Youtube results:
Alevism (Alevilik) ) is a group identity which is variously interpreted as
The size of the Alevi population is likewise disputed, but most estimates place them somewhere between ten and twenty million people, primarily in Turkey.
Alevi worship and other social activities takes place in assembly houses (cemevi). The ceremony (âyîn-i cem, or simply cem) features music and dance (sema) in which both women and men participate. Rituals are performed in Turkish, Zazaki, and other local languages--not in Arabic, as in other Muslim groups.
Contents |
"Alevi" is generally explained[by whom?] as referring to ‘Alī ibn Abī Tālib, the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad. The name represents a Turkish form of ‘Alawī (Arabic: علوي) "of or pertaining to ‘Alī".
Even though the term Alevi is simply the Turkish derived form of Arabic ‘Alawī, the Arab form of the term today refers to the distinct group of the Arabic-speaking ‘Alawī of Syria.[1][2]
Alevi used to be grouped as Kızılbaş ("redheads"), a generic term used by Sunni Muslims in the Ottoman Empire for the various Shi'a sects from the 15th century. Many other names exist (often for subgroupings), among them Tahtacı "Woodcutters", Abdal "Bards" and Çepni.[citation needed]
Aleviness developed out of Shi'a Islam. Some consider the Alevi part of an "extremist" trend (ghulū) within Shi'ism, like the Alawi/Nusairi sect of Syria.[3] Others[who?] emphasize elements of a pre-Islamic substrate within Aleviness, as in the case of groups such as the Ahl-e Haqq and the Yezidis, Zoroastrian influence might play some part. Still[who?] others detect the influence of Eastern Orthodox Christianity or Gnosticism. More than one of these viewpoints might be true simultaneously.
The Turkic tribes of northern Iran and eastern Anatolia were converted to Shī‘ism during the Ilkhan Mongol period. Yunus Emre and Haji Bektash Veli were early saints of this period who would later become associated with Aleviness. The Qizilbash emerged from this milieu as a militant Sufi order centered in Ardabil whose leader Ismā‘il succeeded in conquering Persia.[citation needed]
Because of their heterodox beliefs and practices, Alevis have been the target of historical and recent oppression. They sided with the Persian Empire against the Ottoman Empire and forty thousand Alevis were killed in 1514 by Ottomans.[4] The Qizilbash of Anatolia found themselves on the "wrong" side of the Ottoman-Safavid border after the 1555 Peace of Amasya. They become subjects of an Ottoman court which viewed them with suspicion. In that troubled period under Suleiman the Magnificent the Alevi people were persecuted and murdered.
Alevis were early supporters of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, whom they credit with ending Ottoman-era discrimination against them, while Kurdish Alevis viewed his rise with caution. However, Kemalism lost some of its appeal during the 1960s, as many Alevis turned towards more left-wing politics.
On July 2, 1993, Alevis were celebrating the Pir Sultan Abdal Festival. Coming out of mosques after their Friday's prayer, a mob of roughly 20,000 Sunni fundamentalists surrounded the Madimak Hotel in downtown Sivas, chanting anti-Alevi and pro-sharia slogans.[citation needed] The events quickly escalated and the mob ultimately set the hotel on fire and pelted the building with stones. While the fire killed thirty seven Alevis, several members of the police, soldiers, and the fire-department did nothing to stop the fire, or save the victims. The events surrounding the massacre were captured by TV cameras and broadcast all over the nation and the world. Every year, during the anniversary of the massacre, various Alevi organizations call for the arrest of those responsible. 33 individuals were sentenced to death in 1997 for crimes related to the massacre, but they were never executed, in part because Turkey abolished the death penalty in 2002. The hotel is slated to be turned into a memorial museum to the event.
There was also a drive-by shooting of Alevis in Istanbul's Gazi neighborhood in 1995 which resulted in the death of some Alevis. Then when protests followed, police periodically opened fire on the demonstrators. When the protests were over, there were a total of fifteen Alevis killed. The result was a revival of Alevi identity, and debate over this identity which continues today.
The Alevi population has been estimated as follows:
In June 2008, several Turkish newspapers reported that the Turkish military had commissioned three universities to research the ethnic demography of Turkey. The study was done in 2000 and included all ethnic groupings. According to the results, the Alevi population of Turkey, including those who currently reside in Europe, is around 10 million. However, following the death of its leader in a suspicious traffic accident, remaining research scientists abandoned the project and never published the results.[9][10]
Alevis have been subjected to persecution (often deadly) for centuries. Due to this fact, some have been assimilated. It is not clear how effective the above study is in including those who might be more timid about advertising their Alevi origins.
Some of the Kurdish Alevis speak Kurmanji or Zazaki. Some Alevis are Azeris. Despite universalist rhetoric (and in contrast with Islam in general, or the Bektashi order), Alevi communities do not generally acknowledge the possibility of conversion to Aleviness.
Alevi communities are concentrated in central Anatolia, in a belt from Çorum in the west to Muş in the east. The only province within Turkey with an Alevi majority is Tunceli, formerly known as Dersim. Beginning in the 1960s, many Alevis have migrated to the large cities of western and southern Turkey—and to western Europe, especially Germany—and are now heavily urbanized.
There are also large communities of Alevis in some regions of Iranian Azerbaijan. The town of Ilkhichi (İlxıçı), which is located 87 km south west of Tabriz is almost entirely populated by Alevis.[citation needed] For political reasons, one of which was to create a distinct identity for these communities, they have not been called Alevi since the early 20th century.[citation needed] They are called various names, such as Ali Illahi, Ahl-e Haqq and Goran.
In Greece there is a native 3000 people community in Western Thrace [1]
Groups with similar beliefs also exist in Iranian Kurdistan. Interestingly, both the Dersim (Zazaki / Zaza) people and the Gorani, who are both considered to belong to the Hawramani branch of the North West Iranian languages, adhere to a form of Alevi faith which resembles the religions of the Druze or Yazidi.
A Turkish scholar working in France has distinguished four main groups among contemporary Alevis, which cautiously show their distinctive features in modern Turkey.[11]
Those of the first two groups rarely consider themselves as adherents of Islam.
Alevi beliefs are hard to define, since Aleviness is a diverse movement without any central authority, and its boundaries with other groups are poorly demarcated. Many teachings are based on an orally transmitted tradition which has generally been kept secret from outsiders (but is now widely accessible).
The basis for Aleviness's most distinctive beliefs is found in the Buyruks (compiled writings and dialogues of Sheikh Safi al-Din (eponym of the Safavi order), Ja'far al-Sadiq (the Sixth Imam), and other worthies). Also included are hymns (nefes) by figures such as Shah Ismail or Pir Sultan Abdal, stories of Hajji Bektash and other lore.
Alevis believe in the unity of Allah, Muhammad, and Ali, but this is not a trinity composed of God and the historical figures of Muhammad and Ali. Rather, Muhammad and Ali are representations of divine energies, the first of which is Allah.
