The Roman Empire, in the reign of
Hadrian (r. AD 117-138), including the
imperial province of
Britannia, and the three
legions deployed there in 125. Note the map indicates the contemporary coast lines, which are different, in parts of the English Channel and the North Sea, from those of Roman Britain.
Roman Britain was the part of the island of Great Britain controlled by the Roman Empire from AD 43 until ca. AD 410.[1]
The Romans referred to the imperial province as Britannia, which eventually comprised all of the island of Great Britain south of the fluid frontier with Caledonia (Scotland). Before the Roman invasion, begun in AD 43, Iron Age Britain already had established cultural and economic links with Continental Europe, but the Roman invaders introduced new developments in agriculture, urbanisation, industry and architecture. Besides the native British record of the initial Roman invasion, Roman historians generally mention Britannia only in passing. Thus, most knowledge of Roman Britain has derived from archaeological investigations, and the epigraphic evidence lauding the Britannic achievements of an Emperor of Rome, such as Hadrian (r. AD 117–38) and Antoninus Pius (r. AD 138–61), whose walls demarcated the northern borders of Roman Britain.[2]
The first extensive Roman campaigns in Britain were by the armies of Julius Caesar in 55 and in 54 BC,[3][4] but the first significant campaign of conquest did not begin until AD 43, in the reign of the Emperor Claudius.[5] Following the conquest of the native Britons, a distinctive Romano-British culture emerged under provincial government, which, despite steadily extended territorial control northwards, was never able to exert definite control over Caledonia. The Romans demarcated the northern border of Britannia with Hadrian's Wall, completed around the year 128.[6] Fourteen years later, in AD 142, the Romans extended the Britannic frontier northwards, to the Forth-Clyde line, where they constructed the Antonine Wall,[7] but, after approximately twenty years, they then retreated to the border of Hadrian's Wall.[8] Around the year 197, Rome divided Britannia into two provinces, Britannia Superior and Britannia Inferior;[9] sometime after AD 305, Britannia was further divided, and made into an imperial diocese.[10] For much of the later period of the Roman occupation, Britannia was subject to barbarian invasions and often came under the control of imperial usurpers and pretenders to the Roman Emperorship.
Most Romans departed from Britain around the year 410, which began the sub-Roman period (AD 5th–6th c.), but the legacy of the Roman Empire was felt for centuries in Britain.
Britain was not unknown to the Classical world. As early as the 4th century BC, the Greeks, Phoenicians and Carthaginians traded for Cornish tin.[11] The Greeks refer to the Cassiterides, or "tin islands", and describe them as being situated somewhere near the west coast of Europe.[12] The Carthaginian sailor Himilco is said to have visited the island in the 5th century BC and the Greek explorer Pytheas in the 4th. But it was regarded as a place of mystery, with some writers even refusing to believe it existed at all.[13]
The first direct Roman contact came when the Roman general and future dictator, Julius Caesar, made two expeditions to Britain in 55 and 54 BC as an offshoot of his conquest of Gaul, believing the Britons had been helping the Gallic resistance. The first expedition, more a reconnaissance than a full invasion, gained a foothold on the coast of Kent but, undermined by storm damage to the ships and a lack of cavalry, was unable to advance further. The expedition was a military failure, but was at least a political success. The Roman Senate declared a 20-day public holiday in Rome in honour of the unprecedented achievement of obtaining hostages from Britain and defeating Belgian tribes on returning to the continent.[14]
In his second invasion, Caesar took with him a substantially larger force and proceeded to coerce or invite many of the native Celtic tribes to pay tribute and give hostages in return for peace. A friendly local king, Mandubracius, was installed, and his rival, Cassivellaunus, was brought to terms. Hostages were taken, but historians disagree over whether the tribute agreed was paid by the Britons after Caesar's return to Gaul with his forces.[15]
Caesar had conquered no territory and had left behind no troops, but had established clients on the island and had brought Britain into Rome's sphere of political influence. Augustus planned invasions in 34, 27 and 25 BC, but circumstances were never favourable,[16] and the relationship between Britain and Rome settled into one of diplomacy and trade. Strabo, writing late in Augustus's reign, claims that taxes on trade brought in more annual revenue than any conquest could.[17] Likewise, archaeology shows an increase in imported luxury goods in southeastern Britain.[18] Strabo also mentions British kings who sent embassies to Augustus and Augustus' own Res Gestae refers to two British kings he received as refugees.[19] When some of Tiberius's ships were carried to Britain in a storm during his campaigns in Germany in 16 AD, they were sent back by local rulers, telling tall tales of monsters.[20]
Rome appears to have encouraged a balance of power in southern Britain, supporting two powerful kingdoms: the Catuvellauni, ruled by the descendants of Tasciovanus, and the Atrebates, ruled by the descendants of Commius.[21] This policy was followed until 39 or 40 AD, when Caligula received an exiled member of the Catuvellaunian dynasty and staged an invasion of Britain that collapsed in farcical circumstances before it had even left Gaul.[22] When Claudius successfully invaded in 43 AD, it was in aid of another fugitive British ruler, this time Verica of the Atrebates.
Conquests under Aulus Plautius, focused on the commercially valuable southeast of Britain.
The invasion force in 43 AD was led by Aulus Plautius.[23] It is not known how many Roman legions were sent; only one legion, the II Augusta, commanded by the future emperor Vespasian, is directly attested to have taken part.[24] The IX Hispana,[25] the XIV Gemina (later styled Martia Victrix) and the XX (later styled Valeria Victrix)[26] are attested in 60/61 during the Boudican Revolt, and are likely to have been there since the initial invasion. However, the Roman Army was flexible, with units being used and moved whenever necessary, so this is not certain. Only the Legio IX Hispana is likely to have stayed there, as it is attested to being in residence at Eburacum (York) in 71 AD and on a building inscription there dated 108 AD, before its eventual destruction fighting in the East, likely during the Bar Kochba Revolt.[27]
The invasion was delayed by a mutiny of the troops, who were eventually persuaded by an imperial freedman to overcome their fear of crossing the Ocean and campaigning beyond the limits of the known world. They sailed in three divisions, and probably landed at Richborough in Kent, although some suggest that at least part of the invasion force landed on the south coast, in the Fishbourne area of West Sussex.[28]
The Romans defeated the Catuvellauni and their allies in two battles: the first, assuming a Richborough landing, on the river Medway, the second on the Thames. One of the Catuvellaunian leaders, Togodumnus, was killed, but his brother Caratacus survived to continue resistance elsewhere. Plautius halted at the Thames and sent for Claudius, who arrived with reinforcements, including artillery and elephants, for the final march to the Catuvellaunian capital, Camulodunum (Colchester). The future emperor Vespasian subdued the southwest,[29] Cogidubnus was set up as a friendly king of several territories,[30] and treaties were made with tribes outside the area under direct Roman control.
