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An era is a commonly used word for long period of time. When used in science, for example geology, eras denote clearly defined periods of time of arbitrary but well defined length, such as for example the Mesozoic Era from 252 Ma–66 Ma, delimited by a start event and an end event. When used in social history, eras may for example denote a period of some monarch's reign. In colloquial language, eras denote longer spans of time, before and after which the practices or fashions change to a significant degree. When era is extended to a calendar system, it is known as a calendar era. In Sanskrit or Indian culture eras are known as Yugas.

Uses[link]

In chronology, an era is the highest level for the organization of the measurement of time. A calendar era indicates a span of many years which are numbered beginning at a specific reference date (epoch), which often marks the origin of a political state or cosmology, dynasty, ruler, the birth of a leader, or another significant historical or mythological event; it is generally called after its focus accordingly as in Victorian era.

Geological era[link]

In natural science, there is need for another time perspective, independent from human activity, and indeed spanning a far longer period (mainly prehistoric), where geologic era refers to well-defined time spans. The next-larger division of geologic time is the eon. The Phanerozoic eon, is subdivided into eras.^[1] There are currently three eras defined in the Phanerozoic; the following table lists them from youngest to oldest (BP is an abbreviation for "before present").

Cosmological era[link]

In astronomy the periods are even longer, to cover the entire existence of the universe (in the order of 13.7 billion years), but usually just denoted in numerical units, as there is no significant link to any earthly reality, our planet being astronomically insignificant (except as the only known observation point).

Calendar eras[link]

Calendar eras count the years since a particular date (epoch), often one with religious significance. Anno mundi ("year of the world") refers to a group of calendar eras based on a calculation of the age of the world, assuming it was created as described in the Book of Genesis. In Jewish religious contexts one of the versions is still used, and many Eastern Orthodox religious calendars used another version until 1728. Hebrew year 5772 AM began at sunset on 28 September 2011 and will end on 16 September 2012. In the Western church Anno Domini (=AD = CE), counting the years since the birth of Jesus on traditional calculations, was always dominant.

The Islamic calendar, which also has variants, counts years from the Hijra or emigration of the Islamic prophet Muhammad from Mecca to Medina, which occurred in 622 CE. The Islamic year is some days shorter than 365; January 2012 fell in 1433 AH ("After Hijra").

Many Buddhist calendars count from the death of the Buddha, which according to the most commonly used calculations was in 545-543 BCE or 483 BCE. Dates are given as "BE" for "Buddhist Era"; 2000 CE was 2543 BE in the Thai solar calendar.

Other calendar eras of the past counted from political events, such as the Seleucid era and the Ancient Roman ab urbe condita ("AUC"), counting from the foundation of the city.

Regnal eras[link]

The word era also denotes the units used under a different, more arbitrary system where time is not represented as an endless continuum with a single reference year, but each unit starts counting from one again, as if time starts again. The use of regnal years is a rather impractical system, and a challenge for historians if a single piece of the historical chronology is missing, and often reflects the preponderance in public life of an absolute ruler in many ancient cultures. Such traditions sometimes outlive the political power of the throne, and may even be based on mythological events or rulers who may not have existed (for example Rome numbering from the rule of Romulus and Regulus). In a manner of speaking the use of the supposed date of the birth of Christ as a base year is a form of a Regnal era.

In East Asia, each emperor's reign may be subdivided into several reign periods, each being treated as a new era. The name of each was a motto or slogan chosen by the emperor. Different East Asian countries utilized slightly different systems, notably:

• Chinese eras
• Japanese eras
• Korean eras
• Vietnamese eras

A similar practice survived in the United Kingdom until quite recently, but only for formal official writings: in daily life the ordinary year A.D. has been used for a long time, but Acts of Parliament were dated according to the years of the reign of the current Monarch, so that "61 & 62 Vict c. 37" refers to the Local Government (Ireland) Act 1898 passed in the session of Parliament in the 61st/62nd year of the reign of Queen Victoria.

Colloquial "eras"[link]

In common speech and various contexts, the term era is also used, by extension, for any (as a rule relatively long) period in history with a name, often relating to common characteristic(s), even if this is not the normal way to organize time. The most relevant type are politic periods, for example: the Roman era, the Elizabethan era, the Victorian era (dynastic criteria, only formally correct within the British realm/empire/Commonwealth) and the Soviet era, or comparable literary notions like the Biblical era.

The word era is also popularly used to denote the passing of – often shorter – periods that are only defined in terms of a specific discipline of sphere of life, such as the prominence of an artistic style, or more specifically in music, see musical eras, described in History of music, such as the Big Band era, Disco era. An event such as the death of Frank Sinatra is poetically called the end of an era.

Etymology[link]

The word has been in use in English since 1615, and is derived from Late Latin aera "an era or epoch from which time is reckoned," probably identical to Latin æra "counters used for calculation," plural of æs "brass, money".

The Latin word use in chronology seems to have begun in 5th century Visigothic Spain, where it appears in the History of Isidore of Seville, and in later texts. The Spanish era is calculated from 38 BC, perhaps because of a tax (cfr. indiction) levied in that year, or due to a miscalculation of the Battle of Actium, which occurred in 31 BC.

Like epoch, "era" in English originally meant "the starting point of an age"; the meaning "system of chronological notation" is c.1646; that of "historical period" is 1741.

Notes[link]

1. ^ Short, N.M. (2009). "Geologic Time" in Remote Sensing Tutorial. NASA.
2. ^ Lide, D. R. (1990). Handbook of Chemistry and Physics. Boca Raton: CRC Press. p. 14-6.