In Alevi doctrine, Allah is divine consciousness which first creates and gives shape to the Kull-i Nafs, a latent passive energy existing within Godhead. Kull-i Nafs is actually the apparent power of God to give life form, almost like a womb in that it is a place of manifestation where the concealed potential within Allah can be known and made visible. Thus, the physical universe is a mirror image of Allah. Kull-i Nafs reflects the spirit or divine consciousness of Allah. Nafs is Arabic for breath and it is the breath that binds the spirit with Allah. Kull-i Nafs is also envisioned as the Universal Soul or Soul Body as it is the divine consciousness reflected through the breath of Allah which gives this soul its own life and forms the Universal Human, the prototypal human, made manifest in Muhammad. However, the prototypal human is not male or female, but is a perfect interplay between the two in much the same way as the Taoists envision the Taiji. Within this prototypal human active energies contain passive and passive contain active. The light or Nur which links the two together is represented by Ali.
So in Alevi thought there are three creative principles, the latent breath or Allah, the prototypal human which is made up of active and passive principles or Muhammad and the divine light or Ali. In Christianity these three principles are called the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit.[12] Likewise, in Alevi belief the Father is likened to Allah, the Son to Muhammad and the Holy Spirit to Ali. Similar trinitarian conceptions appear in Hinduism, with Brahma, Shiva and Vishnu, and in ancient Egypt they took the names Osiris, Isis and Horus,[13][14] among other examples (see Triple deity).
In Alevi writings there are many references to the unity of Muhammad and Ali, such as:
The phrase "For the love of God-Muhammed-Ali” (Hak-Muhammed-Ali aşkına), is common to several Alevi prayers.
For some, the linking of the three together seems polytheistic and not in line with monotheistic Islamic teachings, but Alevis counter that such people do not understand the batini meaning of the Alevi equation of Allah-Muhammet-Ali.
The Twelve Imams is another common Alevi belief. Each Imam represents a different aspect of the Universe and are realised as twelve services or oniki hizmet which are performed by members of the Alevi community. There is not much real affiliation with the actual Twelve Imams of Shi'i Islam, and indeed each Imam is believed to be a reflection of Ali, thus we find references to the "First Ali" (Birinci Ali), Imam Hasan the "Second 'Ali" (İkinci Ali), and so on up to the "Twelfth 'Ali" (Onikinci Ali), Imam Mehdi. The Twelfth Imam is hidden and represents the Messianic Age.
There are two sides to creation, one goes from a spiritual centre to plurality, the other goes from plurality to the spiritual centre. Plurality is the separation of pure consciousness from the divine source. It is seen as a curtain alienating creation from the divine source, and an illusion which in Aleviness is called the Zahiri or the Exoteric side to reality. The hidden or true nature of creation is called the Batini or the Esoteric.
The fact of plurality in nature is attributed to the infinite potential energy of Kull-i Nafs when it takes corporeal form as it descends into being from Allah. During the Cem ceremony, the cantor or ashik sings:
This is sung as a reminder that the reason for creation is love, so that the followers may know themselves and each other and that they may love that which they know.
Linked to the concept of the Prototypal Human (represented by Muhammad) is that of the "Perfect Human Being" (Insan-i Kamil). Although it is common to refer to Ali and Haji Bektash Veli or the other Alevi saints as manifestations of the perfect human being, the Perfect Human Being is also identified with our true identity as pure consciousness, hence the Qur'anic concept of human beings not having original sin, consciousness being pure and perfect. The human task is to fully realise this state while still in material human form.
The Perfect Human Being is also defined in practical terms, as one who is in full moral control of his or her hands, tongue and loins (eline diline beline sahip); treats all kinds of people equally (yetmiş iki millete aynı gözle bakar); and serves the interests of others. One who has achieved this kind of enlightenment is also called eren or munavver.
The Alevi spiritual path (yol) is commonly understood to take place through four major life-stages, or "gates". These may be further subdivided into "four gates, forty levels" (dört kapı kırk makam). The first gate (religious law) is considered elementary (and this may be perceived as subtle criticism of other Muslim traditions).
The following are major crimes that cause an Alevi to be declared düşkün (shunned):[16]
Most Alevi activity takes place in the context of the second gate (spiritual brotherhood), during which one submits to a living spiritual guide (dede, pir, mürşit). The existence of the third and fourth gates is mostly theoretical, though some older Alevis have apparently received initiation into the third.[17]
The central Alevi corporate worship service is the cem. The ceremony's supposed prototype is the Prophet Muhammad's nocturnal ascent into heaven, where he beheld a gathering of forty saints (Kırklar Meclisi), and the Divine Reality made manifest in their leader, Ali.
The phrase mum söndü ("The candle went out") alludes to an accusation about a holy moment of some cem rituals in which twelve candles (representing the Twelve Imams) are doused with water. For centuries it has been widely spread among Sunnis to demean Alevis by accusing them of having orgies after blowing off the ritual candles.[citation needed] However, this is a rumoured belief which does not exist.
This accusation has especially been used during the time of the Safavid-Ottoman conflict, as means to justify killing of the Qizilbash people, which were declared "infidels" by the Ottomans.
There are twelve services (Turkish: oniki hizmet) performed by attendees of the cem.
Musahiplik (roughly, "Companionship") is a covenant relationship between two men of the same age, preferably along with their wives. In a ceremony in the presence of a dede the partners make a life-long commitment to care for the spiritual, emotional, and physical needs of each other and their children. The ties between couples who have made this commitment is at least as strong as it is for blood relatives, so much so that müsahiplik is often called spiritual brotherhood (manevi kardeşlik). The children of covenanted couples may not marry.[18]
Krisztina Kehl-Bodrogi reports that the Tahtacı identify musahiplik with the first gate (şeriat), since they regard it as a precondition for the second (tarikat). Those who attain to the third gate (marifat, "gnosis") must have been in a musahiplik relationship for at least twelve years. Entry into the third gate dissolves the musahiplik relationship (which otherwise persists unto death), in a ceremony called Öz Verme Ayini ("ceremony of giving up the self").
The value corresponding to the second gate (and necessary to enter the third) is aşinalik ("intimacy," perhaps with God). Its counterpart for the third gate is called peşinelik; for the fourth gate (hakikat, Ultimate Truth), cingildaşlik or cegildaşlik (translations uncertain).[19]
Many folk practices may be identified, though few of them are specific to the Alevis. In this connection, scholar Martin van Bruinessen notes a sign from Turkey's Ministry of Religion, attached to Istanbul's shrine of Eyüp Sultan, which presents
...a long list of ‘superstitious’ practices that are emphatically declared to be non-Islamic and objectionable, such as lighting candles or placing ‘wishing stones’ on the tomb, tying pieces of cloth to the shrine or to the trees in front of it, throwing money on the tomb, asking the dead directly for help, circling seven times around the trees in the courtyard or pressing one’s face against the walls of the türbe in the hope of a supernatural cure, tying beads to the shrine and expecting supernatural support from them, sacrificing roosters or turkeys as a vow to the shrine. The list is probably an inventory of common local practices the authorities wish to prevent from re-emerging.[20]
Other, similar practices include kissing door frames of holy rooms; not stepping on the threshold of holy buildings; seeking prayers from reputed healers; and making lokma and sharing it with others.
Newruz "New Day" is the Iranian New Year observed on 21 March (the Spring equinox) as a celebration of newness and reconciliation. It is celebrated by many modern Turkic peoples as well. Apart from the original beliefs of the Zoroastrians regarding the New Year, Alevis also celebrate and commemorate the birth of Ali, his wedding with Fatima, the rescue of the prophet Yusuf from the well, and the creation of the world on this day. Various cems and special programs are held.
