The subscription business model is a business model where a customer must pay a subscription price to have access to the product/service. The model was pioneered by magazines and newspapers, but is now used by many businesses and websites.

Rather than selling products individually, a subscription sells periodic (monthly or yearly or seasonal) use or access to a product or service, or, in the case of such non-profit organizations as opera companies or symphony orchestras, it sells tickets to the entire run of five to fifteen scheduled performances for an entire season. Thus, a one-time sale of a product can become a recurring sale and can build brand loyalty. It is used for anything where a user is tracked in both a subscribed and unsubscribed status.

Membership fees to some types of organizations, such as trade unions, are also known as subscriptions.

Industries that use this model include mail order book sales clubs and music sales clubs, cable television, satellite television providers with pay-TV channels, satellite radio, telephone companies, cell phone companies, internet providers, software providers, business solutions providers, financial services firms, fitness clubs, and pharmaceuticals, as well as the traditional newspapers, magazines and academic journals.

Renewal of a subscription may be periodic and activated automatically, so that the cost of a new period is automatically paid for by a pre-authorized charge to a credit card or a checking account. In the U.S., recurring card charges must be disclosed in writing to the cardholder at least 10 days before each charge.^[1]

A common model on web sites, colloquially becoming known as the freemium model, is to provide content for free, but restrict access to premium features (for example, archives) to paying subscribers. It has also been described as ransomware. In this case, the subscriber-only content is said to be behind a paywall or - in a scholarly context - closed access, which alludes to the alternative model of open access. The razor and blades business model (also called the bait-and-hook model) is an attempt to approximate the subscription model, but with a formal agreement by both parties.

Types of subscriptions[link]

There are different categories of subscriptions:

• A subscription for a fixed set of goods or services, such as one copy of each issue of a newspaper or magazine for a definite period of time.
• A subscription for unlimited use of a service or collection of services. Usage may be personal and non-transferable, for a family, or under certain circumstances, for a group utilizing a service at one time.

For example, a subscription to a rail pass by a company may not be individualized, but might permit all employees of that firm to use the service. For goods with an unlimited supply and for many luxury services, subscriptions of this type are rare.

• A subscription for basic access or minimal service plus some additional charge depending on usage. A basic telephone service pays a pre-determined fee for monthly use but may have extra charges for additional services such as long-distance calls, directory services and pay-per-call services. When the basic service is offered free-of-charge this Business model is often referred as Freemium.

Effect on the vendor[link]

Businesses benefit because they are assured a predictable and constant revenue stream from subscribed individuals for the duration of the subscriber's agreement. Not only does this greatly reduce uncertainty and the riskiness of the enterprise, but it often provides payment in advance (as with magazines, concert tickets), while allowing customers to become greatly attached to using the service and, therefore, more likely to extend by signing an agreement for the next period close to when the current agreement expires.

In integrated software solutions, for example, the subscription pricing structure is designed so that the revenue stream from the recurring subscriptions is considerably greater than the revenue from simple one-time purchases. In some subscription schemes (like magazines), it also increases sales, by not giving subscribers the option to accept or reject any specific issue. This reduces customer acquisition costs, and allows personalized marketing or database marketing. However, a requirement of the system is that the business must have in place an accurate, reliable and timely way to manage and track subscriptions. Some subscription companies use systems like Aria Systems to track and bill customers that have subscriptions with their business.

From a marketing-analyst perspective, it has the added benefit that the vendor knows the number of currently active members, since a subscription typically involves a contractual agreement. This so-called 'contractual' setting facilitates customer relationship management to a large extent because the analyst knows who is an active customer and who recently churned.^[2]

Additional benefits include a higher average customer lifetime value (ACLV) than that of nonrecurring business models, greater customer inertia and a more committed customer base as it transitions from purchase to opt-out decisions, and more potential for upselling and cross-selling other products or services.^[3]

Effect on the customer[link]

Consumers may find subscriptions convenient if they believe that they will buy a product on a regular basis and that they might save money. For repeated delivery of the product or service, the customer also saves time.