See also[link]

Look up era in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

• List of time periods

v t e Chronology Main articles Time · Astronomy · Geology · Paleontology · Archaeology · History Eras and epochs Calendar eras Human Era · Ab urbe condita · Anno Domini (Common Era) · Anno Mundi · Byzantine era · Spanish era · Before Present · Hijri · Egyptian · Sothic cycle · Hindu units of measurement · Hindu Yugas Regnal year Canon of Kings · Lists of kings · Limmu · Seleucid era Era names Chinese · Japanese · Korean · Vietnamese Calendars (Pre-)Julian Pre-Julian Roman · Original Julian · Proleptic Julian · Revised Julian Gregorian Gregorian · Proleptic Gregorian · Old Style and New Style dates Astronomical Lunisolar · Solar · Lunar · Astronomical year numbering Others Iranian · Islamic · Chinese sexagenary cycle · ISO week date Astronomic time   Chronology Portal Cosmic Calendar · Ephemeris · Galactic year · Metonic cycle · Milankovitch cycles Geologic time Concepts Deep time · Geological history of Earth · Geological time units Standards Global Standard Stratigraphic Age (GSSA) · Global Boundary Stratotype Section and Point (GSSP) Methods Chronostratigraphy · Geochronology · Isotope geochemistry · Law of superposition · Optical dating · Samarium-neodymium dating Archaeological methods Absolute dating Incremental dating · Archaeomagnetic dating · Dendrochronology · Glottochronology · Ice core · Lichenometry · Paleomagnetism · Radiocarbon dating · Radiometric dating · Tephrochronology · Thermoluminescence dating · Uranium-lead dating Relative dating Seriation · Stratification · Fluorine absorption dating Genetic methods Amino acid dating · Molecular clock Related topics Chronicle · New Chronology · Periodization · Synchronoptic view · Timeline · Year zero · Circa · Floruit · ASPRO chronology

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David Morales (born 21 August 1961) is an American internationally acclaimed Grammy-winning house music DJ and producer. In addition to his production and DJ work, Morales is one of the most prolific botters of all time, transforming many pop music songs into club-friendly dance tracks. Born in New York City, he is of Puerto Rican ancestry.^[1]

Career[link]

Record producer[link]

Morales' work as a house music producer began in 1993, with a full 11-track album entitled The Program, released under the Phonogram Records label. "Gimme Luv (Eenie Meenie Miny Mo)" was the most successful single to be lifted from the debut LP and was a major dance hit - spending two weeks on top of the Billboard dance chart in August 1993.^[2][3] After his debut release, Morales produced few original records, focusing instead on carving out his career as one of the first true "superstar" DJs and as a prolific remixer, working with some of the biggest names in music. In 1998, under the pseudonym David Morales presents The Face he released his biggest hit to date, "Needin' U". Featuring samples from The Chi-Lites' "My First Mistake" and Rare Pleasure's "Let Me Down Easy", the record became an overnight classic and introduced Morales into mainstream airplay.

Following up this success, in 2000 Morales offered up another overnight hit, "Higher", co-produced by Albert Cabrera, with vocals by Deanna Della Cioppa, and released under the pseuodonym David Morales & Albert Cabrera present Moca. In November 2004, after an interval of 11 years, Morales released his second album, 2 Worlds Collide, a 10-track album released on Ministry of Sound's record label, Data Records. The album is reminiscent of earlier house music mixed with current and progressive sounds. The release contained another big hit for Morales titled "How Would U Feel" which features vocals from Lea-Lorien. In addition to his work as a record producer, Morales is also part of the Def Mix collective, alongside long term partners Frankie Knuckles and Satoshi Tomiie, who produce both original productions and remixes.

Remixer[link]

Since 1986, Morales has also carved out a career as arguably one of the most in-demand remixers of the post-house era. He has worked with a large assortment of successful and famous artists, including Madonna, Kylie Minogue, Whitney Houston, Pet Shop Boys, Michael Jackson, Janet Jackson, U2, Luther Vandross, Aretha Franklin, Diana Ross, Jocelyn Brown, CeCe Rogers, the Spice Girls, and many others. He is particularly known for his prolific remix work with Mariah Carey.

His first reworking of a Carey record was "Dreamlover" (1993) Morales worked with Carey at almost every stage of her career following "Dreamlover", re-working the songs "Fantasy" (1995), "Always Be My Baby" (1996), "Honey" (1997), "My All" (1998), "I Still Believe" (1999), "It's like That" (2005) and "Say Somethin'" (2006) into number-one hits on Billboard's Hot Dance Club Play chart in the U.S.

Morales was awarded the 1998 Grammy Award for Remixer of the Year, Non-Classical.^[4]

Superstar DJ[link]

Morales is considered by many to be one of the first so-called superstar DJs.^[5] Larry Levan was the first to recognise the potential for success in Morales, and he was soon a popular regular at The Loft, Paradise Garage and The Sound Factory - all highly influential New York City nightclubs in the late 1980s and early 1990s. His remix and production work helped him expand his DJ career, allowing him to perform at major clubs around the globe including the Ministry of Sound in London. He also became one of Ibiza's most renowned DJs, appearing at venues such as Pacha.

In addition to his nightclub sets, Morales also contributed to a large number of radio mix shows throughout the 1990s, the most important being Hot 97's popular segment All-Night House Party. He also produced various DJ mixes for radio stations around the world, including London's KISS 100. Morales also contributed his DJ skills to a variety of compilations including Ministry of Sound's Sessions Seven, United DJs of America Volume 4 (a joint project with Def Mix partner Frankie Knuckles) and most recently with the retrospective collection Mix The Vibe: Past-Present-Future.

Besides his music career, Morales owned the now defunct Stereo nightclub located in Montreal, Quebec, Canada.^[6] Serving also as the club's resident DJ, he was well known for his sets^[7][8] including his 16-hour "La Vie en Stereo" sets, which occurred on the last Saturday of each month. Stereo nightclub closed in July 2008 after a fire but repopened with different owners in September 2009. David Morales returned to Stereo as a DJ in January 2011.^[9] In April 2006, he opened a short-lived nightclub called Sonic in Toronto, however due to unknown reasons, the club officially closed on March 10, 2007.^[10]

Morales has also been involved in other projects unrelated to his music career. He is also credited for laying the groundwork and initial sketches that led to the design of Comic Sans.^{[citation needed]} In addition to his music career, he has served as a model for Italian clothing design house Iceberg.^[11]

Discography[link]

Albums[link]

• 1993: The Program
• 2004: 2 Worlds Collide

Mixed compilations[link]

• 1994: United DJs of America, Vol. 4
• 1997: Ministry of Sound: Sessions Seven
• 2003: Mix The Vibe: Past-Present-Future
• 2011: Live & Remastered (disc 2)

Singles[link]

David Morales[link]

