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Jia Qinglin (born March 1940 in Botou, Hebei, China) is a senior leader of the People's Republic of China. He is the fourth ranking member of the Politburo Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China, the Chairman and Party secretary of the National Committee of the People's Political Consultative Conference.^[1] Jia's functions as the head of China's consultative legislative body are largely ceremonial in nature. Earlier he had served as the CPC Party Chief in the country's southern Fujian province and Beijing.^{[2][3] [4]}

Political career[link]

An engineer by profession, and one of former General Secretary Jiang Zemin's trusted allies and protege, Jia Qinglin's rise in the politburo is attributed to his relationship with Jiang. Jia served as the Party chief in Fujian in the early 1990s. He was later transferred to Beijing in 1996 to replace then Beijing Party-chief Chen Xitong who was arrested on corruption charges. Jia served as the acting Mayor, Mayor and Party Chief in Beijing, coming onto the national and international spotlight during the 50th Anniversary of PRC celebrations as the event's host.^[2][5]

At the national level[link]

Because of his high local position and his ties with then-General Secretary Jiang Zemin, in November 2002 Jia became the fourth-ranking member on the powerful Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) of the Communist Party of China.^[6] Although his ceremonial role as the Chairman of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, a quasi-consultative upper house in China's political system, makes him fourth in the order of precedence, it is widely accepted that the position has very little power, perhaps the least amount of power in the nine PSC members. Jia Qinglin was the most senior Chinese official to attend the funeral of Zhao Ziyang. With the transition of authority to Hu Jintao in 2005, Jia appears to have been given the job of coordinating policy on Taiwan.^[2][7]

Jia was reelected to the 17th Politburo Standing Committee during the CPC 17th national congress, a move that analysts predicted partly because of Jia's loyalty to his patron Jiang Zemin.

Career timeline[link]

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1956–1958: Student majoring in industrial enterprise planning at Shijiazhuang Industrial Management School.

1958–1962: Student majoring in electric motor and appliance design and manufacture of the Department of Electric Power of Hebei institution of Technology (now Hebei University of Technology).

1962–1969: Technician of the Complete Plant Bureau of the First Machine-Building Industry Ministry and deputy secretary of its CYLC organization.

1969–1971: Did manual work in the 7 May Cadre School of the First Machine-Building Industry Ministry in Fengxin County, Jiangxi Province.

1971–1973: Technician of the Policy Research Office of the General Office of the First Machine-Building Industry Ministry.

1973–1978: Chief of the Product Management Bureau of the First Ministry of Machine-building Industry.

1978–1983: General manager of China National Machinery and Equipment Import and Export Corporation.

1983–1985: Director of Taiyuan Heavy Machinery Plant and secretary of its Party committee.

1985–1986: Member of the Standing Committee of the CPC Fujian Provincial Committee and its deputy secretary.

1986–1988: Deputy secretary of the CPC Fujian Provincial Committee and head of the Organization Department of the CPC Fujian Provincial Committee.

1988–1990: Deputy secretary of the CPC Fujian Provincial Committee, president of the Party School of the CPC Fujian Provincial Committee and secretary of the Work Committee of Departments under the CPC Fujian Provincial Committee.

1990–1991: Deputy secretary of the CPC Fujian Provincial Committee, deputy governor and acting governor of Fujian Province.

1991–1993: Deputy secretary of the CPC Fujian Provincial Committee and governor of Fujian Province.

1993–1994: Secretary of the CPC Fujian Provincial Committee and governor of Fujian Province.

1994–1996: Secretary of the CPC Fujian Provincial Committee and chairman of the Standing Committee of the Fujian Provincial People's Congress.

1996–1997: Deputy secretary of the CPC Beijing Municipal Committee, vice-mayor, acting mayor and mayor of Beijing.

1997–1999: Member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, secretary of the CPC Beijing Municipal Committee and mayor of Beijing.

1999–2002: Member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and secretary of the CPC Beijing Municipal Committee.

2002–: Member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee.

March 2003: Elected chairman of the 10th National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference.