Hıdırellez honors the mysterious figure Khidr (Turkish: Hızır) who is sometimes identified with the prophet Elijah (Ilyas), and is said to have drunk of the water of life. Some hold that Khidr comes to the rescue of those in distress on land, while Elijah helps those at sea; and that they meet at a rose tree in the evening of every 6 May. The festival is also celebrated in parts of the Balkans by the name of "Erdelez," where it falls on the same day as Đurđevdan or St. George's Day.
Khidr is also honored with a three-day fast in mid-February called Hızır Orucu. In addition to avoiding any sort of comfort or enjoyment, Alevis also abstain from food and water for the entire day, though they do drink liquids other than water during the evening.
Note that the dates of the Khidr holidays can differ among Alevis, most of whom use a lunar calendar, but some a solar calendar.
The Muslim month of Muharram (Turkish: Mâtem Orucu) begins 20 days after Eid ul-Adha (Kurban Bayramı). Alevis observe a fast for the first twelve days. This culminates in the festival of Ashura (Aşure), which commemorates the martyrdom of Husayn at Karbala. The fast is broken with a special dish (also called aşure) prepared from a variety (often twelve) of fruits, nuts, and grains. Many events are associated with this celebration, including the salvation of Husayn's son Ali ibn Husayn from the massacre at Karbala, thus allowing the bloodline of the family of the prophet to continue.
The solstice and equinox celebrations and their confusion with historical and human incarnations are very well mirrored in Christian religious, and even political, celebrations, e.g. May Day and Christmas, and more closely still with Celtic traditions.
Alevis are not expected to give Zakat in the Islamic mode, and there is no set formula or prescribed amount for charity. A common method of Alevi almsgiving is through donating food (especially sacrificial animals) to be shared with worshippers and guests. Alevis also donate money to be used to help the poor, to support the religious, educational and cultural activities of Alevi centers and organizations (dergâh, vakıf, dernek), and to provide scholarships for students.
While Aleviness does not recognize an obligation to go on pilgrimage, performing ziyarat and du'a at the tombs of Alevi-Bektashi saints or pirs is quite common. Some of the most frequently visited sites are the shrines of Şahkulu and Karacaahmet (both in Istanbul), Abdal Musa (Antalya), Battal Gazi (Eskişehir), the annual celebrations held at Hacıbektaş (16 August) and Sivas (the Pir Sultan Abdal Kültür Etkinlikleri, 23–24 June).
In contrast with the traditional secrecy of the cem ritual, the events at these cultural centers and sites are open to the public. In the case of the Hacibektaş celebration, since 1990 the activities there have been taken over by Turkey's Ministry of Culture in the interest of promoting tourism and Turkish patriotism rather than Alevi spirituality.
Some Alevis make pilgrimages to mountains and other natural sites believed to be imbued with holiness.
Alevi religious services, referred to collectively as cem or âyîn, include spiritual exercises that incorporate elements of zikr ("remembrance" or recitation of God's names, in this case without controlled breathing, but with some elements of body posturing) and sema (ritual dance). The latter is accompanied by sung mystical poetry in the vernacular, and by the sacred ritual instrument known as baglama or saz (a plucked folk lute with frets).
Such music is performed by specialists known as zâkir, aşik, sazende or güvende, depending on regional usage. They are recruited from Alevi communities and descended from dede lineages. Many are also known to be poet/minstrels (aik, ozan) who perpetuate the tradition of dervish-lodge (tekke) poets such as Yunus Emre (13th century), Nesîmî (14th century), Pir Sultan Abdal, Hata'î and Genç Abdal (16th century) and Kul Himmet and Kul Hüseyn (17th century). The poetry was composed in the Turkish vernacular and follows the principles of folk prosody known as hece vezne in which the focus is the number of syllables.
The specialized sacred musical repertoire of Alevi musicians includes
The dances are performed with dignity by couples, and choreographies employ circle and line formations as well as arrangements where couples face one another, thus synchronizing their movements more closely. As the tempo of the music increases, the figures become more complex and intense. There are many regional variants of sema, but the most widespread and important are the Dance of the Forty (Kırklar Semah) and the Dance of the Cranes (Turnalar Semah).
The âyîn-i-cem can be heard on the JVC CD Turkey. An Esoteric Sufi Ceremony. Unfortunately for non-specialists, the notes are very vague and give no indication of location, performers, musical genres or poetic forms. The recording was made in Istanbul in 1993, and the ceremony includes in an order typical of a cem: a deyi that reiterates the line of descent of the sect in a historical framework, two düvaz (one based on the poetry of Hatayi, and the other on the poetry of Kul Himmet), prayer formulas, the illâllâh genre that incorporates the tahlîl formula into the poem to create an atmosphere of zikr while sect members create rhythmic intensity by hitting their knees in time to the music and sway their bodies slightly, the Dance of the Forty (Kırklar Semah), the Dance of the Cranes (Turnalar Semah) and prayer formulas.
Alevis have a significant role in Turkish music and poetry. Pir Sultan Abdal, a 16th century Alevi poet whose poems and songs often contain spiritual themes, is revered as a saint and hero. Important figures are the Sufi poet Yunus Emre, widely regarded as having been Alevi, and Kaygusuz Abdal. Their poems shape Turkish culture up to now, and are also performed by modern artists. Songs attributed to these poets have been embraced by left-wingers in the 20th century. The aşık bards are also influenced by Alevi tradition.
Many of the major traditional musicians in Turkey are Alevi, including Arif Sağ, Musa Eroğlu, Erdal Erzincan, Aşık Mahzuni Şerif, Aşık Feyzullah Çınar, Aşık Veysel Şatıroğlu, Ali Ekber Çiçek, Sabahat Akkiraz, Belkıs Akkale, and Ulaş Özdemir. Other non-Alevis, such as Ruhi Su, have recorded many Alevi songs. Mercan Dede, an artist whose music combines electronic and traditional Sufi elements, has made some songs involving Alevi themes in cooperation with singer Sabahat Akkiraz. [2]
In contrast to the Bektashi tariqa, which like other Sufi orders is based on a silsila "initiatory chain or lineage" of teachers and their students, Alevi leaders succeed to their role on the basis of family descent. Perhaps ten percent of Alevis belong to a religious elite called ocak "hearth", indicating descent from ʻAlī and/or various other saints and heroes. Ocak members are called ocakzades or "sons of the hearth". This system apparently originated with Safavid Persia.
Alevi leaders are variously called murshid, pir, rehber or dede. Groups that conceive of these as ranks of a hierarchy (as in the Bektashi tariqa) disagree as to the order. The last of these, dede "grandfather", is the term preferred by the scholarly literature. Ocakzades may attain to the position of dede on the basis of selection (by a father from among several sons), character, and learning. In contrast to Alevi rhetoric on the equality of the sexes, it is generally assumed that only males may fill such leadership roles.
Traditionally dedes did not merely lead rituals, but led their communities, often in conjunction with local notables such as the ağas (large landowners) of the Dersim Region. They also acted as judges or arbiters, presiding over village courts called Düşkünlük Meydanı.