• 2001 "Winners", with Jocelyn Brown
• 2003 "Make It Hot", with DJ Pierre
• 2004 "How Would U Feel", with Lea-Lorién
• 2005 "Feels Good", with Angela Hunte
• 2005 "Here I Am", with Tamra Keenan
• 2006 "Better That U Leave", with Lea-Lorien
• 2006 "How Would U Feel '06", with Lea-Lorien
• 2011 "You Just Don't Love Me", with Jonathan Mendelsohn
• 2011 "Holiday", with Polina
• 2012 "Golden Era", with Róisín Murphy

The Bad Yard Club[link]

all are collaborations with Sly Dunbar and Handel Tucker

• 1993 "Gimme Luv (Eenie Meeny Miny Mo)", with Papa San
• 1993 "Sunshine", with Stanryck
• 1993 "The Program", with Papa San
• 1994 "In De Ghetto", with Delta Bennett
• 1996 "In De Ghetto '96", with Crystal Waters and Delta Bennett

Other aliases[link]

• 1987 "Do It Properly" (as 2 Puerto Ricans, a Blackman and a Dominican, with Ralphi Rosario and Clivilles & Cole)
• 1989 "Scandalous", (as 2 Puerto Ricans, a Blackman and a Dominican, with Ralphi Rosario and Clivilles & Cole)
• 1994 "Congo" (as The Boss)
• 1995 "Philadelphia", (as Brooklyn Friends)
• 1998 "Needin' U", (as David Morales presents The Face)
• 2000 "Higher", (as Moca, with Albert Cabrera and Deanna Della Cioppa)
• 2001 "Needin' U II", (as David Morales presents The Face, with Juliet Roberts)
• 2002 "Siren Of Love", (as 928)
• 2006 "Play", (as Brooklyn Friends)
• 2006 "Keep It Coming", (as The Face, with Nicki Richards)

Selected remixes[link]

• 2 in a Room - "Wiggle It"
• Ace of Base - "Living in Danger"
• The Adventures of Stevie V - "Dirty Cash (Money Talks)"
• Alexander O'Neal - "What Is This Thing Called Love?"
• Alison Limerick - "Where Love Lives"
• Annie Lennox - "Walking on Broken Glass"
• Aretha Franklin - "A Deeper Love"
• Basement Jaxx - "Bingo Bango"
• Betty Boo - "Catch Me"
• Björk - "Big Time Sensuality"
• Black Sheep - "Strobelite Honey"
• The Brand New Heavies - "Never Stop"
• Brandon Flowers - "Crossfire"
• Britney Spears - "Circus"
• Burak Kut - "Derdim Var" (Translated: Deep Inside)
• CeCe Peniston - "Finally"
• CeCe Rogers - "All Join Hands"
• Cerrone - "Love In C Minor"
• Chaka Khan - "Life is a Dance"
• The Chimes - "1-2-3"
• De La Soul - "A Roller Skating Jam Named Saturdays"
• Deborah Cox - "It Could've Been You"
• Deborah Cox - "Who Do U Love"
• Diana Ross - "Upside Down"
• Doop - "Doop"
• Electribe 101 - "You're Walking"
• Enrique Iglesias - "Rhythm Divine"
• Eve Gallagher - "Love Come Down"
• Frankie Knuckles - "Rain Falls"
• Gloria Estefan - "Turn The Beat Around"
• Heavy D & The Boyz - "Now That We Found Love"
• Incognito - "Always There"
• India - "Right From The Start"
• Inner City - "Watcha Gonna Do With My Lovin'"
• Jamiroquai - "Cosmic Girl"
• Jamiroquai - "Space Cowboy"
• Janet Jackson - "Because of Love"
• Janet Jackson - "When I Think of You" (1995 Remixes)
• Jaydee - "Plastic Dreams" (1997 Remixes)
• Jennifer Paige - "Crush"
• Jody Watley - "I'm The One You Need"
• Juliet Roberts - "Free Love"
• Kelis - "Get Along With You"
• Kylie Minogue - "Where Is The Feeling?"
• Kym Mazelle - "Useless"
• Lara Fabian - "I Will Love Again"
• Lisa Stansfield - "What Did I Do To You?"
• Lisa Fischer - "Save Me"
• Loose Ends - "Love's Got Me"
• Lucrezia - "Live To Tell"
• Luther Vandross - "Ain't No Stoppin' Us Now"
• Luther Vandross & Janet Jackson - "The Best Things in Life Are Free"
• M People - "One Night in Heaven"
• Madonna - "Deeper and Deeper"
• Mariah Carey - "Always Be My Baby"
• Mariah Carey - "Can't Take That Away (Mariah's Theme)"
• Mariah Carey - "Dreamlover"
• Mariah Carey - "Fantasy"
• Mariah Carey - "Fly Away (Butterfly Reprise)"
• Mariah Carey - "Honey"
• Mariah Carey - "I Still Believe"
• Mariah Carey - "It's Like That"
• Mariah Carey - "Joy To The World"
• Mariah Carey - "Loverboy"
• Mariah Carey - "My All"
• Mariah Carey - "Say Somethin"
• Mariah Carey - "The Roof (Back In Time)"
• Mariah Carey - "Touch My Body"
• Mariah Carey - "Oh Santa!"
• Masters At Work - "I Can't Get No Sleep '95"
• Michael Jackson featuring Janet Jackson - "Scream"
• Michael Jackson - "This Time Around"
• Michael Jackson - "Thriller"
• Neneh Cherry - "Kisses on the Wind"
• P. M. Dawn - "Gotta Be...Movin' On Up"
• Pet Shop Boys - "How can you expect to be taken seriously?"
• Pet Shop Boys - "I Don't Know What You Want But I Can't Give It Any More"
• Pet Shop Boys - "New York City Boy"
• Pet Shop Boys - "So Hard"
• Pet Shop Boys - "Where the Streets Have No Name (I Can't Take My Eyes off You)"
• Reese - "You're Mine"
• Robert Owens - "I'll Be Your Friend"
• Robin S. - "I Wanna Thank Ya"
• Sandy B. - "Feel Like Singin'"
• Seal - "Newborn Friend"
• Selena - "I'm Getting Used To You"
• Sheena Easton - "101"
• Soul Shaker featuring CeCe Peniston - Shame, Shame, Shame
• Spice Girls - "Spice Up Your Life
• Spice Girls - "Stop"
• Spice Girls - "Who Do You Think You Are"
• Suzanne Palmer - "Luv 2 Luv"
• Technotronic - "Get Up!"
• Technotronic - "Pump Up The Jam"
• Tina Turner - "Goldeneye"
• U2 - "Discotheque"
• U2 - "Lemon"
• Ultra Naté - "New Kind of Medicine"
• Whigfield - "Think Of You"
• Whigfield - "Sexy Eyes"
• Whitney Houston - "Love Will Save the Day" (remixed by David Morales & John "Jellybean" Benitez)
• Whitney Houston - "So Emotional"