See also[link]

• Politics of the People's Republic of China

References[link]

External links[link]

• Jia Qinglin biography @ China Vitae

v t e Members of the 17th Politburo Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China General Secretary 1. Hu Jintao Other members 2. Wu Bangguo 3. Wen Jiabao 4. Jia Qinglin 5. Li Changchun 6. Xi Jinping 7. Li Keqiang 8. He Guoqiang 9. Zhou Yongkang

v t e Members of the 16th Politburo Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China General Secretary 1. Hu Jintao Other members 2. Wu Bangguo 3. Wen Jiabao 4. Jia Qinglin 5. Zeng Qinghong 6. Huang Ju 7. Wu Guanzheng 8. Li Changchun 9. Luo Gan

v t e Chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference Mao Zedong Zhou Enlai vacant (1976–1978) Deng Xiaoping Deng Yingchao Li Xiannian vacant (1992–1993) Li Ruihuan Jia Qinglin

The Assembly were a British synthpop project formed in 1983 in Basildon, England, by Vince Clarke (songwriting, keyboards, backing vocals) and Eric Radcliffe (songwriting, production).

Feargal Sharkey was hired as a guest vocalist for the A-side of the group's only single, "Never Never". Clarke and Radcliffe had planned to use a different singer on each track the group recorded,^[1] but the group disbanded after the release of "Never Never", and no other vocalists were employed by the duo.

Band history[link]

Clarke founded The Assembly shortly after disbanding Yazoo (featuring vocalist Alison Moyet), upon completion and distribution of Yazoo's 1983 album, You and Me Both.

The Assembly marked the most-involved phase of Clarke's long-term professional relationship with sound engineer Radcliffe, who had contributed significant influences to the recordings of Clarke's previous bands, Depeche Mode and Yazoo. However, the Assembly project never became a full-fledged band and resulted in only one single release, the UK hit "Never Never". It featured a sampled guitar track triggered note for note on a Fairlight CMI). The sound was augmented by session musician Clem Clempson on electric guitar.^[1]

Former Undertones frontman Feargal Sharkey was hired to sing on this track. Clarke and Radcliffe had planned to use a different singer on each track the group recorded,^[1] but none were released after "Never Never".

The other track on the single, "Stop/Start," was an instrumental, featuring Clarke's signature songwriting style with syncopation that gradually became the downbeat of the musical phrase.^{[citation needed]}

Despite the commercial success of the single, The Assembly was no longer a functioning entity by the end of 1984. Clarke went on to form Erasure with vocalist and co-songwriter Andy Bell in 1985. Although Erasure worked with Radcliffe on some of their early work, they eventually began working with other producers and engineers, including Flood. Sharkey, for his part, began a successful solo career in 1984 and achieved his only UK number one single in 1985 with "A Good Heart".

"Never Never" was re-released on CD single in 1996 with four tracks, containing both the normal and extended versions of both the title song, and "Stop/Start".^[1] The music video for "Never Never", filmed at Upminster Windmill in the London Borough of Havering, was featured on the first Now That's What I Call Music! video in 1983, though it did not feature on the corresponding compilation album.

Reunion[link]

In May 2011, Sharkey appeared on stage during the Erasure set at Mute Records's Short Circuit music festival for a one-off performance of "Never, Never" with Clarke.

Discography[link]

• "Never Never" – A side "Never Never", B side "Start-Stop" (instrumental) – 1983 – Mute TINY1 – No. 4 UK^[2]

See also[link]

• The Tube (TV series)
• Casio VL-1

References[link]

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The Gang of Four (simplified Chinese: 四人帮; traditional Chinese: 四人幫; pinyin: Sìrén bàng) was the name given to a political faction composed of four Chinese Communist Party officials. They came to prominence during the Cultural Revolution (1966–76) and were subsequently charged with a series of treasonous crimes. The members consisted of Mao Zedong's last wife Jiang Qing, the leading figure of the group, and her close associates Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan, and Wang Hongwen.

