his maintaining their safety, led him to conclude that if the ruler fails to do this, the people are released from their obligation to obey him.

Bodin's and Hobbes's theories would decisively shape the concept of sovereignty, which we can find again in the social contract theories, for example, in Rousseau's (1712–1778) definition of popular sovereignty (with early antecedents in Francisco Suárez's theory of the origin of power), which only differs in that he considers the people to be the legitimate sovereign. Likewise, it is inalienable – Rousseau condemned the distinction between the origin and the exercise of sovereignty, a distinction upon which constitutional monarchy or representative democracy are founded. Niccolò Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, and Montesquieu are also key figures in the unfolding of the concept of sovereignty.

The second book of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Du Contrat Social, ou Principes du droit politique (1762) deals with sovereignty and its rights. Sovereignty, or the general will, is inalienable, for the will cannot be transmitted; it is indivisible, since it is essentially general; it is infallible and always right, determined and limited in its power by the common interest; it acts through laws. Law is the decision of the general will in regard to some object of common interest, but though the general will is always right and desires only good, its judgment is not always enlightened, and consequently does not always see wherein the common good lies; hence the necessity of the legislator. But the legislator has, of himself, no authority; he is only a guide who drafts and proposes laws, but the people alone (that is, the sovereign or general will) has authority to make and impose them.^{[citation needed]}

Rousseau, in his 1763 treatise Of the Social Contract^[5] argued, "the growth of the State giving the trustees of public authority more and means to abuse their power, the more the Government has to have force to contain the people, the more force the Sovereign should have in turn in order to contain the Government," with the understanding that the Sovereign is "a collective being of wonder" (Book II, Chapter I) resulting from "the general will" of the people, and that "what any man, whoever he may be, orders on his own, is not a law" (Book II, Chapter VI) – and furthermore predicated on the assumption that the people have an unbiased means by which to ascertain the general will. Thus the legal maxim, "there is no law without a sovereign."^[6]

The 1789 French Revolution shifted the possession of sovereignty from the sovereign ruler to the nation and its people.

Carl Schmitt (1888–1985) defined sovereignty as "the power to decide the state of exception", in an attempt, argues Giorgio Agamben, to counter Walter Benjamin's theory of violence as radically disjoint from law. Georges Bataille's heterodox conception of sovereignty, which may be said to be an "anti-sovereignty", also inspired many thinkers, such as Jacques Derrida, Agamben or Jean-Luc Nancy.^{[citation needed]}

Definition and types[link]

Absoluteness[link]

An important factor of sovereignty is its degree of absoluteness. A sovereign power has absolute sovereignty when it is not restricted by a constitution, by the laws of its predecessors, or by custom, and no areas of law or policy are reserved as being outside its control. International law; policies and actions of neighboring states; cooperation and respect of the populace; means of enforcement; and resources to enact policy are factors that might limit sovereignty. For example, parents are not guaranteed the right to decide some matters in the upbringing of their children independent of societal regulation, and municipalities do not have unlimited jurisdiction in local matters, thus neither parents nor municipalities have absolute sovereignty. Theorists have diverged over the desirability of increased absoluteness.

Exclusivity[link]

A key element of sovereignty in a legalistic sense is that of exclusivity of jurisdiction. Specifically, the degree to which decisions made by a sovereign entity might be contradicted by another authority. Along these lines, the German sociologist Max Weber proposed that sovereignty is a community's monopoly on the legitimate use of force; and thus any group claiming the same right must either be brought under the yoke of the sovereign, proven illegitimate, or otherwise contested and defeated for sovereignty to be genuine.^[8] International law, competing branches of government, and authorities reserved for subordinate entities (such as federated states or republics) represent legal infringements on exclusivity. Social institutions such as religious bodies, corporations, and competing political parties might represent de facto infringements on exclusivity.

De jure and de facto[link]

De jure, or legal, sovereignty concerns the expressed and institutionally recognised right to exercise control over a territory.

De facto, or actual, sovereignty is concerned with whether control in fact exists. Cooperation and respect of the populace; control of resources in, or moved into, an area; means of enforcement and security; and ability to carry out various functions of state all represent measures of de facto sovereignty. When control is practiced predominately by military or police force it is considered coercive sovereignty.

It is generally held that sovereignty requires not only the legal right to exercise power, but the actual exercise of such power. Thus, de jure sovereignty without de facto sovereignty has limited recognition.^{[citation needed]}

Internal[link]

Internal sovereignty is the relationship between a sovereign power and its own subjects. A central concern is legitimacy: by what right does a government exercise authority? Claims of legitimacy might refer to the divine right of kings or to a social contract (i.e. popular sovereignty).^{[citation needed]}

With Sovereignty meaning holding supreme, independent authority over a region or state, Internal Sovereignty refers to the internal affairs of the state and the location of supreme power within it.^[9] A state that has internal sovereignty is one with a government that has been elected by the people and has the popular legitimacy. Internal sovereignty examines the internal affairs of a state and how it operates. It is important to have strong internal sovereignty in relation to keeping order and peace. When you have weak internal sovereignty organization such as rebel groups will undermine the authority and disrupt the peace. The presence of a strong authority allows you to keep agreement and enforce sanctions for the violation of laws. The ability for leadership to prevent these violations is a key variable in determining internal sovereignty.^[10] The lack of internal sovereignty can cause war in one of two ways, first, undermining the value of agreement by allowing costly violations and second requiring such large subsidies for implementation that they render war cheaper than peace.^[11] Leadership needs to be able to promise members, especially those like armies, police forces, or paramilitaries will abide by agreements. The presence of strong internal sovereignty allows a state to deter opposition groups in exchange for bargaining. It has been said that a more decentralized authority would be more efficient in keeping peace because the deal must please not only the leadership but also the opposition group. While the operations and affairs within a state are relative to the level of sovereignty within that state, there is still an argument between who should hold the authority in a sovereign state.

This argument between who should hold the authority within a sovereign state is called the traditional doctrine of public sovereignty. This discussion is between an internal sovereign or an authority of public sovereignty. An internal sovereign is a political body that possesses ultimate, final and independent authority; one whose decisions are binding upon all citizens, groups and institutions in society. Early thinkers believe sovereignty should be vested in the hands of a single person, a monarch. They believed the overriding merit of vesting sovereignty in a single individual was that sovereignty would therefore be indivisible; it would be expressed in a single voice that could claim final authority. An example of an internal sovereign or monarch is Louis XIV of France during the seventeenth century; Louis XIV claimed that he was the state. Jean-Jacques Rousseau rejected monarchial rule in favor of the other type of authority within a sovereign state, public sovereignty. Public Sovereignty is the belief that ultimate authority is vested in the people themselves, expressed in the idea of the general will. This means that the power is elected and supported by its members, the authority has a central goal of the good of the people in mind. The idea of public sovereignty has often been the basis for modern democratic theory.^[12]

Modern Internal Sovereignty: Within the modern governmental system you usually find internal sovereignty in states that have public sovereignty and rarely find it within a state controlled by an internal sovereign. A form of government that is a little different from both is the UK parliament system. From 1790–1859 it was argued that sovereignty in the UK was vested neither in the Crown nor in the people but in the "Monarch in Parliament". This is the origin of the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty and is usually seen as the fundamental principle of the British constitution. With these principles of parliamentary sovereignty majority control can gain access to unlimited constitutional authority, creating what has been called "elective dictatorship" or "modern autocracy". Public sovereignty in modern governments is a lot more common with examples like the USA, Canada, Australia and India where government is divided into different levels.^[13]

External[link]

External sovereignty concerns the relationship between a sovereign power and other states. For example, the United Kingdom uses the following criterion when deciding under what conditions other states recognise a political entity as having sovereignty over some territory;

External sovereignty is connected with questions of international law, such as: when, if ever, is intervention by one country onto another's territory permissible?