Subscriptions which exist to support clubs and organizations call their subscribers "members" and they are given access to a group with similar interests. An example might be the Computer Science Book Club.

Subscription pricing can make it easier to pay for expensive items, since it can often be paid for over a period of time and thus can make the product seem more affordable. On the other hand, most newspaper and magazine-type subscriptions are paid upfront, and this might actually prevent some customers from signing up.

An unlimited use subscription to a service for a fixed price is an advantage for consumers using those services frequently. However, it could be a disadvantage to a customer who plans to use the service frequently, but later does not. The commitment to paying for a package may have been more expensive than a single purchase would have been.

In addition, subscription models increase the possibility of vendor lock-in, and consumers may find repeated payments to be onerous. Finally, subscription models often require or allow the business to gather substantial amounts of information from the customer (such as magazine mailing lists) and this raises issues of privacy.

Christopher Lochhead, Chief Marketing Officer of Mercury Interactive dissents.^[4]

A subscription model may be beneficial for the software buyer if it forces the supplier to improve its product. Accordingly, a psychological phenomenon may occur when a customer renews a subscription, that may not occur during a one-time transaction: if the buyer is not satisfied with the service, he/she can simply leave the subscription to expire and find another seller.

This is in contrast to many one-time transactions, when customers are forced to make significant commitments through high software prices. Some feel that historically, the "one-time-purchase" model does not give sellers incentive to maintain relationships with their customers (after all, why should they care once they've received their money?). Some who favor a subscription model for software do so because it may change this situation.

The subscription model should align customer and vendor toward common goals, as both stand to benefit if the customer receives value from the subscription. The customer that receives value is more likely to renew the subscription and possibly at an increased rate. The customer that does not receive value will, in theory, return to the marketplace.

In today's wired world, the customer's decision making process is more and more influenced by online newspaper and magazine subscription price comparison search engines.^[5]

Effect on the environment[link]

Because customers may not need all the items received, this can lead to waste and an adverse effect on the environment, depending on the products. Greater volumes of production, greater energy and natural resource consumption, and subsequently greater disposal costs are incurred.

Subscription models might also create the opposite effect. This can be illustrated by subscribing to a service for mowing lawns. The effective use of a single mower increases when mowing for a collection of homes, instead of every family owning their own lawnmower which are not used as much as the service providing mower, the use of resources for producing lawnmowers therefore decreases while lawns stay cut.

See also[link]

• List of accounting topics
• List of business law topics
• List of business theorists
• List of economics topics
• List of economists
• List of finance topics
• List of management topics
• List of marketing topics
• List of production topics
• Open access
• Strategic management

References[link]

Marece Richards (born September 2, 1983),^[1] better known by his stage name Rich Boy, is an American rapper from Mobile, Alabama. He is best known for the hit single "Throw Some D's". His self-titled debut album was released in early 2007.

Background[link]

Early career[link]

Richards dropped out of his studies of mechanical engineering at Tuskegee University in order to concentrate on trying to rap. Rich Boy signed a contract with Zone 4 through Interscope Records and started to work on his debut album.^[2] In the meantime, he snuck onto one of Ludacris' Disturbing tha Peace compilations and on a few mix tapes, such as Comeback Season by Canadian rapper Drake and Da Bottom, Vol. 5 by DJ Ideal and Jermaine Dupri.

[edit] 2007: Self titled debut album

On March 13, 2007, Rich Boy released his self-titled debut album, with the singles "Throw Some D's," "Boy Looka Here," "Good Things", and "Let's Get This Paper". "Throw Some D's" reached #6 on the Billboard Hot 100, #3 on the Hot R&B/Hip-Hop Songs, and #2 on the Hot Rap Tracks chart. "Boy Looka Here" and "Good Things" both peaked around #50 on the R&B chart.^[3]

[edit] 2012: Resurrected In Diamonds

He recently released a single "Top of the World", part of the More Than a Game soundtrack album. Rich Boy's second album Resurrected in Diamonds is slated for a 2012 release.^[4] The first single is "She Luvs Me (She Luvs Mi Knot)" featuring Polow da Don and it was released on June 21, 2010. Dr. Dre and Polow da Don produced on the album.^[5] Rich Boy has also worked with R&B singer Lloyd and Young Money artist Drake, on a track called "To the Floor"^[6]