After capturing the south of the island, the Romans turned their attention to what is now Wales. The Silures, Ordovices and Deceangli remained implacably opposed to the invaders and for the first few decades were the focus of Roman military attention, despite occasional minor revolts among Roman allies like the Brigantes and the Iceni. The Silures were led by Caratacus, and he carried out an effective guerilla campaign against Governor Publius Ostorius Scapula. Finally, in 51 AD, Ostorius lured Caratacus into a set-piece battle and defeated him. The British leader sought refuge among the Brigantes, but their queen, Cartimandua, proved her loyalty by surrendering him to the Romans. He was brought as a captive to Rome, where a dignified speech he made during Claudius's triumph persuaded the emperor to spare his life. However, the Silures were still not pacified, and Cartimandua's ex-husband Venutius replaced Caratacus as the most prominent leader of British resistance.[31]
In 60–61 AD, while Governor Gaius Suetonius Paulinus was campaigning in Wales, the southeast of Britain rose in revolt under the leadership of Boudica. Boudica was the widow of the recently deceased king of the Iceni, Prasutagus. The Roman historian Tacitus reports that Prasutagus had left a will leaving half his kingdom to Nero in the hope that the remainder would be left untouched. He was wrong. When his will was enforced, Rome responded by violently seizing the tribe's lands in full. Boudica protested. In consequence, Rome punished her and her daughters by flogging and rape. In response, the Iceni, joined by the Trinovantes, destroyed the Roman colony at Camulodunum (Colchester) and routed the part of the IXth Legion that was sent to relieve it. Suetonius Paulinus rode to London, the rebels' next target, but concluded it could not be defended. Abandoned, it was destroyed, as was Verulamium (St. Albans). Between seventy and eighty thousand people are said to have been killed in the three cities. But Suetonius regrouped with two of the three legions still available to him, chose a battlefield, and, despite being heavily outnumbered, defeated the rebels in the Battle of Watling Street. Boudica died not long afterwards, by self-administered poison or by illness.[32] During this time, the Emperor Nero considered withdrawing Roman forces from Britain altogether.[33]
There was further turmoil in 69 AD, the "year of four emperors". As civil war raged in Rome, weak governors were unable to control the legions in Britain, and Venutius of the Brigantes seized his chance. The Romans had previously defended Cartimandua against him, but this time were unable to do so. Cartimandua was evacuated, and Venutius was left in control of the north of the country. After Vespasian secured the empire, his first two appointments as governor, Quintus Petillius Cerialis and Sextus Julius Frontinus, took on the task of subduing the Brigantes and Silures respectively.[34] Frontinus extended Roman rule to all of South Wales, and initiated exploitation of the mineral resources, such as the gold mines at Dolaucothi.
In the following years, the Romans conquered more of the island, increasing the size of Roman Britain. Governor Gnaeus Julius Agricola, father-in-law to the historian Tacitus, conquered the Ordovices in 78 AD. With the XXth Valeria Victrix legion, Agricola defeated the Caledonians in 84 AD at the Battle of Mons Graupius, in northern Scotland.[35] This was the high water mark of Roman territory in Britain: shortly after his victory, Agricola was recalled from Britain back to Rome, and the Romans retired to a more defensible line along the Forth-Clyde isthmus, freeing soldiers badly needed along other frontiers.
For much of the history of Roman Britain, a large number of soldiers were garrisoned on the island. This required that the emperor station a trusted senior man as governor of the province. As a result, many future emperors served as governors or legates in this province, including Vespasian, Pertinax, and Gordian I.
There is no historical source describing the decades that followed Agricola's recall. Even the name of his replacement is unknown. Archaeology has shown that some Roman forts south of the Forth-Clyde isthmus were rebuilt and enlarged, although others appear to have been abandoned. Roman coins and pottery have been found circulating at native settlement sites in the Scottish Lowlands in the years before 100 AD, indicating growing Romanisation. Some of the most important sources for this era are the writing tablets from the fort at Vindolanda in Northumberland, mostly dating to AD 90-110. These tablets provide vivid evidence for the operation of a Roman fort at the edge of the Roman Empire, where officers' wives maintained polite society while merchants, hauliers and military personnel kept the fort operational and supplied.
Around 105 AD, however, there appears to have been a serious setback at the hands of the tribes of the Picts of Alba: several Roman forts were destroyed by fire, with human remains and damaged armour at Trimontium (at modern Newstead, in SE Scotland) indicating hostilities at least at that site. There is also circumstantial evidence that auxiliary reinforcements were sent from Germany, and an unnamed British war of the period is mentioned on the gravestone of a tribune of Cyrene. However, Trajan's Dacian Wars may have led to troop reductions in the area or even total withdrawal followed by slighting of the forts by the Picts rather than an unrecorded military defeat. The Romans were also in the habit of destroying their own forts during an orderly withdrawal, in order to deny resources to an enemy. In either case, the frontier probably moved south to the line of the Stanegate at the Solway-Tyne isthmus around this time.
A new crisis occurred at the beginning of Hadrian's reign (117 AD): a rising in the north which was suppressed by Quintus Pompeius Falco. When Hadrian reached Britannia on his famous tour of the Roman provinces around 120 AD, he directed an extensive defensive wall, known to posterity as Hadrian's Wall, to be built close to the line of the Stanegate frontier. Hadrian appointed Aulus Platorius Nepos as governor to undertake this work who brought the VIth Victrix legion with him from Lower Germany. This replaced the famous IXth Hispana legion, whose disappearance has been much discussed. Archaeology indicates considerable political instability in Scotland during the first half of the 2nd century, and the shifting frontier at this time should be seen in this context.
In the reign of Antoninus Pius (138-161 AD) the Hadrianic border was briefly extended north to the Forth-Clyde isthmus, where the Antonine Wall was built around 142 AD following the military reoccupation of the Scottish lowlands by a new governor, Quintus Lollius Urbicus.