Following the Thirty Years' War, a European religious conflict that embroiled much of the continent, the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 established the notion of territorial sovereignty as a norm of noninterference in the affairs of other nations, so-called Westphalian sovereignty, even though the actual treaty itself reaffirmed the multiple levels of sovereignty of the Holy Roman Empire. This resulted as a natural extension of the older principle of cuius regio, eius religio (Whose realm, his religion), leaving the Roman Catholic Church with little ability to interfere with the internal affairs of many European states. It is a myth, however, that the Treaties of Westphalia created a new European order of equal sovereign states.^[14]

In international law, sovereignty means that a government possesses full control over affairs within a territorial or geographical area or limit. Determining whether a specific entity is sovereign is not an exact science, but often a matter of diplomatic dispute. There is usually an expectation that both de jure and de facto sovereignty rest in the same organisation at the place and time of concern. Foreign governments use varied criteria and political considerations when deciding whether or not to recognise the sovereignty of a state over a territory.^{[citation needed]} Membership in the United Nations requires that "[t]he admission of any such state to membership in the United Nations will be effected by a decision of the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council."^[15]

Sovereignty may be recognized even when the sovereign body possesses no territory or its territory is under partial or total occupation by another power. The Holy See was in this position between the annexation in 1870 of the Papal States by Italy and the signing of the Lateran Treaties in 1929, a 59-year period during which it was recognised as sovereign by many (mostly Roman Catholic) states despite possessing no territory – a situation resolved when the Lateran Treaties granted the Holy See sovereignty over the Vatican City. Another case, sui generis, though often contested, is the Sovereign Military Order of Malta, the third sovereign entity inside Italian territory (after San Marino and the Vatican City State) and the second inside the Italian capital (since in 1869 the Palazzo di Malta and the Villa Malta receive extraterritorial rights, in this way becoming the only "sovereign" territorial possessions of the modern Order), which is the last existing heir to one of several once militarily significant, crusader states of sovereign military orders. In 1607 its Grand masters were also made Reichsfürst (princes of the Holy Roman Empire) by the Holy Roman Emperor, granting them seats in the Reichstag, at the time the closest permanent equivalent to a UN-type general assembly; confirmed 1620). These sovereign rights never deposed, only the territories were lost. 100 modern states still maintain full diplomatic relations with the order^[16] (now de facto "the most prestigious service club"), and the UN awarded it observer status.^[17]

The governments-in-exile of many European states (for instance, Norway, Netherlands or Czechoslovakia) during the Second World War were regarded as sovereign despite their territories being under foreign occupation; their governance resumed as soon as the occupation had ended. The government of Kuwait was in a similar situation vis-à-vis the Iraqi occupation of its country during 1990–1991.^{[citation needed]}

Commonly mistaken to be sovereign, the International Committee of the Red Cross, having been granted various degrees of special privileges and legal immunities in many countries,^[which?] that in cases like Switzerland are considerable,^[18] which are described^{[by whom?]} as amounting to de facto sovereignty, is a private organisation governed by Swiss law.^[19]

Shared[link]

Just as the office of head of state can be vested jointly in several persons within a state, the sovereign jurisdiction over a single political territory can be shared jointly by two or more consenting powers, notably in the form of a condominium.^{[citation needed]}

Nation-states[link]

A community of people who claim the right of self-determination based on a common ethnicity, history and culture might seek to establish sovereignty over a region, thus creating a nation-state. Such nations are sometimes recognised as autonomous areas rather than as fully sovereign, independent states.

Federations[link]

In a federal system of government, sovereignty also refers to powers which a constituent state or republic possesses independently of the national government. In a confederation constituent entities retain the right to withdraw from the national body, but in a federation^{[citation needed]} member states or republics do not hold that right.^{[dubious – discuss]}

Different interpretations of state sovereignty in the United States of America, as it related to the expansion of slavery and Fugitive slave laws, led to the outbreak of the American Civil War. Depending on the particular issue, sometimes the North and other times the South justified their political positions by appealing to state sovereignty. Fearing that slavery would be threatened by federal election results, eleven states declared their independence from the federal Union and formed a new confederation.^[20] The United States government rejected the secessions as rebellion, declaring that secession from the Union by an individual state was unconstitutional, as the states were part of an indissolvable federation.^{[citation needed]}

Acquisition[link]

A number of methods of acquisition of sovereignty are presently or have historically been recognised by international law as lawful methods by which a state may acquire sovereignty over territory.^{[citation needed]}

Justifications[link]

There exist vastly differing views on the moral basis of sovereignty. A fundamental polarity is between theories that assert that sovereignty is vested directly in the sovereign by divine or natural right and theories that assert it originates from the people. In the latter case there is a further division into those that assert that the people transfer their sovereignty to the sovereign (Hobbes), and those that assert that the people retain their sovereignty (Rousseau).^{[citation needed]}

Absolute monarchies are typically based on concepts such as the divine right of kings in Europe or the mandate of Heaven in China.

A republic is a form of government in which the people, or some significant portion of them, retain sovereignty over the government and where offices of state are not granted through heritage.^[21][22] A common modern definition of a republic is a government having a head of state who is not a monarch.^[23][24]

Democracy is based on the concept of popular sovereignty. In a direct democracy the public plays an active role in shaping and deciding policy. Representative democracy permits a transfer of the exercise of sovereignty from the people to a legislative body or an executive (or to some combination of legislature, executive and Judiciary). Many representative democracies provide limited direct democracy through referendum, initiative, and recall.

Parliamentary sovereignty refers to a representative democracy where the parliament is ultimately sovereign and not the executive power nor the judiciary.

Views on[link]

• Realists view sovereignty as being untouchable and as guaranteed to legitimate nation-states.^{[citation needed]}
• Rationalists see sovereignty similarly to Realists. However, Rationalism states that the sovereignty of a nation-state may be violated in extreme circumstances, such as human rights abuses.^{[citation needed]}
• Internationalists believe that sovereignty is outdated and an unnecessary obstacle to achieving peace, in line with their belief of a 'global community'. In the light of the abuse of power by sovereign states such as Hitler's Germany or Stalin's Soviet Union, they argue that human beings are not necessarily protected by the state whose citizens they are, and that the respect for state sovereignty on which the UN Charter is founded is an obstacle to humanitarian intervention.^[14]
• Anarchists and some libertarians deny the sovereignty of states and governments. Anarchists often argue for a specific individual kind of sovereignty, such as the Anarch as a sovereign individual. Salvador Dalí, for instance, talked of "anarcho-monarchist" (as usual for him, tongue in cheek); Antonin Artaud of Heliogabalus: Or, The Crowned Anarchist; Max Stirner of The Ego and Its Own; Georges Bataille and Jacques Derrida of a kind of "antisovereignty". Therefore, anarchists join a classical conception of the individual as sovereign of himself, which forms the basis of political consciousness. The unified consciousness is sovereignty over one's own body, as Nietzsche demonstrated (see also Pierre Klossowski's book on Nietzsche and the Vicious Circle). See also self-ownership.
• Imperialists hold a view of sovereignty where power rightfully exists with those states that hold the greatest ability to impose the will of said state, by force or threat of force, over the populace or other states with weaker military or political will. They effectively deny the sovereignty of the individual in deference to either the 'good' of the whole, or to divine right.^{[citation needed]}

Relation to rule of law[link]

Another topic is whether the law is held to be sovereign, that is, whether it is above political or other interference. Sovereign law constitutes a true state of law, meaning the letter of the law (if constitutionally correct) is applicable and enforceable, even when against the political will of the nation, as long as not formally changed following the constitutional procedure. Strictly speaking, any deviation from this principle constitutes a revolution or a coup d'état, regardless of the intentions.^{[citation needed]}

Sovereign as a title[link]

In some cases, the title sovereign is not just a generic term, but an actual (part of the) formal style of a Head of state.^{[citation needed]}

Thus from 22 June 1934, to 29 May 1953, (the title "Emperor of India" was dropped as of 15 August 1947, by retroactive proclamation dated 22 June 1948), the King of South Africa was styled in the Dominion of South Africa: "By the Grace of God, of Great Britain, Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas King, Defender of the Faith, Emperor of India and Sovereign in and over the Union of South Africa." Upon the accession of Elizabeth II to the Throne of South Africa in 1952, the title was changed to Queen of South Africa and Her other Realms and Territories, Head of the Commonwealth, parallel to the style used in almost all the other Commonwealth realms. The pope holds ex officio the title "Sovereign of the Vatican City State" in respect to Vatican City.^{[citation needed]}

The adjective form can also be used in a Monarch's full style, as in pre-imperial Russia, 16 January 1547 – 22 November 1721: Bozhiyeyu Milostiyu Velikiy/Velikaya Gosudar'/Gosudarynya Tsar'/Tsaritsa i Velikiy/Velikaya Knyaz'/Knyaginya N.N. vseya Rossiy Samodyerzhets "By the Grace of God Great Sovereign Tsar/Tsarina and Grand Prince/Princess, N.N., of All Russia, Autocrat".