Discography[link]

Albums[link]

Studio albums[link]

Mixtapes[link]

Singles[link]

Dat Ass[link]

Dat Ass is an internet meme based on a still photograph of rapper Rich Boy that was taken during his studio visit to MTV’s Total Request Live in March 2007. The original picture reveals the young Southern rapper biting his lower lip while trying to listen to someone speaking in the audience. Since its inception, both the facial expression and the catchphrase “Dat Ass” have been used as a popular response to rump threads on message boards.^[13]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Official website
• Rich Boy on Myspace

Ne Win နေဝင်း
Official portrait of Ne Win
1st Chairman of the Burma Socialist Programme Party
In office 4 July 1962 – 23 July 1988
Preceded by	Party created
Succeeded by	Sein Lwin
4th President of Burma
In office 2 March 1974 – 9 November 1981
Preceded by	Win Maung (1962)
Succeeded by	San Yu
3rd Prime Minister of Burma
In office 29 October 1958 – 4 April 1960
Preceded by	U Nu
Succeeded by	U Nu
In office 2 March 1962 – 2 March 1974
Preceded by	U Nu
Succeeded by	Brigadier General Sein Win
Personal details
Born	Maung Shu (1911-05-14)14 May 1911 Paungdalè, Pegu Province, British Burma
Died	5 December 2002(2002-12-05) (aged 91) Yangon, Myanmar
Nationality	Burmese
Political party	Burma Socialist Programme Party
Spouse(s)	Than Nyunt Tin Tin Khin May Than Ni Ni Myint Yadana Nat Mei
Children	Ngwe Soe Sandar Win Phyo Wai Win Kyemon Win
Alma mater	Rangoon University
Religion	Theravada Buddhism

Ne Win (Burmese: နေဝင်း IPA: [nè wɪ́ɴ]; born on 24 May or 14 May 1911 or 10 July 1910 – 5 December 2002) was a Burmese politician and military commander. He was Prime Minister of Burma from 1958 to 1960 and 1962 to 1974 and also head of state from 1962 to 1981. He also was the founder and from 1962 to 1988 the chairman of the Burma Socialist Programme Party, which from 1964 until 1988 was the sole political party in the Burmese nation state.

Date of birth[link]

This unreferenced section requires citations to ensure verifiability.

Ne Win's date of birth is not known with certainty. The English language publication Who's Who in Burma published in 1961 by People's Literature House, Rangoon, stated that Ne Win was born on 24 May 1911. Dr. Maung Maung stated in the Burmese version of his book Burma and General Ne Win, also published in English, that Ne Win was born on 14 May 1911. However, in a book written in Burmese titled The Thirty Comrades, the author Kyaw Nyein gave Ne Win's date of birth as 10 July 1910.

David Ben-Gurion – General Ne Win PM of Burma 1959

Kyaw Nyein's date of 1910 can be considered as the more plausible date. First, Kyaw Nyein had access to historical records and he interviewed many surviving members of the Thirty Comrades when he wrote the book in the mid-to late 1990s. (Ne Win was one of the Thirty Comrades who secretly went to undergo military training in Japanese-occupied Hainan Island in the early 1940s for the purpose of fighting for independence from the British). In his book published around 1998 Kyaw Nyein lists the names of the surviving members of the Thirty Comrades whom he had interviewed, although Ne Win was not one of them.) Secondly, when Ne Win died on 5 December 2002, the Burmese language newspapers that were allowed to carry a paid obituary stated the age of 'U Ne Win' to be '93 years'. According to Burmese custom a person's age is their age upon their next birthday. Since Ne Win turned 92 in July 2002, when he died in December 2002 he was considered to be 93 years old. Most Western news agencies, based on the May 1911 birth date, reported that Ne Win was 91 years old, but the obituary put up by his family (most probably his children) stated that he was 93 years old, which most likely stems from East Asian age reckoning.