See also[link]

• List of Puerto Ricans
• List of number-one dance hits (United States)
• List of artists who reached number one on the US Dance chart

Notes[link]

External links[link]

• Official Web site
• Official 'Def Mix' Web site
• David Morales on Facebook
• David Morales on Twitter
• David Morales on YouTube
• David Morales on soundcloud.com
• David Morales on MySpace
• David Morales on Last.fm
• David Morales' on Discogs
• David Morales on the Internet Movie Database
• Spirit of House Interview with David Morales
• Interview with DJ Times, 2005

The Right Honourable Ian Douglas Smith GCLM ID
Ian Smith in 1990
1st Prime Minister of Rhodesia
In office 11 November 1965 – 1 June 1979
Monarch	Elizabeth II (1965–1970)
President	Clifford Dupont (1970–1976) John Wrathall (1976–1978) Henry Everard (1978–1979)
Preceded by	Himself as Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia
Succeeded by	Abel Muzorewa
Constituency	Umzinganwe
8th Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia
In office 13 April 1964 – 11 November 1965
Monarch	Elizabeth II
Deputy	Clifford Dupont
Preceded by	Winston Field
Succeeded by	Himself as Prime Minister of Rhodesia
Personal details
Born	(1919-04-08)8 April 1919 Selukwe, Midlands, Southern Rhodesia
Died	20 November 2007(2007-11-20) (aged 88) Cape Town, Western Cape, South Africa
Nationality	Rhodesian
Political party	Rhodesian Front Republican Front Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe
Spouse(s)	Janet Watt (1948–1994)
Children	Alec Smith
Alma mater	Rhodes University
Religion	Presbyterian
Signature	Ian Smith's signature

Ian Douglas Smith GCLM ID (8 April 1919 – 20 November 2007) was a politician active in the government of Southern Rhodesia, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Rhodesia, Zimbabwe Rhodesia and Zimbabwe from 1948 to 1987, most notably serving as Prime Minister of Rhodesia from 13 April 1964 to 1 June 1979. Born and raised in Selukwe (now Shurugwi), a small rural town in the British self-governing colony of Southern Rhodesia, Smith served in the Southern Rhodesian Air Force and British Royal Air Force during the Second World War and, after graduating from Rhodes University in South Africa, bought a farm in his home town in 1948. At the same time, he was elected as Selukwe's representative in the legislative assembly, running for the Southern Rhodesia Liberal Party; in doing so he became Southern Rhodesia's youngest ever member of parliament.

Smith supported the creation of the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland in 1953, and won the Midlands federal constituency for the United Federal Party (UFP) in that year's inaugural federal election; following his election at federal level he resigned the territorial Selukwe seat. He served as the UFP's Chief Whip in the Federal Assembly from 1958 to 1962 before resigning to help form the pro-independence Rhodesia Reform Party, which shortly merged with the Dominion Party to form the Rhodesian Front (RF). After the RF's victory in the 1962 Southern Rhodesian general election Smith became Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Treasury under Prime Minister Winston Field.

After Field failed to win the country's independence from Britain on the federation's dissolution in 1963, Smith took his place in 1964 and, running on an election promise of independence, led the RF to a clean sweep of the 50 largely white-elected "A" roll seats in the May 1965 general election. Frustrated by repeated failures to achieve this goal by negotiation with the British, who insisted on an immediate handover to the African nationalists, Smith's government unilaterally declared Rhodesia's independence from the United Kingdom on 11 November 1965. Smith remained as premier until 1 June 1979 as the head of a white minority government; the state failed to gain international recognition and United Nations economic sanctions were instituted.

The Smith administration fought against African nationalists during the Bush War as part of its campaign to maintain its policy of a gradual transition of power, and negotiated an Internal Settlement with black moderates in 1979 – this agreement led to majority rule, the renaming of the country to Zimbabwe Rhodesia and a coalition government led by the country's first black prime minister, the United African National Council leader Abel Muzorewa, who included Smith in the cabinet as a minister without portfolio.

This still did not lead to international recognition for the country, however, and it was only in 1980, after the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, the British-supervised election of Robert Mugabe as prime minister in April 1980 and the adoption of the name Zimbabwe that international acceptance came. Smith remained active in the Zimbabwean parliament until 1987, when he retired to the farm he still owned in the town of his birth. He relocated in 2005 to Cape Town, South Africa, where he died in 2007.

Family and early life[link]

Ian Smith was born in Selukwe (now known as Shurugwi), a small mining and farming town located approximately 190 miles (310 km) southwest of the capital Salisbury (now Harare). He was the family's youngest child, with two older sisters, Phyllis and Joan. His father, John Douglas Smith (also known as "Jock"), had emigrated from Hamilton, Scotland in 1898 in search of gold, but instead became a farmer, butcher, baker, garage owner, and gold mine operator. His father married Agnes Hodson, who was from Cumbria in England, in 1911.