See also[link]

Philosophy portal

Look up sovereignty in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

• Air sovereignty
• Basileus
• Electronic leviathan
• Mandate of Heaven
• Plenary authority
• Souverainism
• Suzerainty
• National sovereignty

References[link]

 This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Herbermann, Charles, ed. (1913). Catholic Encyclopedia. Robert Appleton Company. 

Further reading[link]

• Philpott, Dan. "Sovereignty". Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/sovereignty/. 
• Thomson, Janice E. (1996). Mercenaries, pirates, and sovereigns: state-building and extraterritorial violence in early modern Europe. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-02571-1. http://books.google.com/books?id=EvylnkgJ9ycC. 

Sam Rohrer
Member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives from the 128th district
In office January 5, 1993[1] – November 30, 2010
Preceded by	James Gallen
Succeeded by	Mark Gillen
Personal details
Born	Samuel E. Rohrer (1955-08-11) August 11, 1955 (age 56) Dover, Ohio
Political party	Republican
Spouse(s)	Ruth Ann Rohrer
Residence	Robeson Township, Pennsylvania
Alma mater	Bob Jones University
Religion	Christian
Website	Sam Rohrer for U.S. Senate

Samuel E. "Sam" Rohrer (born August 11, 1955) is an American businessman and politician. A member of the Republican Party, he served as a member of the Pennsylvania House of Representatives from the 128th District.

Before entering politics, Rohrer managed a radio station and worked in marketing for Graco. In 2010, he ran for Governor of Pennsylvania, losing in the primary election to Tom Corbett. Rohrer ran for the United States Senate in 2012 to challenge incumbent Democratic incumbent Bob Casey, Jr., but was defeated in the primary by Tom Smith.^[2]

Early life, education, and radio career[link]

Rohrer was born in Dover, Ohio, and is an alumnus of Tuscarawas Valley High School. After earning a degree in Business Administration from Bob Jones University in 1977, he managed a radio station for several years before becoming director of marketing for Graco, based in Elverson, Pennsylvania.^[3]

Pennsylvania House of Representatives[link]

Elections[link]

Rohrer was elected to the State House in November of 1992, succeeding retiring Republican Jim Gallen.^[4] He typically won re-election with over 60% of the vote. However, he faced difficult contests in his last two elections. In 2006, he defeated Democrat Russell Hummel 55%-45%.^[5] In 2008, he defeated Democrat John Woodward 52%-48%.^[6]

Tenure[link]

He introduced legislation that would eliminate school property taxes in Pennsylvania.^[7] He was a strong opponent of the REAL ID Act.^[8] He authored the historic Education Improvement Tax Credit (EITC) scholarship. Today over 150,000 students have earned the scholarship to go to private schools.

Committee assignments[link]

• House Finance Committee (Chairman)^[9]
• House Agriculture and Rural Affairs Committee (Chairman)
• House Game and Fisheries Committee
• House Appropriations Committee^[10]

2010 gubernatorial campaign[link]

In November 2009, Rohrer announced that he would not seek re-election to the State House, and would instead seek the Republican nomination for governor.^[11] His campaign team, which was headed by Jeff Coleman, a former colleague of Rohrer's in the State House, received praise for its innovative and effective use of technology, including social media.^[12] Rohrer's primary opponent, State Attorney General Tom Corbett, was endorsed by the Republican State Committee of Pennsylvania on February 13, 2010, but that endorsement also generated support for Rohrer from members of the Tea Party movement. Rohrer and his supporters organized a day-long rally entitled "Mobilize for Liberty", which included seminars and a speech from Rohrer, that took place down the hall from the main ballroom in which the State Committee was announcing its endorsement of Corbett.^[13] Following its endorsement of Corbett, the State Committee sent-out mailers attacking Rohrer's vote in favor of the 2005 legislative pay raise, as well as his 2001 vote in favor of a plan to increase lawmaker pensions by upwards of 50 percent.^[12]

Ultimately, Corbett defeated Rohrer 69%-31%.^[14] Rohrer only won two counties in the state: Lancaster County (52%) and Berks County (80%). He nearly won Clinton and Lycoming Counties^[15] During the following summer, supporters initiated a write-in campaign for the November election. Rohrer did not endorse nor denounce the ultimately unsuccessful campaign.^[16]

Between campaigns[link]

In February 2011 Rohrer became Pennsylvania state director for Americans for Prosperity.^[17] Rohrer resigned from the position in November, in preparation for a run for the United States Senate.^[18]

2012 U.S. Senate election[link]

On Friday, November 4, 2011, Jeff Coleman, who again signed-on to advise Rohrer's campaign, told the Associated Press^[19] that Rohrer was considering a run for the United States Senate seat currently held by Democrat Bob Casey Jr., and would likely officially announce his candidacy later in the month.^[19] Rohrer officially announced his candidacy at rally near Harrisburg, Pennsylvania on November 21.^[20] He also released a web video announcing his enterance to the race.^[21]

A poll taken shortly after his entrance into the race found Rohrer ahead of the rest of the primary field, besting his closest competitor by ten percentage points.^[22][23] In a Pittsburgh Tribune Review/WPXI-TV poll taken February 2-6, 2012, Rohrer continued to lead his opponents, albeit by a slighter margin; businessman Tom Smith had the support of 8% of those polled to Rohrer's 10%.^[24] A later poll conducted by Franklin & Marshall College on March 20-25 placed Rohrer slightly behind Smith, with 7% and 9% support, respectively, with 81% of those surveyed remaining undecided.^[25]

Rohrer was endorsed by former 2012 Presidential candidates Michele Bachmann and Herman Cain.^[26]

Rohrer was defeated in the primary by fellow Republican Tom Smith on April 24, 2012.^[2]

Personal life[link]

Rohrer and his wife, Ruth Ann, have six children and five grandchildren.^[17]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Sam Rohrer for U.S. Senate official senatorial campaign website
• Biography, voting record, and interest group ratings at Project Vote Smart

George W. Bush
43rd President of the United States
In office January 20, 2001 – January 20, 2009
Vice President	Dick Cheney
Preceded by	Bill Clinton
Succeeded by	Barack Obama
46th Governor of Texas
In office January 17, 1995 – December 21, 2000
Lieutenant	Bob Bullock Rick Perry
Preceded by	Ann Richards
Succeeded by	Rick Perry
Personal details
Born	George Walker Bush (1946-07-06) July 6, 1946 (age 65) New Haven, Connecticut, U.S.
Political party	Republican
Spouse(s)	Laura Welch (1977–present)
Children	Barbara Jenna
Alma mater	Yale University Harvard Business School
Profession	Businessman (Oil, baseball)
Religion	Episcopal (Before 1977)[1] United Methodism (1977–present)[2][3]
Signature
Website	Bush Presidential Library Bush Presidential Center The White House Archived
Military service
Service/branch	Texas Air National Guard Alabama Air National Guard
Years of service	1968–1974
Rank	First Lieutenant
Unit	147th Reconnaissance Wing 187th Fighter Wing

George Walker Bush (born July 6, 1946) is an American politician and businessman who was the 43rd President of the United States from 2001 to 2009 and the 46th Governor of Texas from 1995 to 2000. The eldest son of Barbara Bush and George H. W. Bush, he was born in New Haven, Connecticut. After graduating from Yale University in 1968 and Harvard Business School in 1975, Bush worked in oil businesses. He married Laura Welch in 1977 and ran unsuccessfully for the House of Representatives shortly thereafter. He later co-owned the Texas Rangers baseball team before defeating Ann Richards in the 1994 Texas gubernatorial election. In a close and controversial election, Bush was elected President in 2000 as the Republican candidate, defeating Vice President Al Gore in the Electoral College. Bush is the second American president to have been the son of a former president.^[4] He is also the brother of Jeb Bush, former Governor of Florida.