Early years[link]

This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (February 2011)

Ne Win, born Shu Maung (ရှုမောင်), was born into a educated middle class Burmese Chinese family in Paungdale about 200 miles north of Rangoon.^[1] He spent two years at Rangoon University beginning in 1929, and took biology as his main subject with hopes of becoming a doctor. However, in 1931 he was expelled from the university after he failed an exam.^[2] Ne Win eventually became "Thakin Shu Maung" or a member of the nationalist organisation Dobama Asiayone (We Burmans Association). Other members of the group included Aung San (father of Aung San Suu Kyi) and U Nu. In 1941 Ne Win, as a member of the Ba Sein-Tun Ok (Socialist) faction of the Dobama, was one of thirty young men chosen for military training by the Japanese . Their leader was Aung San and they formed the Burma Independence Army (BIA). During military training on the then Japanese-occupied Hainan Island Shu Maung chose a nom de guerre, Bo Ne Win (Commander Radiant Sun). In early 1942 the Japanese Army and the BIA entered Burma in the wake of the retreating British forces. Ne Win's role in the campaign was to organize resistance behind the British lines.

The experience of the Japanese occupation of Burma worked to alienate the nationalists as well as the population at large. Toward the end of the Second World War, on 27 March 1945 the Burma National Army (successor to the BIA) turned against the Japanese following the British re-invasion of Burma. Ne Win, as one of the BNA Commanders, was quick to establish links with the British – attending the Kandy conference in Ceylon and taking charge of the anti-Communist operations in the Pyinmana area as commander of the 4th Burma Rifles after the Red Flag Communists and the Communist Party of Burma went underground to fight against the government in October 1946 and on 28 March 1948 respectively. Burma obtained independence on 4 January 1948, and for the first 14 years it had a parliamentary and democratic government mainly under Prime Minister U Nu, but the country was riven with political division. Even before independence, Aung San was assassinated together with six of his cabinet members on 19 July 1947; U Saw, a pre-war prime minister and political rival of Aung San, was found guilty of the crime and executed. U Nu as leader of the Socialists took charge of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) formed by the Communists, Socialists and the BNA in 1945 now that Aung San was dead and the Communists expelled from the AFPFL.

Following independence there were uprisings in the army and among ethnic minority groups. In late 1948, after a confrontation between army rivals, Ne Win was appointed second in command of the army and his rival Bo Zeya, a communist commander and fellow member of the Thirty Comrades, took a portion of the army into rebellion. Ne Win immediately adopted a policy of creating Socialist militia battalions called 'Sitwundan' under his personal command with the approval of U Nu. On 31 January 1949, Ne Win was appointed Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces (Tatmadaw) and given total control of the army replacing General Smith Dun, an ethnic Karen. He rebuilt and restructured the armed forces along the ruling Socialist Party's political lines, but the country was still split and the government was ineffective.

General Ne Win shaking David Ben-Gurion's hand on visit to Israel, 1959.

Ne Win was asked to serve as interim prime minister from 28 October 1958 by U Nu, when the AFPFL split into two factions and U Nu barely survived a motion of no-confidence against his government in parliament. Ne Win restored order during the period known as the Ne Win caretaker government'.^[3] Elections were held in February 1960 and Ne Win handed back power to the victorious U Nu on 4 April 1960.

Military coup of 1962[link]

Less than two years later, on 2 March 1962, Ne Win again seized power in a coup d'état. Ne Win became head of state as Chairman of the Revolutionary Council and also Prime Minister. The coup was characterized as "bloodless" by the world's media. Declaring that "parliamentary democracy was not suitable for Burma," the new regime suspended the constitution and dissolved the legislature.

Following riots at Rangoon University in July 1962, troops were sent to restore order. They fired on protestors and destroyed the student union building.^[4]

Shortly afterward, around 8 pm local time, Ne Win addressed the nation in a five-minute radio speech which concluded with the statement: "if these disturbances were made to challenge us, I have to declare that we will fight sword with sword and spear with spear".^[5] On 13 July 1962, less than a week after the speech, Ne Win left for Austria, Switzerland and the United Kingdom "for a medical check up".^[6] All universities were closed for more than two years until September 1964.