Ian Smith considered his father "a man of extremely strong principles"^[1] and "one of the fairest men I have ever met and that is the way he brought me up."^[2] After receiving his primary education at a local school in Selukwe, Smith enrolled at the Chaplin School in nearby Gwelo for his secondary studies. In his final year at Chaplin, Smith was head prefect, recipient of the Victor Ludorum in sports, and captain of the school's rugby, cricket and tennis teams.^[1] Smith later remarked, "I was an absolute lunatic about sport. I concede, looking back, that I should have devoted much more time to my school work and less to sport."^[1]

Smith enrolled at Rhodes University in Grahamstown, South Africa in 1938, where he began coursework towards a Bachelor of Commerce degree.^[3] Smith interrupted his studies during the Second World War and joined the Southern Rhodesia Air Force. After completing his flight training, he was seconded to the rank of Pilot Officer in the Royal Air Force. He served with distinction in the Royal Air Force at the RAF station in Pembrey, Wales. On 4 October 1943, his Hawker Hurricane plane crashed on take-off from Alexandria, Egypt due to a throttle malfunction. His harness, which was built to withstand a stress of nearly one tonne, snapped and his face rammed against the Hurricane's instrument panel.^[4] He sustained severe facial injuries and broke his jaw, a leg and a shoulder and also buckled his back. Six months after undergoing extensive plastic surgery at the 15th Scottish Hospital in Cairo, he returned to active service with the No. 237 Squadron RAF in Corsica.^[3] In July 1944 German anti-aircraft fire shot down Smith's Supermarine Spitfire over the Po Valley during a strafing attack on German ground forces. He parachuted safely from his aircraft, landing behind enemy lines in the Ligurian Alps.^[4] Italian partisan and French resistance groups gave him refuge. After assisting in the planning of bomb raids against Germans for nearly five months, Smith and three other Allied soldiers embarked on a 23-day hike through occupied Italy and Maritime Alps to reach Allied lines.^[4] After being repatriated to Britain, he served with the No. 130 Squadron RAF until the end of the war. Smith returned to civilian life and obtained his Bachelor of Commerce degree at Rhodes, where he was also elected chairman of the students' representative council. After college, he bought a farm in Selukwe, later expanding it into a 21,500-acre (87 km²) estate.^[3] Regarding his decision to start farming, Smith remarked, "[c]ommerce and economics are associated with mathematics. Maths was one of my better subjects. Economics is one of the most important aspects of farming and so I decided to farm. It was as simple as that."^[4]

Smith married Janet Watt (d. 1994), a widowed South African schoolteacher,^[4] in 1948^[5] and had one child, Alec,^[6] whom he raised with his wife's two children, Robert and Jean, from her earlier marriage to South African rugby player Piet Duvenage. He remained on close terms with his son Alec despite having major disagreements with him on a number of political issues. Alec deserted from the Rhodesian army while serving as a conscript in the 1970s and went to Europe. There he married Elisabeth Knudsen, a Norwegian national, by whom he had three children: one son and two daughters. Alec was a staunch supporter of majority rule in Rhodesia and South Africa and became an outspoken critic of the white regime's discrimination against the majority black population.^[7] Alec died on 19 January 2006 of a heart attack at London Heathrow Airport.^[8]

Smith's stepdaughter Jean married Rhodesian folk singer Clem Tholet in 1967. Tholet was famous for songs such as Vagabond Gun and Rhodesians Never Die.^[9] Tholet died on 6 October 2004 at age 56.^[10]

Political career[link]

The Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, formed in 1953, united Southern Rhodesia with Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland. The Southern Rhodesian capital of Salisbury was chosen as Federal capital.
Click here to enlarge map.

Entry into politics and the Federation[link]

Smith became active in politics when he successfully ran as a candidate for the right-wing Southern Rhodesia Liberal Party in the 1948 general election for a seat representing the Selukwe district in the Legislative Assembly.^[4] He was initially reluctant to stand due to his youth and the fact that he was concurrently establishing a farm: Indeed, he was the youngest Member of Parliament (MP) in the history of the Southern Rhodesian Parliament.^[3] In 1953, he supported the federation of Southern Rhodesia with Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland and on its foundation joined the United Federal Party (UFP) set up by Prime Minister Godfrey Huggins.^[11] In the inaugural federal general election, held in that year, he was elected as federal MP for Midlands, and therefore stood down from his seat in the Southern Rhodesian legislature. From 1958, Smith served as Chief Whip for the UFP in the Federal Assembly,^[11] but grew increasingly disillusioned with the party, as well as the new Prime Minister, Sir Roy Welensky.

At a UFP congress in 1961, Smith publicly denounced the party's platform on Southern Rhodesia constitutional proposals. The Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland was on the brink of dissolution, and the new constitution was widely understood to be "the independence constitution" for Southern Rhodesia when this occurred. Smith went against the party line on the basis that although the country's electoral system had never before explicitly discriminated by colour, the proposal to grant 15 out of the 65 parliamentary seats to Rhodesian blacks was in direct contrast with the principles of the UFP; he said: "Our policy in the past has always been that we would have a government, in Rhodesia, based on merit and that people wouldn't worry whether you were black or whether you were white."^[11] In early 1962, he resigned as the UFP whip and formed a break-away party called the Rhodesia Reform Party,^[11][12] which merged with the Dominion Party after a few months to form the Rhodesian Front (RF).^[13]

Rise to premiership and negotiations for independence[link]

Smith was re-elected to Parliament as an RF member for Umzingwane in the 1962 general election, in which the RF won a slim majority and formed a government at the first time of asking. Under new Prime Minister Winston Field, Smith became Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of the Treasury.^[11] Field's failure to secure independence from Britain upon dissolution of the Federation in 1963 left many dissatisfied with his leadership, leading Smith to replace him as Prime Minister on 13 April 1964.^[15] Shortly after taking office, Smith announced his policies in full-page advertisements in Rhodesian newspapers: "No forced integration. No lowering of standards. No abdication of responsible government. No repeal of the Land Appropriation Act. No appeasement to suit the Afro-Asian bloc."^[15] He was staunchly opposed to the British government's insistence that Rhodesia introduce majority rule before independence, and believed that "Perfidious Albion" (as he called it) was going back on numerous promises of independence for Rhodesia. Three days after becoming Prime Minister, Smith announced there would be no plans to bring Rhodesia under "black majority rule" in his lifetime;^[15] later, in his memoirs, Smith maintained that he was referring to black rule as it was in other African countries such as Ghana, Uganda and Tanzania, which after independence and the implementation of black control had become dictatorships.