Ordinary Alevi would owe allegiance to a particular dede lineage (but not others) on the basis of pre-existing family or village relations. Some fall instead under the authority of Bektashi dargah (lodges).
In the wake of 20th century urbanization (which removed young laborers from the villages) and socialist influence (which looked upon the dedes with suspicion), the old hierarchy has largely broken down. Many dedes now receive salaries from Alevi cultural centers, which arguably subordinates their role.[21] Such centers no longer feature community business or deliberation, such as the old ritual of reconciliation, but emphasize musical and dance performance to the exclusion of these.[22] Dedes are now approached on a voluntary basis, and their role has become more circumscribed—limited to religious rituals, research, and giving advice.
According to John Shindeldecker "Alevis are proud to point out that they are monogamous, Alevi women worship together with men, Alevi women are free to dress in modern clothing, Alevi women are encouraged to get the best education they can, and Alevi women are free to go into any occupation they choose."[23]
According to Australian anthropologist Dr. Sevgi Kilic, while Alevi women do not experience gender segregation in the private and public domain they are subject to traditional male values about women's sexuality and constructed within the honor/shame paradigm. This ethnography is the first on Alevi women in Turkey and argues that Alevi identity is complex, diverse and rich in its theory and practice.
Hence, while rural Alevi women subscribe to traditional conservative views about women's status in the family, these ideas are rapidly changing within an urban environment, where many are compelled to work as domestic servants and in other low paid jobs. Alevi women are not required to wear a headscarf or other bodily coverings. According to Kilic this is because Alevi identity is very much focused on the internal rather than the external representation and covering women's hair or concealing the female body in and of itself cannot legitimize women's moral, social, political and economic worth. Thus an unveiled Alevi woman cannot impugn her honour or her communities. Thus Alevi women's bodies are what Kilic calls paradoxically 'neutral' and acts as an "ideology of difference."
Alevis are classified as a sect of Shi‘a Islam,[24] as Alevis accept Twelver Shi‘a beliefs about Ali and the Twelve Imams, and Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini decreed Alevis to be part of the Shi'a fold in the 1970s.[25] There are, however, Alevi philosophies, customs, and rituals that are appreciably different than those of Twelver Shi'as in Iraq and Iran. According to more orthodox Sunni Muslims, Alevis are labeled as "ghulat" groups, since Alevis praise Ali beyond what mainstream Muslims would epect. He and Muhammad are likened to the two sides of a coin, or the two halves of an apple. Some even speak of a trinity of God, Muhammad, and Ali.
Despite this essentially Shi‘i orientation, much of Aleviness's mystical language is inspired by Sufi traditions. For example, the Alevi concept of God is derived from the philosophy of Ibn Arabi and involves a chain of emanation from God, to spiritual man, earthly man, animals, plants, and minerals. The goal of spiritual life is to follow this path in the reverse direction, to unity with God, or Haqq (Reality, Truth). From the highest perspective, all is God (see Wahdat-ul-Wujood). Alevis admire Mansur Al-Hallaj, a 10th century Sufi who was accused of blasphemy and subsequently executed in Baghdad for saying “I am Truth” (Ana al-Haqq).
The relationship between Alevis and Sunnis is one of mutual suspicion and prejudice dating back to the Ottoman period. Sunnis have accused Alevis of heresy, heterodoxy, rebellion, betrayal and immorality. Alevis, on the other hand, have argued that the original Quran does not demand five prayers, nor mosque attendance, nor pilgrimage, and that the Sunnis distorted early Islam by omitting, misinterpreting, or changing important passages of the original Quran, especially those dealing with Ali and ritual practice.[26]
Alevis see Sunni narrowmindedness as originating in Arabia and as contrary to the Turkish national character. Some Alevis believe Sunnah and Hadith were Arab elite innovations, created to ensure Arab dominance of Islam and to enslave the masses through manipulation. Sunnism, according to the Alevis, is not true Islam but an aberration that by its strict legalism opposes free and independent thought and is seen as reactionary, bigoted, fanatic, and antidemocratic. Alevis believe Sunni nationalism is intolerant, domineering, and unwilling to recognize Alevi uniqueness.[27]
In today's political arena Alevis see themselves as a counterforce to Sunni fundamentalism in Turkey. Alevis, who have a great interest in blocking the rising fundamentalist influence, are the main allies of the democratic secularists, and are also searching for alliances with moderate Sunnis against the extremists. They are demanding that the state recognize Aleviness as an official Islamic community equal to, but different from, Sunnism. As of today the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) only represents and promotes Sunni Islam based on the Hanafi school of law, and does not recognise Alevis.
There is some tension between folk tradition Aleviness and the Bektashi Order, which is a Sufi order founded on Alevi beliefs.[28] In certain Turkish communities other Sufi orders ( the Halveti-Jerrahi and some of the Rifa'i) have incorporated significant Alevi influence.
Ahmet Türk (born 2 July 1942 in Derik, Mardin Province, Turkey) is a Kurdish politician in Turkey. He was the chairman of the former pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party (DTP) in Turkey and was a member of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. On December 11, 2009, the Constitutional Court of Turkey voted to ban the DTP, accusing it of connection with PKK.[1] Türk was expelled from the Grand National Assembly, and 36 other party members were banned from joining any political party for five years.[2]
Ahmet Turk lost his father when he was ten years old. His older brother was deputy of the Justice Party until he was murdered. Ahmet Türk, at the age of 31, then took over the leadership of the Kanco clan.
Ahmet Turk’s father Haci Sinan was a lumberjack in the service of his late father Hüyesin Kanco, a commander of the Hamidieh. With the adoption of the surname law in Turkey, the family took the surname of Türk. Ahmet Türk is the child of the second wife of Haci Sinan.
Persondata | |
---|---|
Name | Turk, Ahmet |
Alternative names | |
Short description | |
Date of birth | 1942-07-02 |
Place of birth | |
Date of death | |
Place of death |
This Turkish biographical article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. |
Adnan Oktar | |
---|---|
Born | Adnan Oktar 1956 (age 55–56) Ankara, Turkey |
Residence | Turkey |
Other names | Harun Yahya, Adnan Hoca |
Occupation | Author |
Known for | Islamic creationism, Anti-Zionism, Anti-Masonry |
Religion | Sunni Muslim |
Website | |
www.harunyahya.com |
Adnan Oktar (born 1956), also known as Harun Yahya,[1] is an author and Islamic creationist.[2] In 2007, he sent thousands of unsolicited copies of his book, Atlas of Creation[3], which advocates Islamic creationism, to American scientists, members of Congress, and science museums.[4] Oktar runs two organizations of which he is also the Honorary President: Bilim Araştırma Vakfı ("Science Research Foundation", BAV, established 1990), which promotes creationism and Milli Değerleri Koruma Vakfı ("Foundation to Protect National Values", established 1995) which claimed to promote Turkish nationalism.[5] In the last two decades, Oktar has been involved in a number of legal cases, both as defendant and plaintiff.