In 1988, 26 years later, Ne Win denied involvement in the dynamiting of the Student Union building, stating that his deputy Brigadier Aung Gyi — who by that time had fallen out with Ne Win and been dismissed — gave the order and was responsible as a "revolutionary leader" by giving the sword with sword and spear with spear speech.

Burmese Way to Socialism (1962–1988)[link]

Ne Win oversaw a number of reforms after taking power. The administration instituted a system including elements of extreme nationalism, Marxism, and Buddhism,^[7] though Ne Win lacked interest in either ideology or religion – terming this the Burmese Way to Socialism. He founded the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), of which he remained the chairman for 26 years from 4 July 1962 until 23 July 1988.

A system of state hospitals and institutions was established in Burma; medical aid was freed. Private hospitals were brought under public ownership. A new system of public education was introduced. A campaign to liquidate illiteracy was carried out starting in 1965. Between 1962 and 1965 important laws against landlords and usury were adopted. They aimed at protecting peasants' rights to land and property and to renting the land. These measures included the law abolishing lands rents.

On 2 March 1974—twelve years after his coup—he disbanded the Revolutionary Council and proclaimed the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma. He was elected President and shortly afterward appointed Brigadier General Sein Win Prime Minister. On 9 November 1981, Ne Win resigned as President and was succeeded in that post by General San Yu. However, Ne Win remained leader of the party and thus remained the ultimate political authority in the land until his resignation in 1988.

Economic policies[link]

His government nationalized the economy and pursued a policy of autarky, which involved the economic isolation of his country from the world. The ubiquitous black market and rampant smuggling supplied the needs of the people, while the central government slid slowly into bankruptcy. Autarky also involved expelling foreigners and restricting visits by foreigners to three days, and after 1972, one week. Furthermore, political oppression caused many in the educated workforce to emigrate.

He also took drastic steps regarding the currency: In 1963, he issued a decree that 50 and 100 kyat notes would cease to be legal tender, alleging that they were subject to hoarding by black-marketeers and were also used to finance the various insurgencies. Though limited compensation was offered, this wiped out people's savings overnight. At least one insurgency, that of the ethnic Kayan, was triggered by this act.

In September 1988 he ordered the Burmese currency, the kyat, to be demonetized in some larger denominations while issuing new denominations of 45 and 90 kyats, crippling the Burmese economy further still.^[8] He reportedly changed the currency to add up to 90 because an astrologer said he would live to 90 if he did this^{[citation needed]}. Ne Win was well known for his penchant for numerology and yadaya (cabalistic rituals and spells performed in order to ward off misfortune).^[9] When his soothsayer warned him that there might be a bloodbath, he would stand in front of a mirror and trample on meat to simulate the blood then shoot himself in the mirror to avert the possibility of an assassination attempt.^[10]

In 1987 after the United Nations had declared Burma a "Least Developed Country", Ne Win, resigned on 23 July 1988 as chairman of the ruling Burma Socialist Programme Party at the height of the uprising against one-party rule.

Protests[link]

Despite the oppression, sporadic protests against the government continued. Students led protests in 1965, December 1969, and December 1970. These demonstrations took place mainly on campuses located in the cities of Rangoon, Mandalay and Moulmein and were often followed by closure of universities and colleges. In June 1974, workers from more than 100 factories throughout the nation participated in a strike, to which the government reacted by shooting about 100 workers and students on 6 June 1974 at the Thamaing Textile Factory and the Sinmalaik Dock Yard in Rangoon. Since Ne Win was in Australia on an official visit at the time, responsibility for these shootings is unclear. On 5 December 1974, students turned the funeral of former UN Secretary General U Thant into a demonstration, snatching the coffin on display at the Kyaikkasan Race Course and erecting a makeshift mausoleum on the grounds of the former Student Union building in protest against the government for not honouring their famous countryman with a state funeral. The military stormed the campus on 11 December killing some of the students, recovered the coffin and buried U Thant at the foot of the Shwedagon pagoda, next to the tomb of Thakin Kodaw Hmaing.^[11]

Students from universities throughout Rangoon demonstrated again in June 1975 in commemoration of the previous year's Labour Strike. Student-led demonstrations also occurred in March 1976, September 1987, March and June 1988. In August and September 1988, these demonstrations turned into a nation-wide uprising against BSPP rule in what is now known as the 'Four Eights Uprising'.