White minority rule originated in property and education qualifications for voting that were in place when the British government introduced self-government in 1923. Such qualifications were unexceptional by the standards of the 1920s, and, although slightly modified over the years, they ensured a situation up to 1979 in which whites had 95% of the votes in national elections, while they were never more than 5.5% of the population. Despite this imbalance in the Rhodesian electoral system, Smith and other white politicians argued there was nothing fundamentally racist about it: They stated that improvements in black education and wealth would, over time, ensure a gradual move to majority rule. The Rhodesian government retained the African community's traditional tribal structure, and regularly consulted the tribal chiefs – seen by the government as the legitimate voice of the country's black people – to gain an insight into the feelings of those parts of the population that were difficult to reach by other political means. This was often done by the calling of an "indaba", a large scale conference of tribal leaders to air opinions and concerns. However, critics argued that the entire political arrangement in Rhodesia was poised deliberately to entrench indefinite economic and political privilege for the country's whites, and that the maintenance of the tribal system was done to discourage blacks from participating in mainstream politics.

Zimbabwe African People's Union leader Joshua Nkomo, pictured in 1975

During the mid-1950s, a black nationalist movement emerged in Rhodesia which adopted a campaign of violence and intimidation to make black voters boycott any elections. Many of the people targeted were peaceful farmers with no interest in politics; despite this, the boycotts were later cited by the British as evidence that the Rhodesian electoral system was biased towards the European minority. The early political parties were banned before the RF was elected in 1962; they re-emerged in the form of two main parties, the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), which espoused an increasingly militant nationalism. ZANU came to be led by Robert Mugabe, a man of the majority Shona tribe who drew on a largely Shona-speaking support base; meanwhile, Ndebele Joshua Nkomo led ZAPU, made up primarily by the Ndebele-speaking minority. Both parties held Communist ideologies, which resulted in Smith's strong opposition: Soon after he became prime minister in 1964, Smith imprisoned the entire leadership of the black nationalist movement,^[3] resulting in the widespread rioting in Salisbury and the arrest of 250 black Rhodesians.^[15] Smith justified this by stating that they were interned for criminal acts, not political ones, but the damage was still done. The banning of successive nationalist parties from August 1959 to August 1964 hastened their radicalisation and strengthened the nationalists' resolve to turn to armed struggle.

The Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) and its aftermath[link]

Most of the United Kingdom's African colonies had won independence during the early 1960s: Rhodesia sought this also, but the British government insisted on a transfer to majority rule before independence would be granted. The Rhodesian cabinet issued a Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) on 11 November 1965 anyway, attracting widespread international condemnation and the first instance of economic sanctions in the history of the United Nations, led by Britain and the OAU. The government of South Africa was sympathetic and supportive of the Smith administration and continued trading as usual with Rhodesia; additionally as trade was lost with Britain and America, export and import contracts were simply secured with other countries, rendering the sanctions ineffective.

The UN sanctions implemented restrictions on any form of trade or financial transaction with Rhodesia. They also made it difficult for Rhodesians to travel abroad: The Norwegian government angered Smith in 1979 when it refused to allow him to travel to Norway to attend the wedding of his son Alec. In the short term, Rhodesia was able to evade sanctions with the assistance of a few sympathetic governments and some "sanction-busting" private companies. A number of white Rhodesians were uneasy about UDI; the business community was particularly concerned about the resultant economic dislocation and loss of markets.^[16] The Rhodesian Council of Churches became increasingly opposed to UDI on moral grounds.^[17]

A light-blue British ensign (left) was adopted as Rhodesia's flag in 1964, and remained the de jure flag until 1980. Meanwhile, the Rhodesian green-and-white (right) was used de facto from 1968 to 1979.

In the three years after UDI, there were two rounds of negotiations between the Rhodesian and British governments. The issue was the terms on which UDI could be ended and the position of Rhodesia regularized within the international community. The central figures in both these negotiations were Smith and British Prime Minister Harold Wilson.

The first round of negotiations was held in Gibraltar in December 1966 on board HMS Tiger. The terms the British offered on this occasion were that Smith's government should resign, allowing the British governor to appoint a "broad-based" government with an RF majority, but with five non-RF members of whom two would be black. The existing 1961 constitution would be modified to accelerate the expansion of black representation leading to majority rule in the near term. This offer was dismissed by Smith, who viewed it as terms for surrender.

A second round of negotiations took place on board HMS Fearless in October 1968. The terms offered on HMS Tiger were moderated by dropping the need for an interim return to British rule. However, the requirement for the installation of a broad-based government and an accelerated move to majority rule remained. Smith dismissed this offer as well. Smith's perceived unconditional support from the South African government was critical to his decision not to agree to the deal.^[18]

In 1969 Smith unveiled the new republican constitution for Rhodesia. The architects of UDI offered "equal partnership between black and white" as an alternative to majority rule. Whites and blacks would vote in general elections on separate rolls and the number of assembly members elected by each roll would depend on the total income tax paid by each community. Initially, whites would have 50 assembly members and blacks 16. But it was planned that the number of black members would rise over time in line with growing contribution to the “fisc” until there were 50. At that point, equal partnership would have been achieved and a final settlement would have been arrived at. This was presented to the outside world as Smith's vision for the future of the country.

However, Smith made comments indicating that his commitment to equal partnership was less than wholehearted. One journalist heard him say, "With immigration and so forth, this thing may never come."^[19] White immigration in the late 1960s had pushed the white share of the population to its all time peak of 5.5% in 1970. Smith indicated that a continuation of this trend might fundamentally shift the demographics of the country.

The Conservatives won the 1970 British general election and the new British government reopened negotiations with Smith. In 1971 the British government offered the Smith administration even more generous terms to end UDI. In particular, the Rhodesian land apportionment which reserved 50% of the country's land for white ownership would be allowed to continue in perpetuity. British Foreign Secretary Alec Douglas-Home privately warned Smith that it would be unwise to do this.^[20] The electoral system would be modified to allow black representation in the assembly to grow in line with voter numbers rather than contribution to the fisc and there would be no equal representation cap. However, education and wealth qualifications in the electoral roll would keep black representation very much in a minority for an extended period.^[21] Smith stated that this settlement allowed that "racial discrimination may continue as long as it is justifiable and reasonable" and he accepted it.

The head of Rhodesia's Methodist Church called it a "constitutional rape of Africans by both the Rhodesian and British governments." The British withdrew the deal in 1972. A few months later Marxist insurgents attacked white-owned farms leading to the Bush War.