Contents |
Adnan Oktar was born in Ankara, Turkey, in 1956. He grew up in Ankara, and lived there through his high school years where he studied the works of Islamic scholars like Said Nursi,[6][7] a Muslim Kurdish scholar who wrote Risale-i Nur, an extensive Qur'anic commentary which includes a comprehensive political and religious ideology.[8]
In 1979, Adnan Oktar came to Istanbul and entered Mimar Sinan University.[9] These years were marked with violence and repression which led to the installation of a military junta following the coup of September 1980. The environment in Turkey was one of political and cultural instability, threatened by Cold War politics, and a clash between Kemalist secular modernisers and a rising tide of Islamic militancy.[7] In this environment he regularly went to the Molla Mosque in Fındıklı locality, close to the academy of fine arts where he studied interior architecture,[10][11] to pray regardless of threats.[9] Edip Yuksel, who knew him during those years, described him as a "Sunni zealot."[6]
In the early 1980s, he gathered young students around him to share his views of Islam. These students belonged to socially-active and prosperous families of Istanbul.[6] From 1982 to 1984, a group of 20 to 30 was formed. They were joined by private high school students who were from socially active and well-known families with a high economic status who had become newly religious.[9] Edip Yüksel said he presented his teachings "gently and in a modern fashion to the children of the privileged class, without intimidating them... a refined and urbanized version of Said Nursi."[6]
In his religious teachings, he argued against Marxism, communism and materialistic philosophy. He attached special importance to refuting the Theory of Evolution and Darwinism[12] because he felt that it had been turned into an ideology used to promote materialism and atheism, and numerous derivative ideologies. He personally funded a pamphlet entitled the Theory of Evolution[9] which combined "mysticism with scientific rhetoric."[6][7]
In 1986 he enrolled in the Philosophy Department of Istanbul University. Adnan Oktar appeared as the cover story of Nokta (The Point) magazine, reporting how he gathered with his friends and held lectures in a mosque. Many university students, mostly from Bosphorus University, one of the most prestigious universities of Turkey, started to participate. Adnan Oktar's name began to appear regularly in the press, sometimes in the headlines. Later that year he published a book titled Judaism and Freemasonry based on conspiracy theories that state offices, universities, political groups and media were influenced by a "hidden group".[9] Adnan Oktar later qualified those remarks. (see "Conspiracy Theories" below)
Oktar was arrested, charged with promoting a theocratic revolution for which he served 19 months, though he was never formally charged.[6][7] In 1986, Oktar spent 10 months in a mental hospital, but he complains that he was not mentally ill but a political "prisoner" who was punished because of the publication of his book, Freemasonry and Judaism.[11][13]
Throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, Oktar built up his community. His followers were especially active recruiting in the summer resorts along the shore of the Sea of Marmara. The social organization within the group become more hierarchical and took on a Messianic nature.[7] Oktar says that due to the anarchy and terror in those years, he was unable to continue his studies. He had already begun working on his books, so when he left school he devoted his energy to his books.[14]
In 1990, he founded the Science Research Foundation (SRF, or, in Turkish, Bilim Araştırma Vakfı, or BAV). Oktar founded the Science Research Foundation to hold conferences and seminars for scientific activities "that target mass awareness concerning what the real underlying causes of social and political conflicts are",[15] which he describes to be materialism and Darwinism, though some media describe the BAV as "a secretive Islamic sect"[16] and "cult-like organization, that jealously guards the secrets of its considerable wealth".[17] Members of the BAV are sometimes referred to as Adnan Hocacılar ("Adherents of Adnan the Hodja") by the public[18]
In 1994 the Islamist Welfare Party (Refah Partisi), the predecessor of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), won control of the municipalities of Istanbul and Ankara. The new mayors (in Istanbul this was Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, now Turkey’s Prime Minister) sought broader support. The journalist and editor Fatih Altayli claimed that Oktar made business agreements with municipalities under the control of the Welfare party. This claim was denied by Oktar, and resulted in libel suits against Fatih Altayli with various results.[7]
In 1995, Adnan Oktar founded Foundation for Protection of National Values (FPNV or in Turkish Millî Değerleri Koruma Vakfı), through which he networks with other conservative Turkish nationalist organizations and individuals based on the ideology of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the Republic of Turkey.[7]
In 1997, after another military intervention, the “bloodless coup” of 1997, the government of Erbakan stepped down and the Welfare Party disbanded. According to the New Humanist, the current AKP government avoids political connections with Oktar and his organization.[7]
In September 1999 Adnan Oktar was arrested and charged with using threats for personal benefit and creating an organization with the intent to commit a crime (see "Legal issues" below).[19] After a court case lasting two years the charges were dismissed.
After 11 September 2001 and the WTC attacks, Oktar published a book called Islam Denounces Terrorism. Oktar spoke more of interfaith dialogue, attempting to unify believers of all stripes. Muslims, Christians and Jews should unite against the corrupting influence of Darwinism, which he held responsible for fascism, anti-Semitism and the holocaust.[7]
Between that time and present, BAV has organized hundreds of conferences on creationism in Turkey[20][21] and worldwide.[22][23] He built a large publishing enterprise[24] with publications sold though Islamic bookstore worldwide.[25] He is considered "one of the most widely distributed authors in the Muslim world".[25] His television show is viewed by many in the Arab world.[26] Adnan Oktar has been preaching about the “Turkish-Islamic Union”, which would bring peace to the entire Muslim world under the leadership of Turkey.[7]
In 2007 he sent out thousands of unsolicited copies of his Atlas of Creation advocating Islam and creationism to schools and colleges in several European countries and the USA.[4]
The next year the 1999 case was reopened by another court (see "Legal issues" below). Adnan Oktar was convicted and sentenced to three years in prison.[19] But the verdict was appealed and in May 2010 it was overturned. During these years he engaged in numerous libel suits with various results (See "Legal Issues" below). In some cases he was successful in blocking high-profile websites in Turkey for slander (See "Blocking Internet Sites" below), including that of Richard Dawkins, as well as the complete Wordpress-site.
In 2010, Adnan Oktar was selected as one of the top fifty of The 500 Most Influential Muslims in the World by the Royal Islamic Strategic Studies Centre of Jordan for his dissemination of creationism in an Islamic context, and other extensively distributed publications on Islamic topics.[27]
Oktar has written numerous books under the pen name Harun Yahya. "Harun" refers to the biblical Aaron and "Yahya" refers to the New Testament John the Baptist.
Oktar's books on faith-related topics attempt to communicate the existence and oneness of God (Allah in the Qur'an) according to the Islamic faith, and are written with the main purpose of introducing Islam to those who are strangers to religion. Each of his books on science-related topics stresses his views on the might, sublimity, and majesty of God. These books attempt to display for non-Muslims what Oktar claims to be signs of the existence of God, and the excellence of his creation. A sub-group within this series are the series of "Books Demolishing the Lie of Evolution", a critique of the ideas of materialism, evolution, Darwinism, and atheism.
These publications argue against evolution. They assert that evolution denies the existence of God, abolishes moral values, and promotes materialism and communism.[28] Oktar argues that Darwinism, by stressing the "survival of the fittest", has inspired racism, Nazism, communism and terrorism. A claim not unexpected in Turkey when during the political turmoil before a 1980 military coup, communist bookshops touted Darwin's works as a complement to Karl Marx.[29]
Truman State University physicist Taner Edis, who was born in Turkey, says the secret to BAV's success is the huge popularity of the Harun Yahya books. "They're fairly lavishly produced, on good-quality paper with full-color illustrations all over the place," he says. "They're trying to compete with any sort of science publication you can find in the Western world. And in a place like Turkey, Yahya books look considerably better-published than most scientific publications.".[30] Many of Oktar's books have been made into high-resolution videos which are freely downloadable on the Internet.[31]
The spread of organized Christian creationism to Islam began in the 1980s, when the Muslim minister of education in Turkey turned to the Institute for Creation Research (ICR), a Christian institution then located near San Diego, California, for help in developing twofold curriculum that would teach evolution and creation side by side.