The Gang of Four effectively controlled the power organs of the Communist Party of China through the latter stages of the Cultural Revolution, although it remains unclear which major decisions were made through Mao Zedong and carried out by the Gang, and which were the result of the Gang of Four's own planning.

The Gang of Four, together with disgraced Communist general Lin Biao, were labeled the two major "counter-revolutionary forces" of the Cultural Revolution and officially blamed by the Chinese government for the worst excesses of the societal chaos that ensued during the ten years of turmoil. Their downfall in a coup d'état on October 6, 1976, a mere month after Mao's death, brought about major celebrations on the streets of Beijing and marked the end of a turbulent political era in China.

Formation[link]

The group was led by Jiang Qing, and consisted of three of her close associates, Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan, and Wang Hongwen. Two other men who were already dead in 1976, Kang Sheng and Xie Fuzhi, were named as having been part of the "Gang". Chen Boda and Mao Yuanxin, the latter being Mao's nephew, were also considered some of the Gang's closer associates.

Most Western accounts consider that the actual leadership of the Cultural Revolution consisted of a wider group, referring predominantly to the members of the Central Cultural Revolution Group. Most prominent was Lin Biao, until his purported flight from China and death in a plane crash in 1971. Chen Boda is often classed as a member of Lin's faction rather than Jiang Qing's.^[1]

Role[link]

The removal of this group from power is sometimes considered to have marked the end of the Cultural Revolution, which had been launched by Mao in 1966 as part of his power struggle with leaders such as Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping and Peng Zhen. Mao placed Jiang Qing, who before 1966 had not taken a public political role, in charge of the country’s cultural apparatus. Zhang, Yao and Wang were party leaders in Shanghai who had played leading roles in securing that city for Mao during the Cultural Revolution.

Around the time of the death of Lin Biao, the Cultural Revolution began to lose impetus. The new commanders of the People's Liberation Army demanded that order be restored in light of the dangerous situation along the border with the Soviet Union (see Sino-Soviet split). The Premier, Zhou Enlai, who had accepted the Cultural Revolution but never fully supported it, regained his authority, and used it to bring Deng Xiaoping back into the Party leadership at the 10th Party Congress in 1973. Liu Shaoqi had meanwhile died in prison in 1969.

Near the end of Mao's life, a power struggle occurred between the Gang of Four and the alliance of Deng Xiaoping, Zhou Enlai, and Ye Jianying.

Downfall[link]

It is now officially claimed by the Communist Party of China that Mao in his last year turned against Jiang Qing and her associates, and that after his death on 9 September 1976, they attempted to seize power (the same allegation made against Lin Biao in 1971). Even decades later, it is impossible to know the full truth of these events.

It does appear that their influence was in decline before Mao's death: when Zhou Enlai died in January 1976, he was succeeded not by one of the radicals but by the unknown Hua Guofeng. In April 1976, Hua was officially appointed Premier of the State Council. Upon Mao's death Hua was named Communist Party chairman as well.

The "Gang" had arranged for Deng Xiaoping's purge in April 1976 (however, he would return and by 1978 become the real power of the Party). They hoped that the key military leaders Wang Dongxing and Chen Xilian would support them, but it seems that Hua won the Army over to his side. On 6 October 1976, Hua had the four leading radicals and a number of their lesser associates arrested. A massive media campaign was then launched against them, dubbing them the Gang of Four and blaming them for all the excesses of the Cultural Revolution.

Han Suyin gives a detailed account of their overthrow:

An emergency session of the Politburo was to take place in the Great Hall of the People that evening. Their presence was required. Since Wang Dongxing had been their ally, they did not suspect him... As they passed through the swinging doors into the entrance lobby, they were apprehended and led off in handcuffs. A special 8341 unit then went to Madam Mao's residence at No. 17 Fisherman's Terrace and arrested her. That night Mao Yuanxin was arrested in Manchuria, and the propagandists of the Gang of Four in Peking University and in newspaper offices were taken into custody. All was done with quiet and efficiency. In Shanghai, the Gang's supporters received a message to come to Beijing "for a meeting". They came and were arrested. Thus, without shedding a drop of blood, the plans of the Gang of Four to wield supreme power were ended.