Terrorist attacks occurred eight months into Bush's first term as president on September 11, 2001. In response, Bush announced the War on Terror, an international military campaign which included the war in Afghanistan launched in 2001 and the war in Iraq launched in 2003. In addition to national security issues, Bush promoted policies on the economy, health care, education, and social security reform. He signed into law broad tax cuts, the PATRIOT Act, the No Child Left Behind Act, the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act, and Medicare prescription drug benefits for seniors. His tenure saw national debates on immigration, Social Security, electronic surveillance, and enhanced interrogation techniques. His administration also withdrew the U.S. from a some international treaty processes, including the Kyoto Protocol on global warming.^[5]

Bush successfully ran for re-election against Democratic Senator John Kerry in 2004, in another relatively close election. After his re-election, Bush received increasingly heated criticism from across the political spectrum.^[6][7][8] In 2005, the Bush Administration dealt with widespread criticism over its handling of Hurricane Katrina.^[9][10][11] Following this and other controversies, as well as the growing unpopularity of the Iraq War, Democrats won control of Congress in the 2006 elections. In December 2007, the United States entered its longest post–World War II recession, prompting the Bush Administration to enact multiple economic programs intended to preserve the country's financial system. Though Bush was popular in the U.S. for much of his first term,^[12] his popularity declined sharply during his second. He was a highly controversial figure internationally, with public protests occurring even during visits to close allies, such as the United Kingdom.^[13]

After leaving office, Bush returned to Texas and purchased a home in a suburban area of Dallas. He is currently a public speaker and has written a book about his life entitled Decision Points.^[14]

Childhood to mid-life[link]

George Walker Bush was born in New Haven, Connecticut at Grace-New Haven Hospital (now Yale – New Haven Hospital), on July 6, 1946,^[15] the first child of George H. W. Bush and Barbara Bush (née Pierce). He was raised in Midland and Houston, Texas, with four siblings, Jeb, Neil, Marvin and Dorothy. Another younger sister, Robin, died from leukemia at the age of three in 1953.^[16] Bush's grandfather, Prescott Bush, was a U.S. Senator from Connecticut.^[17] Bush's father, George H. W. Bush, was Vice President from 1981 to 1989 and President from 1989 to 1993. Bush is of primarily English descent and also more distant German, Dutch, Welsh, Irish, French, and Scottish ancestry.^[18]

Education[link]

Bush attended public schools in Midland, Texas until the family moved to Houston after he completed seventh grade. He then went to The Kinkaid School, a prep school in Houston, for two years.^[19]

Bush finished high school at Phillips Academy, a boarding school (then all-male) in Andover, Massachusetts, where he played baseball and during his senior year was the head cheerleader.^[20][21] Bush attended Yale University from 1964 to 1968, graduating with an A.B. in history.^[22] During this time, he was a cheerleader and a member of the Delta Kappa Epsilon, being elected the fraternity's president during his senior year.^[23][24][25] Bush also became a member of the Skull and Bones society as a senior.^[26] Bush was a keen rugby union player and was on Yale's 1st XV.^[27] He characterized himself as an average student.^[28] His average during his first three years at Yale was 77 and he had a similar average under a nonnumeric rating system in his final year.^[29]

Beginning in the fall of 1973, Bush attended the Harvard Business School, where he earned a Master of Business Administration. He is the only U.S. President to have earned an M.B.A.^[30]

Texas Air National Guard[link]

Lt. George W. Bush while in the Texas Air National Guard

In May 1968, Bush was commissioned into the Texas Air National Guard.^[31] After two years of active-duty service while training,^[32] he was assigned to Houston, flying Convair F-102s with the 147th Reconnaissance Wing out of Ellington Field Joint Reserve Base.^[31][33] Critics, including former Democratic National Committee Chairman Terry McAuliffe, have alleged that Bush was favorably treated due to his father's political standing, citing his selection as a pilot despite his low pilot aptitude test scores and his irregular attendance.^[34] In June 2005, the United States Department of Defense released all the records of Bush's Texas Air National Guard service, which remain in its official archives.^[35]

In late 1972 and early 1973, he drilled with the 187th Fighter Wing of the Alabama Air National Guard, having moved to Montgomery, Alabama to work on the unsuccessful U.S. Senate campaign of Republican Winton M. Blount.^[36][37] In 1972, Bush was suspended from flying for failure to take a scheduled physical exam.^[38] He was honorably discharged from the Air Force Reserve on November 21, 1974.^[39]

Marriage, family, and personal life[link]

George and Laura Bush with their daughters Jenna and Barbara, 1990

At a backyard barbecue in 1977, friends introduced him to Laura Welch, a school teacher and librarian. Bush proposed to her after a three-month courtship, and they married on November 5 of that year.^[40] The couple settled in Midland, Texas. Bush left his family's Episcopal Church to join his wife's United Methodist Church.^[2] In 1981, Laura Bush gave birth to fraternal twin daughters, Jenna and Barbara;^[40] they graduated from high school in 2000 and from the University of Texas at Austin and Yale University, respectively, in 2004.

Prior to his marriage, Bush had multiple episodes of alcohol abuse.^[41] In one instance, on September 4, 1976, he was arrested near his family's summer home in Kennebunkport, Maine, for driving under the influence of alcohol. He pleaded guilty, was fined $150 and had his Maine driver's license suspended until 1978.^[42] Bush's alleged drug usage is less clear; when asked about alleged past illicit drug use, Bush has consistently refused to answer. He defended his refusal to answer in a publicized casual conversation with a friend, saying that he feared setting a bad example for the younger generation.^[43][44][45]

Bush says his wife has had a stabilizing effect on his life,^[40] and attributes to her influence his 1986 decision to give up alcohol.^[46] While Governor of Texas, Bush said of his wife, "I saw an elegant, beautiful woman who turned out not only to be elegant and beautiful, but very smart and willing to put up with my rough edges, and I must confess has smoothed them off over time."^[40]

Bush mostly reads "serious historical nonfiction" for pleasure. During his time as president, Bush read 14 Lincoln biographies and, during the last three years of his presidency, he reportedly read 186 books. A reporter recalls seeing "books by John Fowles, F. Scott Fitzgerald, James Joyce, and Gore Vidal lying about, as well as biographies of Willa Cather and Queen Victoria" in his home when Bush was a Texas oilman. Other hobbies include cigar smoking and golf.^[47]

Early career[link]

George W. Bush with his father outside the White House on April 29, 1992

In 1978, Bush ran for the House of Representatives from Texas's 19th congressional district. His opponent, Kent Hance, portrayed him as out of touch with rural Texans; Bush lost by 6,000 votes (6%) of the 103,000 votes cast.^[48] He returned to the oil industry and began a series of small, independent oil exploration companies.^[49] He created Arbusto Energy,^[50] and later changed the name to Bush Exploration. In 1984, his company merged with the larger Spectrum 7, and Bush became chairman.^[49] The company was hurt by decreased oil prices, and it folded into HKN, Inc.^[49][51] Bush served on the board of directors for HKN.^[49] Questions of possible insider trading involving HKN arose, but the Securities and Exchange Commission's (SEC) investigation concluded that the information Bush had at the time of his stock sale was not sufficient to constitute insider trading.^[49][52]

Bush moved his family to Washington, D.C. in 1988 to work on his father's campaign for the U.S. presidency.^[53][54] He served as a campaign adviser and liaison to the media;^[49] he assisted his father by campaigning across the country.^[49] Returning to Texas after the successful campaign, he purchased a share in the Texas Rangers baseball franchise in April 1989, where he served as managing general partner for five years.^[55] He actively led the team's projects and regularly attended its games, often choosing to sit in the open stands with fans.^[56] Bush's sale of his shares in the Rangers in 1998 brought him over $15 million from his initial $800,000 investment.^[57]

In December 1991, Bush was one of seven people named by his father to run his father's 1992 Presidential re-election campaign as "campaign advisor".^[58] The prior month, his father asked him to tell White House chief of staff John H. Sununu that he should resign.^[59]

Governor of Texas[link]

Governor Bush with wife, Laura, and father, George H. W. Bush

As Bush's brother, Jeb, sought the governorship of Florida, Bush declared his candidacy for the 1994 Texas gubernatorial election. His campaign focused on four themes: welfare reform, tort reform, crime reduction, and education improvement.^[49] Bush's campaign advisers were Karen Hughes, Joe Allbaugh, and Karl Rove.^[60]