In 1990, the Science Research Foundation (BAV in Turkish) was formed in Istanbul, headed by Oktar.[32]
Oktar for many years drew on the writings of young earth Christian creationists to develop his case against evolution. However, Islam does not require belief in Young Earth creationism, and making use of the fact that earth may have existed for billions of years, Oktar later produced material which was more similar to Intelligent Design. So similar in fact, that Harun Yahya's website was listed as an 'Islamic intelligent design' website by the Discovery Institute.[32] However Oktar does not embrace use of the term 'Intelligent Design' due to its lack of specific mention of God, calling it 'another of Satan's snares'.[32] [33]
In early 1998, the BAV launched its first campaign against evolution and Darwinism.[7] Thousands of free copies of Adnan Oktar's book, The Evolution Deceit, and the booklets based on this book were distributed throughout Turkey.[34] They regularly ran full-page ads against evolution in daily Turkish newspapers and even ran an ad in the U.S. magazine TIME.[5] The funding of the campaigns is unknown.[11] BAV spearheaded an effort to confront Turkish academics who taught evolutionary biology[35] A number of faculty members were harassed, threatened and slandered in fliers, leading to legal action against BAV (see "Legal Issues" below).
In 2005, Professor Ümit Sayın summed up the effect of the BAV's campaign when he said to The Pitch:[30]
In 1998, I was able to motivate six members of the Turkish Academy of Sciences to speak out against the creationist movement. Today, it's impossible to motivate anyone. They're afraid they'll be attacked by the radical Islamists and the BAV.
In September 2008 Oktar issued a challenge offering "10 trillion Turkish lira to anyone who produces a single intermediate-form fossil demonstrating evolution". He has claimed, "Not one [fossil] belongs to strange-looking creatures in the course of development of the kind supposed by evolutionists." Dr Kevin Padian at the University of California has criticized the notion that such fossils do not exist, stating that Oktar "does not have any sense of what we know about how things change through time. If he sees a fossil crab, he says, 'It looks just like a regular crab, there's no evolution.'"[36]
However, the reaction of scientific community is negative and dismissive.
Taner Edis has said "there is nothing new in the Yahya material: scientifically negligible arguments and outright distortions often copied from Christian anti-evolution literature, presented with a conservative Muslim emphasis" concluding it "has no scholarly standing whatsoever".[37] According to Richard Dawkins, Oktar "doesn't know anything about zoology, doesn't know anything about biology. He knows nothing about what he is attempting to refute".[11]
In France, scientists spoke out against the book, and American scientists are unimpressed.[38]
Oktar published volume 1 of his Yaratılış Atlası (The Atlas of Creation), with Global Publishing, Istanbul, Turkey in October 2006.[39] Volumes 2 and 3 followed in 2007. A dedicated website (yaratilisatlasi.com, English atlasofcreation.com) registered to Global Yayıncılık (Global Publishing), Istanbul, went online also in 2007.
At 11 x 17 inches and 12 pounds, with a bright red cover and almost 800 glossy pages, most of them lavishly illustrated, “Atlas of Creation” is according the New York Times "probably the largest and most beautiful creationist challenge yet to Darwin’s theory, which Mr. Yahya calls a feeble and perverted ideology contradicted by the Koran".[4] Tens of thousands of copies of the book have been delivered, on an unsolicited basis, to schools, prominent researchers and research institutes throughout Europe and the United States.[4][40]
Biologist Kevin Padian from University of California, Berkeley, said that people who had received copies were “just astounded at its size and production values and equally astonished at what a load of crap it is." adding that "[Oktar] does not really have any sense of what we know about how things change through time.”[4]
Gerdien de Jong, one of five biologists at Utrecht University who received a copy of the book, has described its reasoning as "absurdly ridiculous".[41]
Biologist PZ Myers wrote: "The general pattern of the book is repetitious and predictable: the book shows a picture of a fossil and a photo of a living animal, and declares that they haven't changed a bit, therefore evolution is false. Over and over. It gets old fast, and it's usually wrong (they have changed!) and the photography, while lovely, is entirely stolen."[42]
The Committee on Culture, Science and Education of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe wrote in a report that "None of the arguments in this work are based on any scientific evidence, and the book appears more like a primitive theological treatise than the scientific refutation of the theory of evolution."[43]
Oktar propagates a number of conspiracy theories, beginning with his 1986 Yahudilik ve Masonluk (Judaism and Freemasonry). The book suggests that the principal mission of Jews and Freemasons in Turkey was to erode the spiritual, religious, and moral values of the Turkish people and, thus, make them like animals, as stated in what Oktar refers to as their use of "Distorted Torah."[9][44] Oktar asserts that "the materialist standpoint, evolution theory, anti-religious and immoral lifestyles were indoctrinated to the society as a whole" by Jews and Freemasons.[9]
Oktar's theory of a global conspiracy of Freemasonry is expounded in his book Global Masonluk (English Global Freemasonry) and on his websites Masonluk[45] and Global Freemasonry.[46] According to Oktar, Freemasonry is "the main architect of the world system based on materialist philosophy, but which keeps that true identity concealed."[46] Oktar claims that the theory of evolution is a Masonic conspiracy initiated by the Rosicrucians.