—^[2]

Although not referred to as such in China because the Communist Party remained in control, this was effectively a coup d'état. Beginning on 21 October, nationwide denunciations of the Gang began, which culminated in the December releases of files related to the Gang's alleged crimes to the public. Celebrations were prominent and not limited to the streets of Beijing and other major cities.

Aftermath[link]

Immediately after the coup d’état, Hua Guofeng, who appeared to be Mao's designated successor, Marshall Ye Jianying, and economic czars Chen Yun and Li Xiannian formed the core of the next party leadership.^[3] These three, together with the newly rehabilitated Deng Xiaoping and bodyguard coup leader Wang Dongxing were elected party Vice Chairmen at the August 1977 11th National Party Congress.^[4] At the politburo level, the membership of all four living marshals, seven other generals and at least five others with close military ties reflected the deep concern for national stability.

Trial[link]

In 1981, the four deposed leaders were subjected to a show trial and convicted of anti-party activities. During the trial, Jiang Qing in particular was extremely defiant, protesting loudly and bursting into tears at some points. She was the only member of the Gang of Four who bothered to argue on her behalf. The defence's argument was that she obeyed the orders of Chairman Mao Zedong at all times. Zhang Chunqiao refused to admit any wrong as well. Yao Wenyuan and Wang Hongwen expressed repentance and confessed their alleged crimes.

The prosecution separated political errors from actual crimes. Among the latter were the usurpation of state power and party leadership; the persecution of some 750,000 people, 34,375 of whom died during the period 1966-76.^[5] The official records of the trial have not yet been released.

Jiang Qing and Zhang Chunqiao received death sentences that were later commuted to life imprisonment, while Wang Hongwen and Yao Wenyuan were given life and twenty years in prison, respectively. They were all later released. All members of the Gang of Four have since died; Jiang Qing committed suicide in 1991, Wang Hongwen died in 1992, and Zhang Chunqiao and Yao Wenyuan died in 2005.

Supporters of the Gang of Four, including Chen Boda and Mao Yuanxin, were also sentenced.

"Little Gang of Four"[link]

In the struggle between the conservative Hua Guofeng's clique and the one of Deng Xiaoping, a new term emerged, pointing to Hua's four closest collaborators, Wang Dongxing, Wu De, Ji Dengkui,and Chen Xilian. In 1980, they were charged with "grave errors" in the struggle against the Gang of Four and demoted from the Political Bureau to mere Central Committee membership.

See also[link]

• Soviet Union's Anti-Party Group

References[link]

Li Keqiang 李克强
9th First Vice Premier of the People's Republic of China
Incumbent
Assumed office 17 March 2008
Premier	Wen Jiabao
Preceded by	Wu Yi (Acting)
Member of the National People's Congress
Incumbent
Assumed office 15 March 1993
Constituency	Anhui At-large (93–98) Henan At-large (98-08) Liaoning At-large (08-)
11th Communist Party Committee Secretary of Liaoning
In office December 2004 – October 2007
Deputy	Zhang Wenyue
Preceded by	Wen Shizhen
Succeeded by	Zhang Wenyue
12th Communist Party Committee Secretary of Henan
In office December 2002 – December 2004
Deputy	Li Chengyu
Preceded by	Chen Kuiyuan
Succeeded by	Xu Guangchun
First Secretary of the Communist Youth League of China
In office May 1993 – June 1998
Preceded by	Song Defu
Succeeded by	Zhou Qiang
Personal details
Born	(1955-07-01) 1 July 1955 (age 56) Dingyuan, China
Political party	Communist Party of China
Spouse(s)	Cheng Hong
Alma mater	Peking University
Signature

Li Keqiang (born 1 July 1955) is the Executive Vice-Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, the seventh ranked member of the Politburo Standing Committee, the People's Republic of China's de facto highest decision-making body. As Premier Wen Jiabao's top lieutenant, Li's official portfolio includes economic development, price controls, finance, climate change, and macroeconomic management.