After easily winning the Republican primary, Bush faced popular Democratic incumbent Governor Ann Richards.^[49][61] In the course of the campaign, Bush pledged to sign a bill allowing Texans to obtain permits to carry concealed weapons. Richards had vetoed the bill, but Bush signed it after he became governor.^[62] According to The Atlantic Monthly, the race "featured a rumor that she was a lesbian, along with a rare instance of such a tactic's making it into the public record – when a regional chairman of the Bush campaign allowed himself, perhaps inadvertently, to be quoted criticizing Richards for 'appointing avowed homosexual activists' to state jobs".^[63] The Atlantic, and others, connected the lesbian rumor to Karl Rove,^[64] but Rove denied being involved.^[65] Bush won the general election with 53.5% against Richards' 45.9%.^[66]

Bush used a budget surplus to push through Texas's largest tax-cut, $2 billion.^[60] He extended government funding for organizations providing education of the dangers of alcohol and drug use and abuse, and helping to reduce domestic violence.^[67] Critics contended that during his tenure, Texas ranked near the bottom in environmental evaluations, but supporters pointed to his efforts to raise the salaries of teachers and improved educational test scores.^[49]

In 1999, Bush also helped make Texas eventually the leading producer of wind powered electricity in the U.S.^[68][69][70] by signing a state law obliging electric retailers to buy a certain amount of energy from renewable sources (RPS).^[71][72][73]

In 1998, Bush won re-election with a record^[49] 69% of the vote.^[74] He became the first governor in Texas history to be elected to two consecutive four-year terms.^[49] For most of Texas history, governors served two-year terms; a constitutional amendment extended those terms to four years starting in 1975.^[75] In his second term, Bush promoted faith-based organizations and enjoyed high approval ratings.^[49] He proclaimed June 10, 2000 to be Jesus Day in Texas, a day on which he "urge[d] all Texans to answer the call to serve those in need".^[76]

Throughout Bush's first term, national attention focused on him as a potential future presidential candidate. Following his re-election, speculation soared.^[49] Within a year, he decided to seek the 2000 Republican presidential nomination.

Presidential campaigns[link]

2000 Presidential candidacy[link]

Bush in Concord, New Hampshire signing to be a candidate for president

Primary[link]

In June 1999, while Governor of Texas, Bush announced his candidacy for President of the United States. With no incumbent running, Bush entered a large field of candidates for the Republican Party presidential nomination consisting of John McCain, Alan Keyes, Steve Forbes, Gary Bauer, Orrin Hatch, Elizabeth Dole, Dan Quayle, Pat Buchanan, Lamar Alexander, John Kasich, and Robert C. Smith.

Bush portrayed himself as a compassionate conservative, implying he was more centrist than other Republicans. He campaigned on a platform that included increasing the size of the United States Armed Forces, cutting taxes, improving education, and aiding minorities.^[49] By early 2000, the race had centered on Bush and McCain.^[49]

Bush won the Iowa caucuses, but, although he was heavily favored to win the New Hampshire primary, he trailed McCain by 19% and lost that primary. Despite this, Bush regained momentum and, according to political observers, effectively became the front runner after the South Carolina primary, which according to The Boston Globe made history for his campaign's negativity; The New York Times described it as a smear campaign.^[77][78][79]

General election[link]

On July 25, 2000, Bush surprised some observers by asking Dick Cheney, a former White House Chief of Staff, U.S. Representative, and Secretary of Defense, to be his running mate. Cheney was then serving as head of Bush's Vice-Presidential search committee. Soon after, Cheney was officially nominated by the Republican Party at the 2000 Republican National Convention.

Bush continued to campaign across the country and touted his record as Governor of Texas.^[49] Bush's campaign criticized his Democratic opponent, incumbent Vice President Al Gore, over gun control and taxation.^[80]

When the election returns came in on November 7, Bush won 29 states, including Florida. The closeness of the Florida outcome led to a recount.^[49] The initial recount also went to Bush, but the outcome was tied up in courts for a month until reaching the U.S. Supreme Court.^[81] On December 9, in a controversial ruling^[82] the Bush v. Gore case the Court reversed a Florida Supreme Court decision ordering a third count, and stopped an ordered statewide hand recount based on the argument that the use of different standards among Florida's counties violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.^[49] The machine recount showed that Bush had won the Florida vote by a margin of 537 votes out of six million cast.^[83] Although he received 543,895 fewer individual votes than Gore nationwide, Bush won the election, receiving 271 electoral votes to Gore's 266.^[83]

2004 Presidential candidacy[link]

George W. Bush speaks at a campaign rally in 2004.

In 2004, Bush commanded broad support in the Republican Party and did not encounter a primary challenge. He appointed Ken Mehlman as campaign manager, with a political strategy devised by Karl Rove.^[84] Bush and the Republican platform included a strong commitment to the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan,^[85] support for the USA PATRIOT Act,^[86] a renewed shift in policy for constitutional amendments banning abortion and same-sex marriage,^[85][87] reforming Social Security to create private investment accounts,^[85] creation of an ownership society,^[85] and opposing mandatory carbon emissions controls.^[88] Bush also called for the implementation of a guest worker program for immigrants,^[85] which was criticized by conservatives.^[89]

The Bush campaign advertised across the U.S. against Democratic candidates, including Bush's emerging opponent, Massachusetts Senator John Kerry. Kerry and other Democrats attacked Bush on the Iraq War, and accused him of failing to stimulate the economy and job growth. The Bush campaign portrayed Kerry as a staunch liberal who would raise taxes and increase the size of government. The Bush campaign continuously criticized Kerry's seemingly contradictory statements on the war in Iraq,^[49] and argued that Kerry lacked the decisiveness and vision necessary for success in the War on Terror.

In the election, Bush carried 31 of 50 states, receiving a total of 286 electoral votes. He won an outright majority of the popular vote (50.7% to his opponent's 48.3%).^[90] The previous President to win an outright majority of the popular vote was Bush's father in the 1988 election. Additionally, it was the first time since Herbert Hoover's election in 1928 that a Republican president was elected alongside re-elected Republican majorities in both Houses of Congress. Bush's 2.5% margin of victory was the narrowest ever for a victorious incumbent President, breaking Woodrow Wilson's 3.1% margin of victory against Charles Evans Hughes in the election of 1916.^[91][92]

Presidency[link]

Though Bush originally outlined an ambitious domestic agenda, his priorities were significantly altered following the September 11 terrorist attacks in 2001.^[93] Wars were waged in Afghanistan and Iraq with significant domestic debates regarding immigration, healthcare, Social Security, economic policy, and treatment of terrorist detainees. Over an eight year period, Bush's once-high approval ratings^[94] steadily declined, while his disapproval numbers increased significantly.^[95] In 2007, the administration prioritized dealing with the United States having entered into the longest post-World War II recession.^[96]

Domestic policy[link]

Economic policy[link]

During the George W. Bush administration, federal government spending was increased from $1789 billion to $2983 billion (70%) but the revenues were only increased from $2025 billion to $2524 billion (from 2000 to 2008). Individual income tax revenues were increased by 14%, corporate tax revenues by 50%, customs and duties by 40%. Discretionary defense spending was increased by 107%, discretionary domestic spending by 62%, Medicare spending by 131%, social security by 51%, and income security spending by 130%. Cyclically adjusted, revenues rose by 35% and spending by 65%.^[97]

Also proportionally Bush increased government spending more than any predecessor since Lyndon B. Johnson.^[98]

The number of economic regulation governmental workers was increased by 91,196, whereas Bill Clinton had cut down the number by 969.^[99]

In a February 28, 2001, message to the Congress, Bush estimated that there would be a $5.6 trillion surplus over the next ten years.^[100] Facing congressional opposition, Bush held town hall-style public meetings across the U.S. in 2001 to increase public support for his plan for a $1.35 trillion tax cut program—one of the largest tax cuts in U.S. history.^[49] Bush argued that unspent government funds should be returned to taxpayers, saying "the surplus is not the government’s money. The surplus is the people’s money."^[49] With reports of the threat of recession from Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan, Bush argued that such a tax cut would stimulate the economy and create jobs.^[101] Others, including the Treasury Secretary at the time Paul O'Neill, were opposed to some of the tax cuts on the basis that they would contribute to budget deficits and undermine Social Security.^[102] O'Neill disputes the claim made in Bush's book "Decision Points" that he never openly disagreed with him on planned tax cuts.^[103] By 2003, the economy showed signs of improvement, though job growth remained stagnant.^[49] Another tax cut program was passed that year.