Resignation[link]

At the height of the Four Eights Uprising against the BSSP, Ne Win resigned as party chairman on 23 July 1988. In a truculent farewell speech to the BSPP Party Congress, he warned that if the "disturbances" continued the "army would have to be called and I would like to declare from here that if the army shoots it has no tradition of shooting into the air. It would shoot straight to hit."^[12] The Tatmadaw troops shot, killed and maimed hundreds if not up to 3,000 or more demonstrators in various places throughout Burma from the period of 8 to 12 August 1988 and again on 18 September 1988, proving that Ne Win's farewell speech was not an empty threat.

Military coup of 1988[link]

On 18 September 1988 the military led by General Saw Maung dispelled any hopes for democracy by brutally crushing the uprisings. It is widely believed that Ne Win, though in apparent retirement, orchestrated the coup from behind the scenes.^[13]

For about ten years, Ne Win kept a low profile but remained a shadowy figure exercising at least some influence on the military junta.^[14] After 1998, Ne Win's influence on the junta began to wane.

On 4 March 2002, an alleged plot to overthrow the junta by Ne Win's son-in-law Aye Zaw Win, the husband of his favorite daughter Sandar Win was exposed. Ne Win and his daughter were put under house arrest and in September Aye Zaw Win and his three sons (Aye Ne Win, Kyaw Ne Win and Zwe Ne Win) were found guilty of treason and sentenced to death. They are thought to remain in custody in Rangoon's Insein Jail.

Family[link]

Ne Win was married six times:

1. He was first married to Than Nyunt, who bore him a son, Kyaw Thein.
2. He was second married to Tin Tin, who bore him a son, Ngwe Soe.
3. He then married Khin May Than (Katie Ba Than), daughter of Professor Ba Than, the former dean of Rangoon medical school. The couple had two daughters and a son between them, Sandar Win, Kye Mon Win, and Phyo Wai Win. Khin May Than brought three daughters from her first marriage, Le Le Win and twins Thida Win and Thawdar Win, into the family. Khin May Than was Ne Win's favourite wife and her death in 1972 was a heavy blow to him.
4. He then married Ni Ni Myint, a university teacher, whom he divorced.
5. He then married June Rose Bellamy (Yadana Natmei), a great granddaughter of Crown Prince Ka Naung.
6. He remarried his former wife Ni Ni Myint.

Death[link]

Still under house arrest, the 91-year-old Ne Win died on 5 December 2002 at his lakeside house in Yangon.^[15] The death remained unannounced by Burmese media or the junta. The only mention of Ne Win's death was a paid obituary notice that appeared in some of the government-controlled Burmese language newspapers. Ne Win was not given a state funeral and his former contacts or junior colleagues were strongly discouraged from attending a hastily-arranged funeral, so that only thirty people attended the funeral.

Ne Win's daughter Sandar Win was temporarily released from house arrest to attend his funeral and cremation. She later dispersed her father's ashes into the Hlaing River

References[link]

v t e Heads of state of Burma (Myanmar) Sao Shwe Thaik Ba U Win Maung Ne Win1 San Yu1 Sein Lwin1 Aye Ko2 Maung Maung2 Saw Maung1 Than Shwe1 Thein Sein ^1 military officeholders ^2 acting officeholders

v t e Prime Ministers of Burma (Myanmar) U Nu Ba Swe U Nu Ne Win U Nu Ne Win[m] Sein Win[m] Maung Maung Kha[m] Tun Tin Saw Maung[m] Than Shwe[m] Khin Nyunt[m] Soe Win[m] Thein Sein[m] ^[m] military officeholders