Oktar's recent publications declare Darwinism and Materialism to be conspiracies responsible for anti-semitism and terrorism.[7][47] In recent publications and interviews (since 2004[48]), Oktar qualifies his condemnations of Zionism and Freemasonry by adding the word atheist before them, as in atheist Zionists[49] and atheist Freemasons.[50]
In 1996, BAV distributed its first book, originally published the previous year, entitled Soykırım Yalanı (The Holocaust Lie).[51][52] The publication of Soykırım Yalanı sparked much public debate.[53] This book claims that "what is presented as Holocaust is the death of some Jews due to the typhus plague during the war and the famine towards the end of the war caused by the defeat of the Germans."[54]
A Turkish painter and intellectual, Bedri Baykam, published a strongly worded critique of the book in the Ankara daily newspaper Siyah-Beyaz ("Black and White"). A legal suit for slander was brought against him. During the trial in September, Baykam exposed the real author of The Holocaust Lie as Adnan Oktar.[53] The suit was withdrawn in March 1997.[55][56]
In 2001, the Stephen Roth Institute, of Tel-Aviv University, listed Oktar as a Holocaust denier due to the publication of The Holocaust Lie.[57]
Three years later the Stephen Roth Institute expressed the opinion that Adnan Oktar had increased his tolerance toward others, asserting that "he now works towards promoting inter-religious dialogue".[48] calling upon all Muslims to have "a tolerant and friendly attitude toward other religions".[58]
In 2006, BAV published a book affirming the Holocaust, called The Holocaust Violence. The Holocaust Violence states "The Nazis subjected European Jews to indisputable and unforgivable cruelty during World War II. They humiliated, insulted and degraded millions of Jewish civilians, forcing them from their homes and enslaving them in concentration camps under inhuman conditions... Certainly the Jewish people, of whom 5.5 million died in concentration camps, were the worst victims of the Nazi barbarity."[59]
In a 2007 interview with The Guardian, Oktar denied writing The Holocaust Lie, a claim that The Guardian stated was "hard to believe."[60] The next year in an interview with Der Spiegel, Adnan Oktar stated that "The Holocaust Lie," had been written by a member of his organization who had published his own essays using Oktar's pen-name "Harun Yahya", upon his own initiative. Oktar disclaimed the first book, and said the second book reflected his own opinions.[52]
In 2009, Oktar expressed his views for Jews in his own words, "hatred or anger toward the line of the Prophet Abraham is completely unacceptable. The Prophet Abraham is our ancestor, and the Jews are our brothers. We want the descendants of the Prophet Abraham to live in the easiest, pleasantest and most peaceful manner. We want them to be free to perform their religious obligations, to live as they wish in the lands of their forebears and to frequently remember Allah in comfort and security."[61] In 2009 and 2010, Oktar published several websites of Jewish interest.[62][63][64]
In addition to the slander trial over The Holocaust Lie, Oktar has been involved in other cases. Although most are unrelated to creationism or religion, a BAV spokesperson says Oktar is being persecuted “because of his ideas.” Physicist Taner Edis of Truman State University, who has followed the case closely, says given the political pressures on Turkey’s justice system, that’s “not entirely implausible.”[65]
In the summer of 1986, Oktar was arrested for his statement "I am from the nation of Abraham and Turkish ethnicity" in a newspaper interview.[66] According to the New Humanist, Oktar was arrested for promoting a theocratic revolution for which he served 19 months, though he was never formally charged.[7]
In 1991, Oktar was arrested for possession of cocaine,[67] which he claimed had been planted in one of the books in his library by the security forces, who, he said, also spiked his food with cocaine.[68] He was later acquitted.[67]
A number of faculty members who taught evolution were harassed, threatened and slandered in flyers that labeled them "Maoists". In 1999, six of the professors won a civil court case against the BAV for defamation and were each awarded $4,000.[30]
In 1999, Oktar was arrested and charged with using threats for personal benefit and creating an organization with the intent to commit a crime.[19] BAV's lawyers claimed there were several human rights violations during this police operation, as well as the use of violence during the arrest and afterwards.[69] The judicial process lasted over two years, during which most of the complainants retracted their claims. As a result, cases against Oktar and other BAV members were dismissed.[35]
The 1999 case was reopened by another court in 2008. The indictment from the prosecutor’s office, made public by Cumhuriyet, claimed blackmail and extortion. Among other things, it claimed that BAV used its female members to attract young scholars from rich families with the promise of sexual favors in exchange for attending events. It was claimed that the sexual activities of thousands of people were videotaped with hidden cameras for the purpose of blackmail. Members who wanted to leave the group were threatened that the tapes would be made public.[7][70] In the face of all these allegations against BAV, the Chairman of the Court announced in the hearing on 29 February 2008, that testimonies obtained through unlawful means may not be considered as evidence based on article 148 of the criminal code.[71]
Oktar was convicted of creating an illegal organization for personal gain. He and 17 other members of his organisation were sentenced to three years in prison.[19][72][73][74] Oktar appealed the verdict.[75][76] In May 2010, the Court of Appeals overturned the conviction and dismissed the charges.[77]
Since 2007 Oktar has successfully had the Turkish government block public access to several websites. In April 2007, Oktar filed a libel lawsuit against the owners of Ekşi Sözlük, a virtual community similar to everything2. The court reviewed the complaint and ordered the service provider to close the site to public access. The site was temporarily suspended so the entry on Oktar could be expunged and locked. Then access to Süper Poligon, a news website, was also restricted following Oktar's complaint.[78] In August 2007, Oktar got a Turkish court to block WordPress.com in all of Turkey. His lawyers argued that blogs on WordPress.com contained libelous material on Oktar and his colleague, which WordPress.com staff was unwilling to remove.[79]
In addition, Edip Yuksel, a Turkish writer who knew Oktar in the 1980s and is now critical of him, had his website banned in Turkey from Oktar's complaints.[67] In addition, Yuksel wrote a Turkish-language book about Oktar called The Cult of the Antichrist, but he has yet to find "a publisher willing to brave Mr. Oktar's lawyers."[67]
On 19 September 2008, a Turkish court banned Internet users in Turkey from viewing the official Richard Dawkins Web site after Oktar claimed its contents were defamatory, blasphemous and insulting religion, arguing that his personality was violated by this site. The ban was lifted on 8 July 2011.[73][80][81][82][83] Also in September 2008, a complaint by Oktar led to the banning of the internet site of the Union of Education and Scientific Workers (Türk Eğitim Sen).[84][85] This was followed by a block of the country's third-biggest newspaper site, Vatan, in October.[80][82][83][86][87]
On 21 March 2011, Oktar started television broadcasting on A9 satellite channel where his interviews and night lectures are broadcast live.[88]
Oktar's books and brochures appear in Turkish with "Vural Yayıncılık" ("Global Publishing"), Istanbul. English translations of Oktar's books appear with "Ta-Ha Publishers", London, UK; "Global Publishing", Istanbul, Turkey; "Al-Attique Publishers", Ontario, Canada and "Goodword Books", New Delhi, India.
Publication media includes: Books, Booklets (Pamphlets), Children's Books, Journals, Documentaries, Audio Books, CD's, Posters and over a hundred websites. The total number of books and brochures published by Oktar number in the hundreds.[89] The works are lavishly produced, on good-quality paper with full-color illustrations[30] and sold in Islamic bookstores worldwide.[25]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Adnan Oktar |
Persondata | |
---|---|
Name | Oktar, Adnan |
Alternative names | Yahya, Harun |
Short description | Turkish author |
Date of birth | 1956 |
Place of birth | Ankara, Turkey |
Date of death | |
Place of death |
Personal information | |||
---|---|---|---|
Full name | Ümit Karan | ||
Date of birth | (1976-10-01) October 1, 1976 (age 35) | ||
Place of birth | West Berlin, West Germany | ||
Height | 1.81 m (5 ft 11 1⁄2 in) | ||
Playing position | Striker | ||
Club information | |||
Current club | Retired | ||
Youth career | |||
SC Minerva 93 | |||
– | Hertha Zehlendorf | ||
Senior career* | |||
Years | Team | Apps† | (Gls)† |
1995–1996 | Türkiyemspor Berlin | ? | (?) |
1996–2001 | Gençlerbirliği | 136 | (58) |
2001–2009 | Galatasaray | 170 | (72) |
2005 | → Ankaraspor (loan) | 12 | (5) |
2009–2011 | Eskişehirspor | 40 | (12) |
National team‡ | |||
1999–2007 | Turkey | 10 | (3) |
* Senior club appearances and goals counted for the domestic league only and correct as of 00:35, 2 May 2011 (UTC). † Appearances (Goals). |
Ümit Karan (born October 1, 1976 in West Berlin, West Germany) is a retired Turkish football player.