Deficit and debt increases 2001–2009. Gross debt has increased over $500 billion each year since FY2003.

Under the Bush Administration, real GDP grew at an average annual rate of 2.5%,^[104] considerably below the average for business cycles from 1949 to 2000.^[105][106] Bush entered office with the Dow Jones Industrial Average at 10,587, and the average peaked in October 2007 at over 14,000. When Bush left office, the average was at 7,949, one of the lowest levels of his presidency.^[107] Unemployment originally rose from 4.2% in January 2001 to 6.3% in June 2003, but subsequently dropped to 4.5% as of July 2007.^[108] Adjusted for inflation, median household income dropped by $1,175 between 2000 and 2007,^[109] while Professor Ken Homa of Georgetown University has noted that "after-tax median household income increased by 2%"^[110] The poverty rate increased from 11.3% in 2000 to 12.3% in 2006 after peaking at 12.7% in 2004.^[111] By October 2008, due to increases in domestic and foreign spending,^[112] the national debt had risen to $11.3 trillion,^[113] an increase of over 100% from the start of the year 2000 when the debt was $5.6 trillion.^[114][115] Most debt was accumulated as a result of what became known as the "Bush tax cuts" and increased national security spending.^[116] By the end of Bush's presidency, unemployment climbed to 7.2%.^[117] The perception of Bush's effect on the economy is significantly affected by partisanship, which makes it difficult to determine who or what caused which problems.^[118]

President Bush signing a $1.35 trillion tax cut into law. June 7, 2001

In December 2007, the United States entered the longest post–World War II recession,^[119] which included a housing market correction, a subprime mortgage crisis, soaring oil prices, and a declining dollar value.^[120] In February, 63,000 jobs were lost, a five-year record.^[121][122] To aid with the situation, Bush signed a $170 billion economic stimulus package which was intended to improve the economic situation by sending tax rebate checks to many Americans and providing tax breaks for struggling businesses. The Bush administration pushed for significantly increased regulation of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac in 2003,^[123] and after two years, the regulations passed the House but died in the Senate. Many Republican senators, as well as influential members of the Bush Administration, feared that the agency created by these regulations would merely be mimicking the private sector’s risky practices.^[124][125] In September 2008, the crisis became much more serious beginning with the government takeover of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac followed by the collapse of Lehman Brothers and a federal bailout of American International Group for $85 billion.^[126]

Many economists and world governments determined that the situation became the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression.^[127][128] Additional regulation over the housing market would have been beneficial, according to former Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan.^[129] Bush, meanwhile, proposed a financial rescue plan to buy back a large portion of the U.S. mortgage market.^[130] Vince Reinhardt, a former Federal Reserve economist now at the American Enterprise Institute, said "it would have helped for the Bush administration to empower the folks at Treasury and the Federal Reserve and the comptroller of the currency and the FDIC to look at these issues more closely", and additionally, that it would have helped "for Congress to have held hearings".^[125]

In November 2008, over 500,000 jobs were lost, which marked the largest loss of jobs in the United States in 34 years.^[131] The Bureau of Labor Statistics reported that in the last four months of 2008, 1.9 million jobs were lost.^[132] By the end of 2008, the U.S. had lost a total of 2.6 million jobs.^[133]

Education and health[link]

Bush undertook a number of educational priorities, such as increasing the funding for the National Science Foundation and National Institutes of Health in his first years of office, and creating education programs to strengthen the grounding in science and mathematics for American high school students. Funding for the NIH was cut in 2006, the first such cut in 36 years, due to rising inflation.^[134]

Bush signs the No Child Left Behind Act into law, January 2002.

One of the administration's early major initiatives was the No Child Left Behind Act, which aimed to measure and close the gap between rich and poor student performance, provide options to parents with students in low-performing schools, and target more federal funding to low-income schools. This landmark education initiative passed with broad bipartisan support, including that of Senator Ted Kennedy of Massachusetts.^[135] It was signed into law by Bush in early 2002.^[136] Many contend that the initiative has been successful, as cited by the fact that students in the U.S. have performed significantly better on state reading and math tests since Bush signed "No Child Left Behind" into law.^[137] Critics argue that it is underfunded^[138] and that NCLBA's focus on "high stakes testing" and quantitative outcomes is counterproductive.^[139]

After being re-elected, Bush signed into law a Medicare drug benefit program that, according to Jan Crawford Greenburg, resulted in "the greatest expansion in America's welfare state in forty years;" the bill's costs approached $7 trillion.^[140] In 2007, Bush opposed and vetoed State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP) legislation, which was added by the Democrats onto a war funding bill and passed by Congress. The SCHIP legislation would have significantly expanded federally funded health care benefits and plans to children of some low-income families from about six million to ten million children. It was to be funded by an increase in the cigarette tax.^[141] Bush viewed the legislation as a move toward socialized health care, and asserted that the program could benefit families making as much as $83,000 per year who did not need the help.^[142]

Social services and Social Security[link]

Following Republican efforts to pass the Medicare Act of 2003, Bush signed the bill, which included major changes to the Medicare program by providing beneficiaries with some assistance in paying for prescription drugs, while relying on private insurance for the delivery of benefits.^[143] The retired persons lobby group AARP worked with the Bush Administration on the program and gave their endorsement. Bush said the law, estimated to cost $400 billion over the first ten years, would give the elderly "better choices and more control over their health care".^[144]

Bush speaks at the United States Coast Guard Academy commencement, May 2007.

Bush began his second term by outlining a major initiative to reform Social Security,^[145] which was facing record deficit projections beginning in 2005. Bush made it the centerpiece of his domestic agenda despite opposition from some in the U.S. Congress.^[145] In his 2005 State of the Union Address, Bush discussed the potential impending bankruptcy of the program and outlined his new program, which included partial privatization of the system, personal Social Security accounts, and options to permit Americans to divert a portion of their Social Security tax (FICA) into secured investments.^[145] Democrats opposed the proposal to partially privatize the system.^[145]

Bush embarked on a 60-day national tour, campaigning vigorously for his initiative in media events, known as the "Conversations on Social Security", in an attempt to gain support from the general public.^[146] Despite the energetic campaign, public support for the proposal declined^[147] and the House Republican leadership decided not to put Social Security reform on the priority list for the remainder of their 2005 legislative agenda.^[148] The proposal's legislative prospects were further diminished by the political fallout from the Hurricane Katrina in the fall of 2005.^[149] After the Democrats gained control of both houses of the Congress as a result of the 2006 midterm elections, the prospects of any further congressional action on the Bush proposal were dead for the remainder of his term in office.

Environmental and energy policies[link]

Upon taking office in 2001, Bush stated his opposition to the Kyoto Protocol, an amendment to the UN Convention on Climate Change which seeks to impose mandatory targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions, citing that the treaty exempted 80% of the world's population^[150] and would have cost tens of billions of dollars per year.^[151] He also cited that the Senate had voted 95–0 in 1997 on a resolution expressing its disapproval of the protocol.

Bush delivers a statement on energy, urging Congress to end offshore oil drill ban, June 18, 2008.

In May 2001, Bush signed an executive order to create an inter-agency task force to streamline energy projects,^[152] and later signed two other executive orders to tackle environmental issues.^[153]

In 2002, Bush announced the Clear Skies Act of 2003,^[154] aimed at amending the Clean Air Act to reduce air pollution through the use of emissions trading programs. Many experts argued that this legislation would have weakened the original legislation by allowing higher emission rates of pollutants than were previously legal.^[155] The initiative was introduced to Congress, but failed to make it out of committee.