The first Antonine occupation of Scotland ended as a result of a further crisis in 155-157 AD, when the Brigantes revolted. With limited options to despatch reinforcements, the Romans moved their troops south, and this rising was suppressed by Governor Cnaeus Julius Verus. Within a year the Antonine Wall was recaptured, but by 163 or 164 AD it was abandoned. The second occupation was probably connected with Antoninus' undertakings to protect the Votadini or his pride in enlarging the empire, since the retreat to the Hadrianic frontier occurred not long after his death when a more objective strategic assessment of the benefits of the Antonine Wall could be made. The Romans did not entirely withdraw from Scotland at this time, however: the large fort at Newstead was maintained along with seven smaller outposts until at least 180 AD.
During the twenty year period following the reversion of the frontier to Hadrian's Wall, Rome was concerned with continental issues, primarily problems in the Danube provinces. Increasing numbers of hoards of buried coins in Britain at this time indicate that peace was not entirely achieved. Sufficient Roman silver has been found in Scotland to suggest more than ordinary trade, and it is likely that the Romans were reinforcing treaty agreements by paying tribute to their implacable enemies, the Picts.
In 175 AD a large force of Sarmatian cavalry, consisting of 5,500 men, arrived in Britannia, probably to reinforce troops fighting unrecorded uprisings. In 180 AD Hadrian's Wall was breached by the Picts and the commanding officer or governor was killed there in what Dio Cassius described as the most serious war of the reign of Commodus. Ulpius Marcellus was sent as replacement governor and by 184 AD he had won a new peace, only to be faced with a mutiny from his own troops. Unhappy with Marcellus' strictness, they tried to elect a legate named Priscus as usurper governor; he refused, but Marcellus was lucky to leave the province alive. The Roman army in Britannia continued its insubordination: they sent a delegation of 1,500 to Rome to demand the execution of Tigidius Perennis, a Praetorian Prefect who they felt had earlier wronged them by posting lowly equites to legate ranks in Britannia. Commodus met the party outside Rome and agreed to have Perennis killed, but this only made them feel more secure in their mutiny.
The future emperor Pertinax was sent to Britannia to quell the mutiny and was initially successful in regaining control. However, a riot broke out among the troops. Pertinax was attacked and left for dead, and asked to be recalled to Rome, where he briefly succeeded Commodus as emperor in 192 AD.
The death of Commodus put into motion a series of events which eventually led to civil war. Following the short reign of Pertinax, several rivals for the emperorship emerged, including Septimius Severus and Clodius Albinus. The latter was the new governor of Britannia, and had seemingly won the natives over after their earlier rebellions; he also controlled three legions, making him a potentially significant claimant. His sometime rival Severus promised him the title of Caesar in return for Albinus' support against Pescennius Niger in the east. Once Niger was neutralised however, Severus turned on his ally in Britannia—though it is likely that Albinus saw he would be the next target and was already preparing for war.
Albinus crossed to Gaul in 195 AD, where the provinces were also sympathetic to him, and set up at Lugdunum. Severus arrived in February 196, and the ensuing battle was decisive. Although Albinus came close to victory, Severus' reinforcements won the day, and the British governor committed suicide. Severus soon purged Albinus' sympathisers and perhaps confiscated large tracts of land in Britain as punishment.
Albinus had demonstrated the major problem posed by Roman Britain. In order to maintain security, the province required the presence of three legions; but command of these forces provided an ideal power base for ambitious rivals. Deploying those legions elsewhere, however, would strip the island of its garrison, leaving the province defenceless against uprisings by the native Celtic tribes and against invasion by the Picts and Scots.
The traditional view is that northern Britain descended into anarchy during Albinus' absence. Cassius Dio records that the new Governor, Virius Lupus, was obliged to buy peace from a fractious northern tribe known as the Maeatae. The succession of militarily distinguished governors who were subsequently appointed suggests that enemies of Rome were posing a difficult challenge, and Lucius Alfenus Senecio's report to Rome in 207 AD describes barbarians "rebelling, over-running the land, taking loot and creating destruction". In order to rebel, of course, one must be a subject — although the Maeatae clearly did not consider themselves such. Senecio requested either reinforcements or an Imperial expedition, and Severus chose the latter, despite being 62 years old.
Archaeological evidence shows that Senecio had been rebuilding the defences of Hadrian's Wall and the forts beyond it, and Severus' arrival in Britain prompted the enemy tribes to sue for peace immediately. The emperor had not come all that way to leave without a victory, however, and it is likely that he wished to provide his teenage sons Caracalla and Geta with first-hand experience of controlling a hostile barbarian land.
An invasion of Caledonia led by Severus and probably numbering around 20,000 troops moved north in AD 208 or 209, crossing the Wall and passing through eastern Scotland on a route similar to that used by Agricola. Harried by punishing guerrilla raids by the northern tribes and slowed by an unforgiving terrain, Severus was unable to meet the Caledonians on a battlefield. The emperor's forces pushed north as far as the River Tay, but little appears to have been achieved by the invasion, as peace treaties were signed with the Caledonians. By 210 Severus had returned to York, and the frontier had once again become Hadrian's Wall. He assumed the title Britannicus, but the title meant little with regard to the unconquered north, which (with Rome's power still ending at the Wall) clearly remained outside the authority of the Empire. And almost immediately another northern tribe, the Maeatae, again went to war. Caracalla left with a punitive expedition, but by the following year his ailing father had died and he and his brother left the province to press their claim to the throne.
As one of his last acts, Severus tried to solve the problem of powerful and rebellious governors in Britain by dividing the province into Upper Britain and Lower Britain. This kept the potential for rebellion in check for almost a century. Historical sources provide little information on the following decades, a period known as the Long Peace. Even so, the number of buried hoards found from this period rises, suggesting continuing unrest. A string of forts were built along the coast of southern Britain to control piracy; and over the following hundred years they increased in number, becoming the Saxon Shore Forts.
During the middle of the 3rd century AD, the Roman Empire was convulsed by barbarian invasions, rebellions and new imperial pretenders. Britannia apparently avoided these troubles, although increasing inflation had its economic effect. In 259 a so-called Gallic Empire was established when Postumus rebelled against Gallienus. Britannia was part of this until 274 when Aurelian reunited the empire.