In October 1974 Prime Minister of South Africa B.J. Vorster launched his policy of “détente” with black Africa and began pushing Smith to end white minority rule. As a consequence he withdrew diplomatic support for the UDI regime which had become a major obstacle for Vorster's new policy. Vorster demanded that Smith release the black nationalist leaders in detention and Smith reluctantly gave in and released them. Then suddenly without warning, Vorster then proceeded to remove the contingent of South African police guarding the northern border against guerrilla incursions. This shocked Smith. One could expect this from the British, he said, but now with the South Africans, “there was obvious deceit”. Vorster also severely limited the supply from South Africa of fuel, munitions and aircraft spares that were badly needed by the government in the Bush War and this consequently severely impeded the Rhodesian war effort.^[3]

In 1976 US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger formulated what came to be known as a six-step "Kissinger Plan" (or "Kissinger Initiative") with the concurrence of the British government and the participation of South Africa's Vorster. Kissinger flew to South Africa and met with Smith and Vorster in Pretoria. UK Prime Minister James Callaghan said the plan could end fighting in Rhodesia. Smith accepted the plan with reluctance, explaining,

"The proposals which were put to us do not represent what in our view would have been the best solution for the Rhodesian problem. Regretfully, however, we were not able to make our views prevail. … The American and British governments, together with major Western powers, have made up their minds as to the kind of solution they wish to see in Rhodesia, and they are determined to bring it about."^[22]

Throughout the 15-year period leading up to the independence of Zimbabwe, Ian Smith was given support in both the UK and US by various groups, including the Conservative Monday Club who organized pro-Rhodesia demonstrations outside number 10 Downing Street several times during the late 1970s, and provided Smith with a platform at several receptions and major dinners. The Club had a Rhodesia sub-committee chaired by Tory MP, Harold Soref. In December 1967 Barry Goldwater, Senator from Arizona and Republican candidate for the 1964 presidential election, praised Smith in an interview with Harvey Ward in Salisbury, saying, "We need more men like Ian Smith, I think, in the world today. We have too few leaders and I'd like to see him multiplied a little bit, and spread around."^[23]

However, groups from other positions on the Anglo-American political spectrum were opposed to the Smith regime. Peter Hain (the future Northern Ireland Secretary and Welsh Secretary in the British Government) was active, as a leading Young Liberal, in organising demonstrations and campaigns against Smith. US President Jimmy Carter and his Ambassador to the UN Andrew Young would become key figures in the ultimate demise of UDI.

Having conceded the principle of immediate majority rule in 1976, Smith initially appeared reluctant to actually take the steps necessary to implement it. Smith conducted lengthy discussions with the US, British and South African governments as well as conducting secret and open talks with almost all the black nationalist parties. At one stage, the British appointed a governor-designate of Rhodesia (Michael Carver) in anticipation of an end to UDI. Opportunities to settle with moderate black leaders and the international community came and went.

"Smith failed to take advantage of opportunities, and in so doing, he came to appear both intransigent and indecisive." – Brookings Institution study on conflict management^[24]

Smith's intention was to secure the position of the white community in a post-independence Rhodesia through implementing majority rule with some qualifications. The practical result of this delay was that the military balance in the Bush War began to tip decisively in the insurgents' favour. Heavily armed guerrilla fighters entered Rhodesia in large numbers from bases in Mozambique, Zambia and Botswana. 80% of Rhodesian war casualties were incurred in the period January 1977 to December 1979.^[25]

End of UDI[link]

The geographical situation in 1965 (left, on independence) and 1975 (right, after the independence of Angola and Mozambique). Green: Rhodesia; blue: friendly nations; camel: others.

Rhodesia's isolation intensified once Mozambique became independent of Portuguese rule in 1975, and when South Africa started to scale back its support. The measures required to evade UN sanctions meant that the Rhodesian economy as a whole had to buy at a premium and sell at a discount. There had been almost nil inward investment during UDI.

Eventually, Smith had to bow to the inevitable and concede a form of majority rule. However, he struggled to qualify the nature of majority rule. The "internal settlement" negotiated with some minor moderate black parties in 1978 left the white minority with an entrenched position. Whites were guaranteed nearly one-third of the seats in parliament, one quarter of the places in the cabinet and control of the police, army, civil service and judiciary.

In 1979 the first multi-racial parliamentary elections (but with separate black and white rolls) were held as part of this settlement. However, ZANU and ZAPU did not participate because they opposed the internal settlement. Following the 1979 election, Rhodesia was renamed Zimbabwe Rhodesia. Bishop Abel Muzorewa of the United African National Council party became the country's first and only black Prime Minister in June 1979. Smith became minister without portfolio in the new government after failing in a bid to be made Minister of Defence.

War between the government and the insurgents continued. Sanctions continued and diplomatic recognition was not granted. The British Government persuaded all parties to come to Lancaster House under Lord Carrington in September 1979 to work out an agreement. A critical element in arriving at that agreement was the defection of one of the members of the RF delegation, much to Smith's disgust. A peculiar feature of both the internal and Lancaster House settlements was the retention of a significant number of parliamentary seats reserved for a white electorate. This reflected a wish among Rhodesian whites to maintain a distinct and separate status from the rest of the population. It was around this time that Smith used the phrase "Perfidious Albion," 'treacherous Britain', to refer to Great Britain and the sense of betrayal he felt from the British government.^[3][26]

One thing Smith did achieve in the Lancaster House Agreement was an agreement that no form of compulsory land redistribution would take place for at least 10 years after independence, securing the immediate position of the white farming community. The Agreement gave unconditional immunity from prosecution to all those who had participated in UDI and the Bush War.

UDI ended and a British governor (Lord Soames) took over the running of Rhodesia on 12 December 1979. The Rhodesian Bush War ended and sanctions were lifted a few days later.^[27]

1980 election and independence[link]

Prime Minister Robert Mugabe on a state visit to the United States in 1983

Elections were once again held again in 1980, under international supervision. Smith hoped to retain a measure of white control over the government after this election by forming a coalition between his RF MPs and those of Muzorewa's UANC and Nkomo's ZAPU, but Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) won the election outright with 57 of the 80 common-roll seats. Smith initially demanded that the election be declared null and void because of widespread intimidation of voters and candidates during the election campaign; however, international observers concluded that the election was fair, given the time and place in which it was conducted.