Bush has said that he believes that global warming is real^[156] and has noted that it is a serious problem, but he asserted there is a "debate over whether it's man-made or naturally caused".^[157] The Bush Administration's stance on global warming remained controversial in the scientific and environmental communities. Critics have alleged that the administration^[158] misinformed the public and did not do enough to reduce carbon emissions and deter global warming.^[159]

In his 2006 State of the Union Address, Bush declared, "America is addicted to oil" and announced his Advanced Energy Initiative to increase energy development research.^[160]

That same year, Bush declared the Northwestern Hawaiian Islands a national monument, creating the largest marine reserve to date. The Papahānaumokuākea Marine National Monument comprises 84 million acres (340,000 km²) and is home to 7,000 species of fish, birds, and other marine animals, many of which are specific to only those islands.^[161] The move was hailed by conservationists for "its foresight and leadership in protecting this incredible area".^[162]

In his 2007 State of the Union Address, Bush renewed his pledge to work toward diminished reliance on foreign oil by reducing fossil fuel consumption and increasing alternative fuel production.^[163] Amid high gasoline prices in 2008, Bush lifted a ban on offshore drilling.^[164] However, the move was largely symbolic as there is still a federal law banning offshore drilling. Bush said, "This means that the only thing standing between the American people and these vast oil reserves is action from the U.S. Congress."^[164] Bush had said in June 2008, "In the long run, the solution is to reduce demand for oil by promoting alternative energy technologies. My administration has worked with Congress to invest in gas-saving technologies like advanced batteries and hydrogen fuel cells.... In the short run, the American economy will continue to rely largely on oil. And that means we need to increase supply, especially here at home. So my administration has repeatedly called on Congress to expand domestic oil production."^[165]

President Bush signing the Federal Funding Accountability and Transparency Act, September 26, 2006

In his 2008 State of the Union Address, Bush announced that the U.S. would commit $2 billion over the next three years to a new international fund to promote clean energy technologies and fight climate change, saying, "Along with contributions from other countries, this fund will increase and accelerate the deployment of all forms of cleaner, more efficient technologies in developing nations like India and China, and help leverage substantial private-sector capital by making clean energy projects more financially attractive." He also announced plans to reaffirm the United States' commitment to work with major economies, and, through the UN, to complete an international agreement that will slow, stop, and eventually reverse the growth of greenhouse gases; he stated, "This agreement will be effective only if it includes commitments by every major economy and gives none a free ride."^[166]

Stem cell research and first use of veto power[link]

Federal funding for medical research involving the creation or destruction of human embryos through the Department of Health and Human Services and the National Institutes of Health has been forbidden by law since the passage in 1995 of the Dickey-Wicker Amendment by Congress and the signature of President Bill Clinton.^[167] Bush has said that he supports adult stem cell research and has supported federal legislation that finances adult stem cell research. However, Bush did not support embryonic stem cell research.^[168] On August 9, 2001, Bush signed an executive order lifting the ban on federal funding for the 71 existing "lines" of stem cells,^[169] but the ability of these existing lines to provide an adequate medium for testing has been questioned. Testing can only be done on 12 of the original lines, and all of the approved lines have been cultured in contact with mouse cells, which creates safety issues that complicate development and approval of therapies from these lines.^[170] On July 19, 2006, Bush used his veto power for the first time in his presidency to veto the Stem Cell Research Enhancement Act. The bill would have repealed the Dickey-Wicker Amendment, thereby permitting federal money to be used for research where stem cells are derived from the destruction of an embryo.^[171]

Immigration[link]

Bush discusses border security with Homeland Security Director Michael Chertoff near El Paso, November 2005.

In 2006, Bush urged Congress to allow more than 12 million illegal immigrants to work in the United States with the creation of a "temporary guest-worker program". Bush did not support amnesty for illegal immigrants,^[172] but argued that the lack of legal status denies the protections of U.S. laws to millions of people who face dangers of poverty and exploitation, and penalizes employers despite a demand for immigrant labor.^[173] Nearly 8 million immigrants came to the United States from 2000 to 2005, more than in any other five-year period in the nation's history.^[174] Almost half entered illegally.^[175]

Bush also urged Congress to provide additional funds for border security and committed to deploying 6,000 National Guard troops to the Mexico–United States border.^[176] In May–June 2007, Bush strongly supported the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2007, which was written by a bipartisan group of Senators with the active participation of the Bush administration.^[177] The bill envisioned a legalization program for illegal immigrants, with an eventual path to citizenship; establishing a guest worker program; a series of border and work site enforcement measures; a reform of the green card application process and the introduction of a point-based "merit" system for green cards; elimination of "chain migration" and of the Diversity Immigrant Visa; and other measures. Bush contended that the proposed bill did not amount to amnesty.^[178]

A heated public debate followed, which resulted in a substantial rift within the Republican Party, most conservatives opposed it because of its legalization or amnesty provisions.^[179] The bill was eventually defeated in the Senate on June 28, 2007, when a cloture motion failed on a 46–53 vote.^[180] Bush expressed disappointment upon the defeat of one of his signature domestic initiatives.^[181] The Bush administration later proposed a series of immigration enforcement measures that do not require a change in law.^[182]

On September 19, 2010, former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert said that Bush offered to accept 100,000 Palestinian refugees as American citizens if a permanent settlement had been reached between Israel and the Palestinian Authority.^[183]

Hurricane Katrina[link]

Hurricane Katrina, which was one of the worst natural disasters in U.S. history, struck early in Bush’s second term. Katrina formed in late August during the 2005 Atlantic hurricane season and devastated much of the north-central Gulf Coast of the United States, particularly New Orleans.^[184]

Bush shakes hands with New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin on September 2, 2005, after viewing the devastation of Hurricane Katrina.

Bush declared a state of emergency in Louisiana on August 27,^[185] and in Mississippi and Alabama the following day;^[186] he authorized the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) to manage the disaster, but his announcement failed to spur these agencies to action.^[187] The eye of the hurricane made landfall on August 29, and New Orleans began to flood due to levee breaches; later that day, Bush declared that a major disaster existed in Louisiana,^[188] officially authorizing FEMA to start using federal funds to assist in the recovery effort. On August 30, DHS Secretary Michael Chertoff declared it "an incident of national significance",^[189] triggering the first use of the newly created National Response Plan. Three days later, on September 2, National Guard troops first entered the city of New Orleans.^[190] The same day, Bush toured parts of Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama and declared that the success of the recovery effort up to that point was "not enough".^[191]

As the disaster in New Orleans intensified, critics charged that Bush was misrepresenting his administration's role in what they saw as a flawed response. Leaders attacked Bush for having appointed apparently incompetent leaders to positions of power at FEMA, notably Michael D. Brown;^[192] it was also argued that the federal response was limited as a result of the Iraq War^[193] and Bush himself did not act upon warnings of floods.^{[194][195][196]} Bush responded to mounting criticism by accepting full responsibility for the federal government's failures in its handling of the emergency.^[190] It has been argued that with Katrina, Bush passed a political tipping point from which he would not recover.^[197]

Midterm dismissal of U.S. attorneys[link]

During Bush's second term, a controversy arose over the Justice Department's midterm dismissal of seven United States Attorneys.^[198] The White House maintained that the U.S. attorneys were fired for poor performance.^[199] Attorney General Alberto Gonzales would later resign over the issue, along with other senior members of the Justice Department.^[200][201] The House Judiciary Committee issued subpoenas for advisers Harriet Miers and Josh Bolten to testify regarding this matter, but Bush directed Miers and Bolten to not comply with those subpoenas, invoking his right of executive privilege. Bush has maintained that all of his advisers are protected under a broad executive privilege protection to receive candid advice. The Justice Department has determined that the President's order was legal.^[202]

Although Congressional investigations have focused on whether the Justice Department and the White House were using the U.S. Attorney positions for political advantage, no official findings have been released. On March 10, 2008, the Congress filed a federal lawsuit to enforce their issued subpoenas.^[203] On July 31, 2008, a United States district court judge ruled that Bush's top advisers were not immune from Congressional subpoenas.^[204]

In August 2009, Karl Rove and Harriet Miers testified before the House Judiciary Committee. A Justice Department inquiry into the firing of U.S. attorneys concluded that political considerations played a part in as many as four of the dismissals.^[205] In July 2010, the Justice Department prosecutors closed the two-year investigation without filing charges after determining that the firings were inappropriately political, but not criminal. According to the prosecutors, "Evidence did not demonstrate that any prosecutable criminal offense was committed with regard to the removal of David Iglesias. The investigative team also determined that the evidence did not warrant expanding the scope of the investigation beyond the removal of Iglesias."^[206]

Foreign policy[link]

Bush presents the Presidential Medal of Freedom to Pope John Paul II during a visit to the Vatican, June 2004.