He formerly played for Gençlerbirliği S.K., Ankaraspor, Galatasaray and Eskişehirspor.
Contents |
After playing for Gençlerbirliği for 5 seasons and scoring 47 goals, Ümit moved to Galatasaray at the start of the 2001/2002 season and was a key player in Mircea Lucescu's squad as the main striker after Mario Jardel's departure.
During the 2004/2005 he was loaned to Ankaraspor by manager Gheorghe Hagi due to his dip in form. However, Ümit made a strong return for the 2005/2006 season with Galatasaray's new manager Eric Gerets. Getting along well with Gerets and his playing style, Ümit scored 16 goals in 18 matches at the start of the season. But early in 2006, Umit's season was cut short by a knee injury, which kept him out of the game for 6 months.
At the start of the 2006/2007 season, Ümit regained his place on the team after the injury layoff, scoring his 100th goal in the Turkcell Super League on September 18, 2006, against Beşiktaş. He became the 30th player to reach that mark in the league's history.
Ümit has great finishing ability and he is usually in chase of sensational goals, particularly with volleys and bicycle kicks. His most sensational goal is arguably the one he scored against Vestel Manisaspor. Ümit latched onto a 40 meter pass just inside the box and struck a one time shot with his right foot and curled it around the helpless goalkeeper. He also possesses good pace, stamina and strength. He is also loved by the supporters, but he has had his share of problems with his former Galatasaray managers Fatih Terim and Gheorghe Hagi. On 24 June 2009 was fired from his 2010 contract with Galatasaray and he signed a contract with Eskisehirspor for 3 years.[1]
Club | Season | League | Cup[2] | Europe | Total | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Apps | Goals | Apps | Goals | Apps | Goals | Apps | Goals | ||
Gençlerbirliği | 1996–97 | 13 | 3 | 1 | 0 | - | - | 14 | 3 |
1997–98 | 30 | 2 | 3 | 2 | - | - | 33 | 4 | |
1998–99 | 31 | 14 | 3 | 1 | - | - | 34 | 15 | |
1999–00 | 33 | 18 | 1 | 1 | - | - | 34 | 19 | |
2000–01 | 29 | 13 | 5 | 7 | - | - | 34 | 20 | |
Total | 136 | 50 | 13 | 11 | 0 | 0 | 150 | 61 | |
Galatasaray | 2001–02 | 28 | 7 | 1 | 0 | 14 | 7 | 43 | 14 |
2002–03 | 28 | 16 | 3 | 3 | 2 | 0 | 33 | 19 | |
2003–04 | 8 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 4 | 0 | 14 | 2 | |
2004–05 | 6 | 2 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 6 | 2 | |
Total | 70 | 26 | 6 | 4 | 20 | 7 | 96 | 37 | |
Ankaraspor | 2004–05 | 12 | 5 | 0 | 0 | - | - | 12 | 5 |
Total | 12 | 5 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 12 | 5 | |
Galatasaray | 2005–06 | 24 | 17 | 4 | 2 | 2 | 0 | 30 | 19 |
2006–07 | 28 | 18 | 5 | 2 | 6 | 2 | 39 | 22 | |
2007–08 | 30 | 11 | 7 | 3 | 5 | 3 | 42 | 17 | |
2008–09 | 18 | 0 | 5 | 2 | 5 | 1 | 28 | 3 | |
Total | 100 | 46 | 21 | 9 | 18 | 6 | 139 | 61 | |
Eskişehirspor | 2009–10 | 20 | 6 | 2 | 1 | - | - | 22 | 7 |
Total | 20 | 6 | 2 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 22 | 7 | |
Career total | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 |
Sporting positions | ||
---|---|---|
Preceded by Hakan Şükür |
Galatasaray S.K. Captain 2008–2009 |
Succeeded by Arda Turan |
|
|
Persondata | |
---|---|
Name | Karan, Umit |
Alternative names | |
Short description | Turkish footballer |
Date of birth | 1976-10-01 |
Place of birth | West Berlin, West Germany |
Date of death | |
Place of death |
Özat during his playing days with 1. FC Köln. |
|||||||||||||||
Personal information | |||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Full name | Ümit Özat | ||||||||||||||
Date of birth | (1976-10-30) 30 October 1976 (age 35) | ||||||||||||||
Place of birth | Ankara, Turkey | ||||||||||||||
Height | 1.86 m (6 ft 1 in) | ||||||||||||||
Playing position | Defender Midfielder |
||||||||||||||
Club information | |||||||||||||||
Current club | Manisaspor (manager) | ||||||||||||||
Youth career | |||||||||||||||
0000–1995 | Keçiörengücü | ||||||||||||||
Senior career* | |||||||||||||||
Years | Team | Apps† | (Gls)† | ||||||||||||
1995–2001 | Gençlerbirliği | 150 | (10) | ||||||||||||
2000–2001 | → Bursaspor (loan) | 24 | (1) | ||||||||||||
2001–2007 | Fenerbahçe | 182 | (12) | ||||||||||||
2007–2009 | 1. FC Köln | 35 | (0) | ||||||||||||
Total | 391 | (23) | |||||||||||||
National team | |||||||||||||||
1996–1997 | Turkey U-21 | 7 | (0) | ||||||||||||
1997 | Turkey Olympic | 5 | (1) | ||||||||||||
2000–2005 | Turkey | 41 | (1) | ||||||||||||
Teams managed | |||||||||||||||
2009–2010 | MKE Ankaragücü (assistant) | ||||||||||||||
2010– | MKE Ankaragücü | ||||||||||||||
Honours
|
|||||||||||||||
* Senior club appearances and goals counted for the domestic league only. † Appearances (Goals). |
Ümit Özat (born 30 October 1976 in Ankara) is a retired Turkish footballer.
Contents |
He initially played for Gençlerbirliği and for Fenerbahçe as a central defender or a defensive midfielder. Later, he was converted to a full back on the left side. He is right-footed, but still he can play as left full back. He was once a regular of the Turkish national team. Mostly playing as a wingback and also supporting attackers, he's known for his unexpected long shots and rather successful crosses with his weak foot. He can also play the sweeper and central defender positions, as well as being able to play as a defensive midfielder when needed.
In May 2007 he signed a three year contract with 1. FC Köln. On 29 August 2008 he collapsed during a Bundesliga match against Karlsruher SC. After losing consciousness for a short period and being treated on the field, he became responsive and was sent to hospital for further examination. Further testing has determined that the ex-club captain has a heart condition called myocarditis. On 14 March 2009 it became official that he had ended his career. His retirement was influenced by the collapse.
His career continued as an assistant coach of 1. FC Köln under Zvonimir Soldo, between his resign on 21 December 2009. He subsequently became Roger Lemerre's assistant at Ankaragücü, stepping up to become the manager when Lemerre was sacked in May 2010.
Ümit Özat made his debut for Turkey on 16 August 2000 against Bosnia and Herzegovina. He played 41 times for national team including at the 2002 World Cup in which they achieved third place.
|
|
|
|
|
Persondata | |
---|---|
Name | Ozat, Umit |
Alternative names | |
Short description | Turkish footballer |
Date of birth | 30 October 1976 |
Place of birth | Ankara, Turkey |
Date of death | |
Place of death |