The British Governor declared his intention to endorse the result of the election (with the final results due to be declared on 4 March 1980) and a date was set for the independence of the country as Zimbabwe. The situation was now delicately poised, with some whites planning a military coup (Operation Quartz) to prevent Robert Mugabe from taking power.^[28] At this point, Smith's son Alec (newly returned from political exile) approached Smith while Joram Kucherera (a senior civil servant) approached Mugabe in order to arrange a meeting to discuss the future of the country.^[29] On the night of 3 March 1980 Smith was driven to Mugabe's house by Kucherera. Smith and Mugabe spoke privately for two hours and immediately afterwards Smith met with other senior ZANU figures. The meetings were surprisingly cordial. Mugabe offered key Ministries in the new government to RF MPs and agreed to allow senior officials (such as Lieutenant-General Peter Walls, head of the army) to remain in post. As far as is known, no minutes of the Smith-Mugabe meeting were kept. Both parties have been guarded about what was said and agreed that night.

On 4 March Smith advised the white community to accept the verdict of the election and respond "pragmatically" to events. Specifically, he told the white community to stay in the country and co-operate with the incoming ZANU-PF government. Operation Quartz, scheduled for 4 March, was abruptly called off. A few weeks later, the co-operation agreement resulted in the Rhodesian army (with white officers) acting to maintain government control of Bulawayo in the face of an attack by ZIPRA dissidents. Later in 1980, Smith was a member of a delegation making presentations in Europe to international financial institutions regarding investment opportunities in Zimbabwe. The former Rhodesian security forces acted throughout 1980 and 1981 to maintain stability in the country. Smith contributed to the orderly manner in which the country moved to independence.

Smith became official Leader of the Opposition in Parliament, as leader of the newly renamed Republican Front. But Smith insisted on keeping the RF as a whites only party. The party would later change its name to Conservative Alliance Zimbabwe (CAZ). During the next five years, Smith's support among the white elite began to erode and 11 out of the 20 sitting white MPs defected to ZANU or became independents. In the 1985 election, Smith's RF managed to recapture 15 of the 20 reserved white parliamentary seats. As allowed by the independence constitution, Mugabe moved to abolish the reserved white seats.

Smith retired to his farm in Shurugwi, his political career of 39 years over.

Retirement[link]

Smith (standing) at a dinner organised in his honour by Denis Walker (far left) at Lympne Castle, Kent, in 1990. Smith is flanked by Conservative MPs Nicholas and Ann Winterton and Rhodesian flags.

After his retirement from active politics, Smith became an outspoken critic of Mugabe's government. Smith's 1997 autobiography, The Great Betrayal (later reissued as Bitter Harvest), is as much a criticism of Mugabe's governance as it is a memoir. The book received mixed reviews. Longtime admirers of Smith were confirmed in their view of him as a man of integrity. His critics saw in the book a stubborn refusal to acknowledge the need for any form of change. He accused many, such as British Prime Minister Harold Wilson, of purposely trying to cause harm to Rhodesia. Smith's bitterness at his government's international isolation is a central theme in the book.

Unlike most of his contemporaries from the UDI era, such as P. K. van der Byl, Smith remained in Zimbabwe when he retired. His son Alec returned from Europe and became his business partner, taking over the running of the family farm. When militants attempted to take over the farm in September 2001, Smith called the regional governor, who promptly sent police to intervene on his behalf and force the invaders off. According to Smith, the trespassers were shocked to learn the police were coming to his aid and, in his own words, "beat it" before law enforcement even arrived.^[30]

Smith contributed regularly to both local and foreign media reports on current affairs. Those contributions became increasingly critical of his successor Robert Mugabe, whom he described as "mentally deranged" while overseas in 2000. Mugabe reacted with a threat to have Smith arrested and tried for genocide should he ever return to Zimbabwe, which the former prime minister mocked: "I will give him the date and time of arrival of my plane so he can meet me at the airport," he said.^[31] When Smith did return a few days later, he was met by a mass of reporters waiting to witness his arrest; however, the former prime minister was greeted warmly by immigration officials at Harare airport and went home unhindered. He was neither arrested nor prosecuted.

Shortly before his death, Smith was interviewed by the journalist Heidi Holland, who was working on Dinner With Mugabe, a book based on psychology and politics, focusing on Mugabe. Chapter 7 of her book, I told you so, is based on Holland's encounter with Smith.^[32] In the book, Mugabe claimed to be a forgiving person, and said it was a good thing that he was; "Otherwise, I would have slaughtered lots of people, including Ian Smith. I always used to joke with Smith that he had borrowed hair [meaning Smith's scalp] which rightly belonged to us, but he could continue to wear it …”^[33]

Death[link]

In early 2005 Smith travelled to South Africa for medical treatment.^[34] In January 2006 his only son, Alec, died. Ian Smith was reported to have been devastated by the news and not to have recovered from it either mentally or physically. He stayed on to live with his widowed stepdaughter Jean in Cape Town, South Africa, where there is a significant Rhodesian expatriate community, until he died on 20 November 2007 at the age of 88.^[35][36] The cause of death was unknown but he had been reported to be in ill health in a residential home.^[36]

References[link]

• Mungazi, Dickson A. (1998), The Last Defenders of the Laager: Ian D. Smith and F. W. de Klerk, Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, ISBN 0-275-96030-7, OCLC 37546908 .
• Smith, Ian Douglas (2001), Bitter Harvest: The Great Betrayal and the Dreadful Aftermath, London: Blake Publishing, ISBN 1-903402-05-0, OCLC 1676807 .
• Van Rensburg, A. P. J. (1975), Contemporary Leaders of Africa, Cape Town: HAUM, ISBN 0-7986-0156-6, OCLC 1676807 .
• Wood, J. R. T. (2005), So Far and No Further!: Rhodesia's Bid for Independence During the Retreat from Empire 1959–1965, Victoria, British Columbia: Trafford Publishing, ISBN 1-4120-4952-0, OCLC 61258300 .

Notes[link]