In July 2001 Bush visited the pope at Castel Gandolfo.^[207] During his Presidential campaign, Bush's foreign policy platform included support for a stronger economic and political relationship with Latin America, especially Mexico, and a reduction of involvement in "nation-building" and other small-scale military engagements. The administration pursued a national missile defense.^[208] Bush was an advocate of China's entry into the World Trade Organization.^[209] He said free trade was a force for democratization in China.^[210]

After the September 11 attacks, Bush launched the War on Terror, in which the United States military and an international coalition invaded Afghanistan. In 2003, Bush launched the invasion of Iraq, which he described as being part of the War on Terrorism.^[211]

Those invasions led to the toppling of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and the removal of Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq as well as the deaths of many Iraqis, with surveys indicating between four hundred thousand to over one million dead, excluding the tens of thousands of civilians in Afghanistan.^{[212][213][214]}

Countries visited by President George W. Bush during his terms in office

Bush began his second term with an emphasis on improving strained relations with European nations. He appointed long-time adviser Karen Hughes to oversee a global public relations campaign. Bush lauded the pro-democracy struggles in Georgia and Ukraine.

In March 2006, a visit to India led to renewed ties between the two countries, reversing decades of U.S. policy.^[215] The visit focused particularly on areas of nuclear energy and counter-terrorism cooperation, discussions that would lead eventually to the U.S.-India Civil Nuclear Agreement.^[216][217] This is in stark contrast to the stance taken by his predecessor, Clinton, whose approach and response to India after the 1998 nuclear tests was that of sanctions and hectoring. The relationship between India and the United States was one that dramatically improved during Bush's tenure.^[218]

Midway through Bush's second term, it was questioned whether Bush was retreating from his freedom and democracy agenda, highlighted in policy changes toward some oil-rich former Soviet republics in central Asia.^[219]

In an address before both Houses of Congress on September 20, 2001, Bush thanked the nations of the world for their support following the September 11 attacks. He specifically thanked British Prime Minister Tony Blair for traveling to the Washington to show "unity of purpose with America", and said "America has no truer friend than Great Britain."^[220]

September 11, 2001[link]

Bush, standing with firefighter Bob Beckwith, addresses rescue workers at Ground Zero in New York, September 14, 2001.

The September 11 terrorist attacks were a major turning point in Bush's presidency. That evening, he addressed the nation from the Oval Office, promising a strong response to the attacks. He also emphasized the need for the nation to come together and comfort the families of the victims. On September 14, he visited Ground Zero, meeting with Mayor Rudy Giuliani, firefighters, police officers, and volunteers. Bush addressed the gathering via a megaphone while standing on a heap of rubble, to much applause: "I can hear you. The rest of the world hears you. And the people who knocked these buildings down will hear all of us soon."^[221]

	President Bush Declares "Freedom at War with Fear", September 20, 2001
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In a September 20 speech, Bush condemned Osama bin Laden and Al-Qaeda, and issued an ultimatum to the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, where bin Laden was operating, to "hand over the terrorists, or ... share in their fate".^[222]

War on Terrorism[link]

Bush presents then UK Prime Minister Tony Blair with the Presidential Medal of Freedom.

After September 11, Bush announced a global War on Terror. The Afghan Taliban regime was not forthcoming with Osama bin Laden, so Bush ordered the invasion of Afghanistan to overthrow the Taliban regime.^[223] In his January 29, 2002 State of the Union Address, he asserted that an "axis of evil" consisting of North Korea, Iran, and Iraq was "arming to threaten the peace of the world" and "pose[d] a grave and growing danger".^[224] The Bush Administration proceeded to assert a right and intention to engage in preemptive war, also called preventive war, in response to perceived threats.^[225] This would form a basis for what became known as the Bush Doctrine. The broader "War on Terror", allegations of an "axis of evil", and, in particular, the doctrine of preemptive war, began to weaken the unprecedented levels of international and domestic support for Bush and United States action against al-Qaeda following the September 11 attacks.^[226]

Some national leaders alleged abuse by U.S. troops and called for the U.S. to shut down the Guantanamo Bay detention camp and other such facilities. Dissent from, and criticism of, Bush's leadership in the War on Terror increased as the war in Iraq expanded.^{[227][228][229]} In 2006, a National Intelligence Estimate expressed the combined opinion of the United States' own intelligence agencies, concluding that the Iraq War had become the "cause célèbre for jihadists" and that the jihad movement was growing.^[230][231]

Afghanistan[link]

Bush and President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan appear together in 2006 at a joint news conference in Kabul.

On October 7, 2001, U.S. and British forces initiated bombing campaigns that led to the arrival of Northern Alliance troops in Kabul on November 13. The main goals of the war were to defeat the Taliban, drive al-Qaeda out of Afghanistan, and capture key al-Qaeda leaders. In December 2001, the Pentagon reported that the Taliban had been defeated,^[232] but cautioned that the war would go on to continue weakening Taliban and al-Qaeda leaders.^[232] Later that month the UN had installed the Afghan Transitional Administration chaired by Hamid Karzai.^[233][234]

Efforts to kill or capture al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden failed as he escaped a battle in December 2001 in the mountainous region of Tora Bora, which the Bush Administration later acknowledged to have resulted from a failure to commit enough U.S. ground troops.^[235] On March 13, 2002, Bush stated that "I truly am not that concerned about him" when asked about bin Laden, brushing him off as "a person who has now been marginalized", despite declaring that he was wanted "Dead or Alive" shortly after 9/11, and statements from U.S. commanders that bin Laden was "still a threat in the new Afghanistan".^[236] It was not until May 2011, two years after Bush left office, that bin Laden was killed by U.S. forces. Bin Laden's successor, Ayman al-Zawahiri, as well as the leader of the Taliban, Mohammed Omar, remain at large.

Despite the initial success in driving the Taliban from power in Kabul, by early 2003 the Taliban was regrouping, amassing new funds and recruits.^[237] In 2006, the Taliban insurgency appeared larger, fiercer and better organized than expected, with large-scale allied offensives such as Operation Mountain Thrust attaining limited success.^{[238][239][240]} As a result, Bush commissioned 3,500 additional troops to the country in March 2007.^[241]

Iraq[link]

Bush, with Naval Flight Officer Lieutenant Ryan Philips, in the flight suit he wore for his televised arrival and speech in 2003

Beginning with his January 29, 2002 State of the Union address, Bush began publicly focusing attention on Iraq, which he labeled as part of an "axis of evil" allied with terrorists and posing "a grave and growing danger" to U.S. interests through possession of weapons of mass destruction.^[224][242]

In the latter half of 2002, CIA reports contained assertions of Saddam Hussein's intent of reconstituting nuclear weapons programs, not properly accounting for Iraqi biological and chemical weapons, and that some Iraqi missiles had a range greater than allowed by the UN sanctions.^[243][244] Contentions that the Bush Administration manipulated or exaggerated the threat and evidence of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction capabilities would eventually become a major point of criticism for the president.^[245][246]

In late 2002 and early 2003, Bush urged the United Nations to enforce Iraqi disarmament mandates, precipitating a diplomatic crisis. In November 2002, Hans Blix and Mohamed ElBaradei led UN weapons inspectors in Iraq, but were advised by the U.S. to depart the country four days prior to the U.S. invasion, despite their requests for more time to complete their tasks.^[247] The U.S. initially sought a UN Security Council resolution authorizing the use of military force but dropped the bid for UN approval due to vigorous opposition from several countries.^[248]

More than 20 nations (most notably the United Kingdom), designated the "coalition of the willing" joined the United States^[249] in invading Iraq. They launched the invasion on March 20, 2003. The Iraqi military was quickly defeated. The capital, Baghdad, fell on April 9, 2003. On May 1, Bush declared the end of major combat operations in Iraq. The initial success of U.S. operations increased his popularity, but the U.S. and allied forces faced a growing insurgency led by sectarian groups; Bush's "Mission Accomplished" speech was later criticized as premature.^[250] From 2004 until 2007, the situation in Iraq deteriorated further, with some observers arguing that there was a full scale civil war in Iraq.^[251] Bush's policies met with criticism, including demands domestically to set a timetable to withdraw troops from Iraq. The 2006 report of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, led by James Baker, concluded that the situation in Iraq was "grave and deteriorating". While Bush admitted that there were strategic mistakes made in regards to the stability of Iraq,^[252] he maintained he would not change the overall Iraq strategy.^[253][254]