In the late 270s, a half-Brythonic usurper named Bononus rebelled to avoid the repercussions of letting his fleet be burnt by barbarians at Cologne. He was quickly crushed by Probus, but soon afterwards an unnamed governor in Britannia also attempted an uprising. Irregular troops of Vandals and Burgundians were sent across the Channel by Probus to put down the uprising, perhaps in 278 AD.
The last of the string of rebellions to affect Britannia was that of Carausius and his successor Allectus. Carausius was a naval commander, probably in the English Channel. He was accused of keeping pirate booty for himself, and his execution was ordered by the Emperor Maximian. In 286 AD he set himself up as emperor in Britain and northern Gaul and remained in power whilst Maximian dealt with uprisings elsewhere. In 288 an invasion failed to unseat the usurper. An uneasy peace ensued, during which Carausius issued coins proclaiming his legitimacy and inviting official recognition.
In 293 AD, Constantius Chlorus launched a second offensive, besieging the rebel's port at Boulogne and cutting it off from naval assistance. After the town fell, Constantius tackled Carausius' Frankish allies. Subsequently the usurper was murdered by his treasurer, Allectus. Allectus' brief reign was brought to an end when Julius Asclepiodotus landed near Southampton and defeated him in a land battle.[36]
Constantius arrived in London to receive the victory and chose to divide the province further, into four provinces (each with its own governor):
In the same year, under the Tetrarchy reforms of the emperor Diocletian, Britannia became one of the four dioceses—governed by a vicarius—of the praetorian prefecture of Galliae ('the Gauls'), comprising the provinces of Gaul, Britannia, Germania and Hispania. This added, in effect, a fifth governor of Britannia. Thus, in place of one unchallenged military commander, the province now had five officers, each with command of only a small fraction of the garrison.
Constantius Chlorus returned in 306 AD, aiming to invade northern Britain. The province's defences had been rebuilt in the preceding years, and although his health was poor Constantius wished to penetrate into enemy territory. Little is known of his campaigns, and there is little archaeological evidence for them. From fragmentary historical sources it seems he reached the far north of Britain and won a great battle in early summer before returning south to York.
Constantius remained in Britain for the rest of the time he was part of the Tetrarchy, dying in York in July 306 AD. His son, Constantine I, was at his side at that moment and assumed his duties in Britannia. Unlike the earlier usurper, Albinus, he succeeded in using his base in Britannia as the starting point of his march to the imperial throne.
In the middle of the century, for a few years the province was loyal to the usurper Magnentius, who succeeded Constans following the latter's death. After the defeat and death of Magnentius in the Battle of Mons Seleucus in 353 AD, Constantius II dispatched his chief imperial notary Paulus Catena to Britain to hunt down Magnentius' supporters. The investigation deteriorated into a witch hunt, which forced the vicarius Flavius Martinus to intervene. When Paulus retaliated by accusing Martinus of treason, the vicarius physically attacked Paulus with a sword, with the aim of assassinating him, but in the end he committed suicide.
As the 4th century progressed there were increasing attacks from the Saxons in the east and the Irish in the west. A series of forts was already being built, starting around 280 AD, to defend the coasts, but these preparations were not enough when a general assault of Saxons, Irish and Attacotti, combined with apparent dissension in the garrison on Hadrian's Wall, left Roman Britain prostrate in 367 AD. This crisis, sometimes called the Barbarian Conspiracy or the Great Conspiracy, was settled by Count Theodosius with a string of military and civil reforms.
Another imperial usurper, Magnus Maximus, raised the standard of revolt at Segontium (Caernarfon) in north Wales in 383 AD, and crossed the English Channel. Maximus held much of the western empire, and fought a successful campaign against the Picts and Scots around 384. His continental exploits required troops from Britain, and it appears that forts at Chester and elsewhere were abandoned in this period, triggering raids and settlement in north Wales by the Irish. His rule was ended in 388, but not all the British troops may have returned: the Empire's military resources were struggling after the catastrophic Battle of Adrianople in 378. Around 396 there were increasing barbarian incursions into Britain, and an expedition — possibly led by Stilicho — brought naval action against the raiders. It seems peace was restored by 399, although it is likely that no further garrisoning was ordered; and indeed by 401 more troops were withdrawn, to assist in the war against Alaric I.
The traditional view of historians, informed by the work of Michael Rostovtzeff, was of a widespread economic decline at the beginning of the 5th century. However, consistent archaeological evidence has told another story, and the accepted view is undergoing re-evaluation, though some features are agreed: more opulent but fewer urban houses, an end to new public building and some abandonment of existing ones, with the exception of defensive structures, and the widespread formation of "black earth" deposits indicating increased horticulture within urban precincts.[37] Turning over the basilica at Silchester to industrial uses in the late 3rd century, doubtless officially condoned, marks an early stage in the de-urbanisation of Roman Britain.[38] The abandonment of some sites is now believed to be later than had formerly been thought. Many buildings changed use but were not destroyed. There were growing barbarian attacks, but these were focused on vulnerable rural settlements rather than towns. Some villas such as Great Casterton in Rutland and Hucclecote in Gloucestershire had new mosaic floors laid around this time, suggesting that economic problems may have been limited and patchy, although many suffered some decay before being abandoned in the 5th century; the story of Saint Patrick indicates that villas were still occupied until at least 430. Exceptionally, new buildings were still going up in this period in Verulamium and Cirencester. Some urban centres, for example Canterbury, Cirencester, Wroxeter, Winchester and Gloucester, remained active during the 5th and 6th centuries, surrounded by large farming estates.
Urban life had generally grown less intense by the fourth quarter of the 4th century, and coins minted between 378 and 388 are very rare, indicating a likely combination of economic decline, diminishing numbers of troops, and problems with the payment of soldiers and officials. Coinage circulation increased during the 390s, although it never attained the levels of earlier decades. Copper coins are very rare after 402, although minted silver and gold coins from hoards indicate they were still present in the province even if they were not being spent. By 407 there were no new Roman coins going into circulation, and by 430 it is likely that coinage as a medium of exchange had been abandoned. Pottery mass production probably ended a decade or two previously; the rich continued to use metal and glass vessels, while the poor probably adopted leather or wooden ones.