Li rose through the ranks of the Communist Youth League. From 1998 to 2004, Li served as the Governor of Henan and the province's CPC party chief, and then the Liaoning party chief, an office that made him first-in-charge in that province. Li is speculated as the likely successor to Wen Jiabao as Premier in the "fifth generation" (Xi-Li Administration) of CPC leadership.

Biography[link]

Early life[link]

Li Keqiang was born in Dingyuan County, Anhui on 1 July 1955. His father was a local official in Anhui. Li graduated from high school in 1974, during the Cultural Revolution, and was sent for rural labour in Fengyang County, Anhui, where he eventually joined the Communist Party of China and made his way to becoming the party head of the local production team. He was awarded with the honour of Outstanding Individual in the Study of Mao Zedong Thought during this time.^[1]

He refused his father's offer of grooming him for the local county's party leadership and entered the School of Law at Peking University, where he received his LLB and became the President of the University's Student Council. He would go on to acquire a PhD in Economics. In 1980 he became the Communist Youth League Secretary at Peking University. He entered the top leadership of the Communist Youth League (CYL) in 1982 as a member of its Secretariat, and has worked closely with current General Secretary Hu Jintao, who also rose through the ranks of the CYL, ever since. Li became the organization's General Secretary in 1993, and served until 1998. He is a representative member of the first generation to have risen from the CYL leadership.

Provincial tenures[link]

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Li became China's youngest governor when appointed to the position of Governor of Henan, one of China's most populous provinces, in June 1998, at the age of 43. Knowing the complicated situation Henan was in, and the issues associated with networking in the province, Li consciously left his family in Beijing to head to Zhengzhou alone. In addition, according to provincial government officials working with him at the time, Li refused to participate in any banquets or large fancy events not related to government activities.^[2] During his time as governor a public sense of his ‘bad luck’ grew due to the occurrence of three major fires in the province.^[3]

He is known to be outspoken, and led economic development in the central province, transforming the poor inland region into an attractive area for investment. Li did not waste time pursuing superficial projects, but rather trekked all regions of Henan trying to search for a comprehensive solution to the province's growing problems. Henan jumped in national GDP rankings from 28th in the early 1990s to 18th in 2004, when Li left Henan. However,he was unable to control the widespread of AIDS in the province during his governing, which has been proved to be disastrous.

He was transferred to work as the CPC Committee Secretary in Liaoning in December 2004. In Liaoning he is known for the "Five-points to one Line" project, where he linked up Dalian and Dandong, as well as a series of other ports into a comprehensive network.

National politics[link]

Predictions he would eventually advance to the national level at the 17th Party Congress proved correct when he was elected to the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) in October 2007. He was succeeded in his provincial post by Governor Zhang Wenyue. Li has been touted as a possible successor to Hu Jintao, whose second term as General Secretary, expected to be his last, will end in 2012. At the 2008 National People's Congress, he was elected Vice-Premier, first in rank. This position makes it seem more likely that he will succeed Premier Wen Jiabao. As a result of this it is considered that he has lost out to Xi Jinping in the internal power struggle.^[3]

Since his ascendancy to the PSC, Li has taken on the most important portfolios in the Chinese government, ostensibly being groomed for his upcoming premiership. Li's first major appearance internationally was at the 2010 World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. The event was seen as an "acid test" for Li, whereby he succinctly presented China's long-term vision for development in front of world business and political leaders.^[4] In particular, Li briefed the WEF on China's commitment to sustainable development, green energy, decrease the income gap, and the modernization of key strategic industries.^[4] While reiterating China's commitment to peaceful development and its focus in increasing domestic demand in the face of external pressures during the global financial crisis, Li also warned against protectionism, saying "opening up can be both bilateral and multilateral... in this sense, one plus one is more often than not bigger than two." He also touched upon the importance of international development, and international financial reform. He called for a global governance structure that was "more reflective of the changes in the global political and economic landscape."^[5]