Britain came under increasing pressure from barbarian attack on all sides towards the end of the 4th century, and troops were too few to mount an effective defence. The army rebelled and, after elevating two disappointing usurpers, chose a soldier, Constantine III, to become emperor in 407. He soon crossed to Gaul with an army and was defeated by Honorius; it is unclear how many troops remained or ever returned, or whether a commander-in-chief in Britain was ever reappointed. A Saxon incursion in 408 was apparently repelled by the Britons, and in 409 Zosimus records that the natives expelled the Roman civilian administration (although Zosimus may be referring to the Bacaudic rebellion of the Breton inhabitants of Armorica since he describes how, in the aftermath of the revolt, all of Armorica and the rest of Gaul followed the example of the Brettaniai). A letter from the Emperor Honorius of 410 has traditionally been seen as a rejection of an appeal for help by the cities of Britain, but it was probably addressed to Bruttium or Bologna.[39] With the higher levels of the military and civil government gone, administration and justice fell to municipal authorities, and small warlords gradually emerged all over Britain, still aspiring to Roman ideals and conventions. Laycock (Britannia the Failed State, 2008) has investigated this process of fragmentation and emphasised elements of continuity from the British tribes in the pre-Roman and Roman periods to the kingdoms that formed in the post-Roman period.
By tradition, the pagan Saxons were invited by Vortigern to assist in fighting the Picts and Irish, though archaeology has suggested some official settlement as landed mercenaries as early as the 3rd century. Germanic migration into Roman Britannia may well have begun much earlier even than that. There is recorded evidence, for example, of Germanic Roman auxiliaries being brought to Britain in the 1st and 2nd centuries to support the legions. The new arrivals rebelled, plunging the country into a series of wars that eventually led to the Saxon occupation of Lowland Britain by 600. Around this time many Britons fled to Brittany (hence its name). A significant date in sub-Roman Britain is the famous Groans of the Britons, an unanswered appeal to Aëtius, leading general of the western Empire, for assistance against Saxon invasion in 446; another is the Battle of Dyrham in 577, after which the significant cities of Bath, Cirencester and Gloucester fell and the Saxons reached the western sea.
Most scholars reject the historicity of the later legends of King Arthur, which seem to be set in this period, but some such as John Morris see it as evidence behind which may lie a plausible grain of truth.
- See also: Trade between Iron Age Britain and the Roman world
During the Roman period Britain’s continental trade was principally directed across the Southern North Sea and Eastern Channel, focusing on the narrow Strait of Dover, though there were also more limited links via the Atlantic seaways.[40] The most important British ports were London and Richborough, whilst the continental ports most heavily engaged in trade with Britain were Boulogne and the sites of Domburg and Colijnsplaat at the mouth of the river Scheldt.[41] During the Late Roman period it is likely that the shore forts played some role in continental trade alongside their defensive functions.[42]
Imports to Britain included: coin; pottery, particularly red-gloss terra sigillata (samian ware) from southern, central and eastern Gaul, as well as various other wares from Gaul and the Rhine provinces; olive oil from southern Spain in amphorae; wine from Gaul in amphorae and barrels; salted fish products from the western Mediterranean and Brittany in barrels and amphorae; preserved olives from southern Spain in amphorae; lava querns from Mayen on the middle Rhine; glass; and some agricultural products.[43] Britain’s exports are harder to detect archaeologically, but will have included metals, such as silver and gold and some lead, iron and copper. Other exports probably included agricultural products, oysters and salt, whilst large quantities of coin would have been re-exported back to the continent as well.[44]
These products moved as a result of private trade and also through payments and contracts established by the Roman state to support its military forces and officials on the island, as well as through state taxation and extraction of resources.[44] Up until the mid-3rd century AD the Roman state’s payments appear to have been unbalanced, with far more products sent to Britain, to support its large military force (which had reached c. 53,000 by the mid-2nd century AD), than were extracted from the island.[45]
It has been argued that Roman Britain’s continental trade peaked in the late 1st century AD and thereafter declined as a result of an increasing reliance on local products by the population of Britain, caused by economic development on the island and by the Roman state’s desire to save money by shifting away from expensive long-distance imports.[46] Evidence has, however, been outlined that suggests that the principal decline in Roman Britain’s continental trade may have occurred in the late 2nd century AD, from c. 165 AD onwards.[47] This has been linked to the economic impact of contemporary Empire-wide crises: the Antonine plague and the Marcomannic wars.[47]
From the mid-3rd century AD onwards Britain no longer received such a wide range and extensive quantity of foreign imports as it did during the earlier part of the Roman period; however, vast quantities of coin from continental mints reached the island, whilst there is historical evidence for the export of large amounts of British grain to the continent during the mid-4th century AD.[48] During the latter part of the Roman period British agricultural products, paid for by both the Roman state and by private consumers, clearly played an important role in supporting the military garrisons and urban centres of the northwestern continental Empire.[49] This came about as a result of the rapid decline in the size of the British garrison from the mid-3rd century AD onwards (thus freeing up more goods for export), and because of ‘Germanic’ incursions across the Rhine, which appear to have reduced rural settlement and agricultural output in northern Gaul.[50]
Mineral extraction sites such as the Dolaucothi gold mine was probably first worked by the Roman army from ca 75 AD, and at some later stage passed to civilian operators. The mine developed as a series of opencast workings, mainly by the use of hydraulic mining methods. They are described by Pliny the Elder in his Naturalis Historia in great detail. Essentially, water supplied by aqueducts was used to prospect for ore veins by stripping away soil to reveal the bedrock. If veins were present, they were attacked using fire-setting and the ore removed for crushing and comminution. The dust was washed in a small stream of water and the heavy gold dust and gold nuggets collected in riffles. The diagram at right shows how Dolaucothi developed from ca 75 AD through to the 1st century. When opencast work was no longer feasible, tunnels were driven to follow the veins. The evidence from the site shows advanced technology probably under the control of army engineers.
The Wealden ironworking zone, the lead and silver mines of the Mendip Hills and the tin mines of Cornwall seem to have been private enterprises leased from the government for a fee. Although mining had long been practised in Britain (see Grimes Graves), the Romans introduced new technical knowledge and large-scale industrial production to revolutionise the industry. It included hydraulic mining to prospect for ore by removing overburden as well as work alluvial deposits. The water needed for such large-scale operations was supplied by one or more aqueducts, those surviving at Dolaucothi being especially impressive. Many prospecting areas were in dangerous, upland country, and, although mineral exploitation was presumably one of the main reasons for the Roman invasion, it had to wait until these areas were subdued.
Although Roman designs were most popular, rural craftsmen still produced items derived from the Iron Age La Tène artistic traditions. Local pottery rarely attained the standards of the Gaulish industries although the Castor ware of the Nene Valley was able to withstand comparison with the imports. Most native pottery was unsophisticated however and intended only for local markets.
By the 3rd century, Britain's economy was diverse and well established, with commerce extending into the non-Romanised north. The design of Hadrian's Wall especially catered to the need for customs inspections of merchants' goods.
Under the Roman Empire, administration of peaceful provinces was ultimately the remit of the Senate, but those, like Britain, that required permanent garrisons were placed under the Emperor's control. In practice imperial provinces were run by resident governors who were members of the Senate and had held the consulship. These men were carefully selected often having strong records of military success and administrative ability. In Britain, a governor's role was primarily military, but numerous other tasks were also his responsibility such as maintaining diplomatic relations with local client kings, building roads, ensuring the public courier system functioned, supervising the civitates and acting as a judge in important legal cases. When not campaigning he would travel the province hearing complaints and recruiting new troops.
To assist him in legal matters he had an adviser, the legatus iuridicus, and those in Britain appear to have been distinguished lawyers perhaps because of the challenge of incorporating tribes into the imperial system and devising a workable method of taxing them. Financial administration was dealt with by a procurator with junior posts for each tax-raising power. Each legion in Britain had a commander who answered to the governor and in time of war probably directly ruled troublesome districts. Each of these commands carried a tour of duty of two to three years in different provinces. Below these posts was a network of administrative managers covering intelligence gathering, sending reports to Rome, organising military supplies and dealing with prisoners. A staff of seconded soldiers provided clerical services.
Colchester was probably the earliest capital of Roman Britain, but it was soon eclipsed by London with its strong mercantile connections.
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Britannia
43-early 3rd c.
Capital Camulodunum
(43-c.65),
then Londinium |
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Britannia Inferior,
Early 3rd c. - 293,
capital at Eboracum |
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Britannia Superior
Early 3rd c. - 293,
capital at Londinium |
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Flavia Caesariensis,
293-410,
capital Lindum |
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Britannia Secunda,
293-410,
capital Eboracum |
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Maxima Caesariensis,
293-410,
capital Londinium |
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Britannia Prima,
293-410,
capital Corinium |
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During their occupation of Britain the Romans founded a number of important settlements, many of which still survive. The towns suffered attrition in the later 4th century, when public building ceased and some were abandoned to private uses. Though place names survived the deurbanized Sub-Roman and early Anglo-Saxon periods, and historiography has been at pains to signal the expected survivals, archaeology shows that a bare handful of Roman towns were continuously occupied. According to S.T. Loseby,[51] the very idea of a town as a centre of power and administration was reintroduced to England by the Roman Christianizing mission to Canterbury, and its urban revival was delayed to the 10th century.
Roman towns can be broadly grouped in two categories. Civitates, "public towns" were formally laid out on a grid plan, and their role in imperial administration occasioned the construction of public buildings.[52] The much more numerous category of vici, "small towns" grew on informal plans, often round a camp or at a ford or crossroads; some were not small, others were scarcely urban, some not even defended by a wall, the characteristic feature of a place of any importance.[53]
Cities and towns which have Roman origins, or were extensively developed by them are listed with their Latin names in brackets; civitates are marked C
The druids, the Celtic priestly caste who were believed to originate in Britain,[55] were outlawed by Claudius,[56] and in 61 they vainly defended their sacred groves from destruction by the Romans on the island of Mona (Anglesey).[57] However, under Roman rule the Britons continued to worship native Celtic deities, such as Ancasta, but often conflated with their Roman equivalents, like Mars Rigonemetos at Nettleham.
The degree to which earlier native beliefs survived is difficult to gauge precisely. Certain European ritual traits such as the significance of the number 3, the importance of the head and of water sources such as springs remain in the archaeological record, but the differences in the votive offerings made at the Roman Baths (Bath), Bath, Somerset before and after the Roman conquest suggest that continuity was only partial. Worship of the Roman Emperor is widely recorded, especially at military sites. The founding of a Roman temple to Claudius at Camulodunum was one of the impositions that led to the revolt of Boudica. By the 3rd century, Pagans Hill Roman Temple in Somerset was able to exist peaceably and it did so into the 5th century.
Eastern cults such as Mithraism also grew in popularity towards the end of the occupation. The Temple of Mithras is one example of the popularity of mystery religions amongst the rich urban classes and temples to Mithras also exist in military contexts at Vindobala on Hadrian's Wall (the Rudchester Mithraeum) and at Segontium in Roman Wales (the Caernarfon Mithraeum).
It is not clear when or how Christianity came to Britain. A 2nd century "word square" has been discovered in Mamucium, the Roman settlement of Manchester.[58] It consists of an anagram of PATER NOSTER carved on a piece of amphora. There has been discussion by academics whether the "word square" is actually a Christian artefact, but if it is, it is one of the earliest examples of early Christianity in Britain.[59] The earliest confirmed written evidence for Christianity in Britain is a statement by Tertullian, c. 200 AD, in which he described "all the limits of the Spains, and the diverse nations of the Gauls, and the haunts of the Britons, inaccessible to the Romans, but subjugated to Christ".[60] Archaeological evidence for Christian communities begins to appear in the 3rd and 4th centuries. Small timber churches are suggested at Lincoln and Silchester and baptismal fonts have been found at Icklingham and the Saxon Shore Fort at Richborough. The Icklingham font is made of lead, and visible in the British Museum. A Roman Christian graveyard exists at the same site in Icklingham. The Water Newton Treasure is a hoard of Christian silver church plate from the early 4th century and the Roman villas at Lullingstone and Hinton St Mary contained Christian wall paintings and mosaics respectively. A large 4th century cemetery at Poundbury with its east-west oriented burials and lack of grave goods has been interpreted as an early Christian burial ground, although such burial rites were also becoming increasingly common in pagan contexts during the period.