In February 2010, Li gave a speech to ministerial and provincial-level leaders about the importance of changing the economic structure of the country to be better poised for future growth. The speech was published with minor omissions in the 1 June issue of Qiushi, the Communist Party's political theory publication. Li said that China has come to a historical juncture whereby a change in the economic structure must take place for the country to continue its path of growth. Li particularly emphasized the need to boost domestic consumption, and said that urbanization is crucial in this phase.^[6] Li also emphasized that China should be moving towards a more middle class-oriented society with an "olive"-shaped wealth distribution, with the majority of the country's population and wealth belonging to the middle class.^[7]

He has also reiterated the importance of industrialization, urbanization and agricultural modernization in China in order to improve its competitiveness, food security, energy security, affordable housing and healthcare.^[8]

In August 2011, Li went on an official visit to Hong Kong, including a trip to the University of Hong Kong. The political sensitivities and heightened security surrounding the event resulted in the Hong Kong 818 incident, an event that caused controversy in the territory.

Personal life[link]

Li is married to Cheng Hong, a professor at Capital University of Economics and Business in Beijing. His father-in-law was once the vice-secretary of the Communist Youth League Central Committee.^[9]

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Li Keqiang

• 中国政治明星李克强甩掉河南“穷帽子” (Chinese)
• A Louie & Associates Articles: President Hu's Top 4 Aides (2007)
• 胡錦濤愛將李克強的仕途和足跡 (Chinese)
• 李克强出身非平民，成长靠恩师 (Chinese)

v t e Members of the 17th Politburo Standing Committee of the Communist Party of China General Secretary 1. Hu Jintao Other members 2. Wu Bangguo 3. Wen Jiabao 4. Jia Qinglin 5. Li Changchun 6. Xi Jinping 7. Li Keqiang 8. He Guoqiang 9. Zhou Yongkang

v t e First Vice Premiers of the People's Republic of China Chen · Lin · Deng · Wan · Yao · Zhu · Li L. · Huang · Wu (acting) · Li K. List of Vice premiers of the People's Republic of China

v t e Senior members of the State Council of the People's Republic of China Premier Wen Jiabao Vice Premiers Li Keqiang Hui Liangyu Zhang Dejiang Wang Qishan State Councilors Liu Yandong Liang Guanglie Ma Kai Meng Jianzhu Dai Bingguo Secretary-General Ma Kai

Yōhei Kōno at the official residence of the chairman of the House of Representatives in Nagatachō, Tokyo, Japan, in April 2008

Yōhei Kōno (河野 洋平, Kōno Yōhei^?, born 15 January 1937 in Hiratsuka, Kanagawa) is a Japanese politician and a member of the Liberal Democratic Party. He served as Speaker of the House of Representatives from November 2003 until August 2009, when the LDP lost its majority in the 2009 election. Kōno served as speaker for the longest length since the set up of House of Representatives in 1890.^[1]

History[link]

Kōno is the eldest son of Ichirō Kōno, a former minister dealing with the Tokyo Olympic Games. Kenzō Kōno, the chairman of the House of Councillors is his younger uncle.

After graduating from Waseda University, Kōno worked with the Marubeni company. In 1967, Kono's political career began due to the death of his father.

Political Careers[link]

He was Deputy Prime Minister from 1994–95. He was Minister of Foreign Affairs under Prime Minister Yoshirō Mori. He is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). He was once President of the LDP from 1993 to 1995, and to date is the only LDP leader to have never served as Prime Minister of Japan. As he is one of the pro-Chinese members of the LDP, he came under pressure domestically in the spring of 2005 when anti-Japanese movements in China became intense.

Kōno is well known as a controversial figure within the so-called comfort women debate, for the official statement he made in 1993, when he was Chief Cabinet Secretary. In his statement, made after historian Yoshiaki Yoshimi announced he had discovered in the Defense Agency library in Tokyo documentary evidence that the Imperial Japanese Army established and ran "comfort stations", he essentially admitted that the Japanese Imperial Army had been involved, directly and indirectly, in the establishment of comfort facilities, and that coercion had been used in the recruitment and retention of the women. His subsequent call for historical research and education aimed at remembering the issue became the basis for addressing the subject of forced prostitution in school history textbooks.

Footnotes[link]