The Church in Britain seems to have developed the customary diocesan system, as evidenced from the records of the Council of Arles in Gaul in 314: represented at the Council were bishops from thirty-five sees from Europe and North Africa, including three bishops from Britain, Eborius of York, Restitutus of London, and Adelphius, possibly a bishop of Lincoln. No other early sees are documented, and the material remains of early church structures are far to seek.[61] The existence of a church in the forum courtyard of Lincoln and the martyrium of Saint Alban on the outskirts of Roman Verulamium are exceptional.[62] Alban, the first British Christian martyr and by far the most prominent, is believed to have died in the early 4th century (although some date him in the middle 3rd century), followed by Saints Aaron and Julius of Isca Augusta. Christianity was legalised in the Roman Empire by Constantine I in 313. Theodosius I made Christianity the state religion of the empire in 391, and by the 5th century it was well established. One heresy, Pelagianism, was originated by a British monk teaching in Rome: Pelagius lived c. 354 to c. 420/440.
A letter found on a lead tablet in Bath, Somerset, datable to c. 363, had been widely publicised as documentary evidence regarding the state of Christianity in Britain during Roman times. According to its first translator, it was written in Wroxeter by a Christian man called Vinisius to a Christian woman called Nigra, and was claimed as the first epigraphic record of Christianity in Britain. However, this translation of the letter was apparently based on grave paleographical errors, and the text, in fact, has nothing to do with Christianity, and in fact relates to pagan rituals.[63]
The Romans introduced a number of species to Britain, including possibly the now rare Roman nettle (Urtica pilulifera),[64] said to have been used by soldiers to warm their arms and legs,[65] and the edible snail Helix pomatia.[66] There is also some evidence they may have introduced rabbits, but of the smaller southern mediterranean type. The European rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus) prevalent in modern Britain is assumed to have been introduced from the continent after the Norman invasion of 1066.[67]
During their occupation of Britain the Romans built an extensive network of roads which continued to be used in later centuries and many are still followed today.
The Romans also built water supply, sanitation and sewage systems.
Many of Britain's major cities, such as London (Londinium), Manchester (Mamucium) and York (Eburacum), were founded by the Romans.
Britain is also noteworthy as being the largest European region of the former Roman Empire whose majority language is neither:
- A Romance language (although English, descended from the speech of Germanic tribes which arrived after the Romans had left Britain, has had a heavy influence from French, due primarily to the Norman conquest of England), nor
- A language descended from the pre-Roman inhabitants, though Welsh exists as a living minority language, with many borrowings from Latin, such as llaeth ("milk"), ffenestr ("window"). Fragmentary use of Cornish lasted into the early modern period.
- ^ The Oxford Companion to Classical Civilization (1998) Hornblower, Spawforth eds. Oxford University Press pp.129–131.
- ^ The Oxford Companion to Classical Civilization (1998) Hornblower, Spawforth eds. Oxford University Press pp.46, 323.
- ^ Caesar, De bello Gallico IV, 20-38, abridged by Cassius Dio XXXIX, 51-53; cf. Tac., Agricola 13.
- ^ Caes., De bello Gallico V, 1-23, abridged by Cassius Dio XL, 1-4.
- ^ Suetonius, Divus Claudius 17; cf. Cassius Dio LX, 19,1.
- ^ The completion date of AD 128 derives from inscriptions hailing the Emperor Hadrian as pater patriae (Father of His Country), which title he assumed in that year.
- ^ The dating is based on an interpretation of the archaeological evidence. Briefly stated, inscriptions suggest that events were contained within the period of Pius' third consulship, AD 140-144.
- ^ The dating is based on the evidence of an inscription found at Heddon-on-the-Wall, on the line of Hadrian's Wall, recording refurbishment work there by the Sixth Victrix Legion (RIB 1389).
- ^ Herodian III, 8, 2. The precise dating is uncertain, and the province does not appear to have been divided until the reign of Caracalla.
- ^ The reorganisation is usually attributed to Constantine; it first appears in the Verona List of ca. AD 314.
- ^ George Patrick Welsh (1963), Britannia: the Roman Conquest and Occupation of Britain pp. 27-31
- ^ Herodotus, Histories 3.115
- ^ Plutarch, Life of Caesar 23.2
- ^ Julius Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Gallico 4.20-36
- ^ Julius Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Gallico 5.8-23
- ^ Dio Cassius, Roman History 49.38, 53.22, 53.25
- ^ Strabo, Geography 4.5
- ^ Keith Branigan (1987), The Catuvellauni
- ^ Augustus, Res Gestae Divi Augusti 32
- ^ Tacitus, Annals 2.24
- ^ John Creighton (2000), Coins and power in Late Iron Age Britain, Cambridge University Press
- ^ Suetonius, Caligula 44-46; Dio Cassius, Roman History 59.25
- ^ Cassius Dio, Roman History 60.19-22
- ^ Tacitus, Histories 3.44
- ^ Tacitus, Annals 14.32
- ^ Tacitus, Annals 14.34
- ^ Webster, Graham The Roman Imperial Army of the first and second centuries A.D. University of Oklahomah Press New ed of 3 Revised ed 1998 ISBN 978-0-8061-3000-2 p.66 [1]
- ^ For example, John Manley, AD 43: The Roman Invasion of Britain: a Reassessment, 2002.
- ^ Suetonius, Vespasian 4
- ^ Tacitus, Agricola 14
- ^ Tacitus, Annals 12:31-38
- ^ Tacitus, Agricola 14–17, Annals 14.29–39; Dio Cassius, Roman History 62.1–12
- ^ Suetonius, Nero 18
- ^ Tacitus, Agricola 16–17; Histories 1.60, 3.45
- ^ Tacitus, Agricola 18–38
- ^ Panegyrici Latini 8, 10; Aurelius Victor, Book of Caesars 39; Eutropius, Abridgement of Roman History 21-22; Orosius, Seven Books of History Against the Pagans 7.25
- ^ Archaeological evidence of late 4th-century urban collapse is analysed by Simon Esmonde Cleary, The Ending of Roman Britain, 1989; the "de-romanization" of Britain is the subject of several accounts by Richard Reece, including "Town and country: the end of Roman Britain", World Archaeology 12 (1980:77-92) and "The end of the city in Roman Britain", in J. Rich, ed. The City in Antiquity (1992:136-44); Simon T. Loseby, "Power and towns in Late Roman Britain and early Anglo-Saxon England" in Gisela Ripoll and Josep M. Gurt, eds., Sedes regiae (ann. 400-800), (Barcelona, 2000)(on-line text) makes a strong case for discontinuity of urban life.
- ^ M. Fulford, "Excavations... Antiquariies Journal 65 (1985:39-81), noted in Loseby 2000:325f.
- ^ Moorhead, Sam; Stuttard, David (2012). The Romans who Shaped Britain. Thames & Hudson. p. 238. ISBN 978-0-500-25189-8.
- ^ Morris, F. M. 2010. North Sea and Channel Connectivity during the Late Iron Age and Roman Period (175/150 BC – AD 409). Oxford: Archaeopress; Fulford, M. G. 2007. ‘Coasting Britannia: Roman trade and traffic around the shores of Britain’, in Gosden, C. Hamerow, H. de Jersey, P. and Lock, G. (eds.), Communities and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxbow: 54-74; Cunliffe, B. W. 2001. Facing the Ocean: the Atlantic and its Peoples 8000 BC – AD 1500. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- ^ Fulford, M. G. 2007. ‘Coasting Britannia: Roman trade and traffic around the shores of Britain’, in Gosden, C. Hamerow, H. de Jersey, P. and Lock, G. (eds.), Communities and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxbow: 54-74; Morris, F. M. 2010. North Sea and Channel Connectivity during the Late Iron Age and Roman Period (175/150 BC – AD 409). Oxford: Archaeopress.
- ^ Pearson, A. F. 2002. The Roman Shore Forts: Coastal Defences of Southern Britain. Stroud: Tempus; Morris, F. M. 2010. North Sea and Channel Connectivity during the Late Iron Age and Roman Period (175/150 BC – AD 409). Oxford: Archaeopress.
- ^ Morris, F. M. 2010. North Sea and Channel Connectivity during the Late Iron Age and Roman Period (175/150 BC – AD 409). Oxford: Archaeopress; Tyers, P. 1996a. Roman Pottery in Britain. London: Batsford; Tyers, P. 1996b. ‘Roman amphoras in Britain’, Internet Archaeology 1; Peacock, D. P. S. and Williams, D. F. 1986. Amphorae in the Roman Economy. London; Carreras Monfort, C. and Funari, P. P. A. 1998. Britannia y el Mediterráneo: Estudios Sobre el Abastecimiento de Aceite Bético y africano en Britannia. Barcelona; Fulford, M. G. 1991. ‘Britain and the Roman Empire: the evidence for regional and long distance trade’, in Jones, R. F. J. (ed.), Roman Britain: Recent Trends. Sheffield: 35-47; Fulford, M. G. 2004. ‘Economic Structures’, in Todd, M. (ed.), A Companion to Roman Britain. Oxford: Blackwell; Fulford, M. G. 2007. ‘Coasting Britannia: Roman trade and traffic around the shores of Britain’, in Gosden, C. Hamerow, H. de Jersey, P. and Lock, G. (eds.), Communities and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxbow: 54-74; Mattingly, D. J. 2006. An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire. London: Penguin.
- ^ a b Morris, F. M. 2010. North Sea and Channel Connectivity during the Late Iron Age and Roman Period (175/150 BC – AD 409). Oxford: Archaeopress; Fulford, M. G. 1984. ‘Demonstrating Britannia’s economic dependence in the first and second centuries’, in Blagg, T. F. C. and King, A. C. (eds.), Military and Civilian in Roman Britain: Cultural Relationships in a Frontier Province. Oxford: 129-142; Fulford, M. G. 1991. ‘Britain and the Roman Empire: the evidence for regional and long distance trade’, in Jones, R. F. J. (ed.), Roman Britain: Recent Trends. Sheffield: 35-47; Fulford, M. G. 2004. ‘Economic Structures’, in Todd, M. (ed.), A Companion to Roman Britain. Oxford: Blackwell.
- ^ Fulford, M. G. 1984. ‘Demonstrating Britannia’s economic dependence in the first and second centuries’, in Blagg, T. F. C. and King, A. C. (eds.), Military and Civilian in Roman Britain: Cultural Relationships in a Frontier Province. Oxford: 129-142; Morris, F. M. 2010. North Sea and Channel Connectivity during the Late Iron Age and Roman Period (175/150 BC – AD 409). Oxford: Archaeopress.
- ^ Mattingly, D. J. 2006. An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire. London: Penguin (see p. 500); Fulford, M. G. 1984. ‘Demonstrating Britannia’s economic dependence in the first and second centuries’, in Blagg, T. F. C. and King, A. C. (eds.), Military and Civilian in Roman Britain: Cultural Relationships in a Frontier Province. Oxford: 129-142; Fulford, M. G. 1989. ‘The economy of Roman Britain’, in Todd, M. (ed.), Research on Roman Britain 1960-89. London: 175-201; Fulford, M. G. 1991. ‘Britain and the Roman Empire: the evidence for regional and long distance trade’, in Jones, R. F. J. (ed.), Roman Britain: Recent Trends. Sheffield: 35-47.
- ^ a b Morris, F. M. 2010. North Sea and Channel Connectivity during the Late Iron Age and Roman Period (175/150 BC – AD 409). Oxford: Archaeopress.
- ^ Fulford, M. G. 1977. ‘Pottery and Britain’s foreign trade in the Later Roman period’, in Peacock, D. P. S. (ed.), Pottery and Early Commerce. Characterization and Trade in Roman and Later Ceramics. London: Academic Press: 35-84; Fulford, M. G. 1978. ‘The interpretation of Britain’s late Roman trade: the scope of medieval historical and archaeological analogy’, in du Plat Taylor, J. and Cleere, H. (eds.), Roman Shipping and Trade: Britain and the Rhine Provinces. London: 59-69; Fulford, M. G. 1996. ‘Economic hotspots and provincial backwaters: modelling the late Roman economy’, in King, C. E. and Wigg, D. G. (eds.), Coin Finds and Coin Use in the Roman World. Berlin: Mann Verlag: 153-177; Fulford, M. G. 2004. ‘Economic Structures’, in Todd, M. (ed.), A Companion to Roman Britain. Oxford: Blackwell; Morris, F. M. 2010. North Sea and Channel Connectivity during the Late Iron Age and Roman Period (175/150 BC – AD 409). Oxford: Archaeopress; Birley, A. R. 2005. The Roman Government of Britain. Oxford (pp. 423-424); Julian Ep. ad. Ath. 279D, 280A, B, C; Libanius. Or. 18.82-83, 87; Ammianus 18.2.3-4; Eunapius Frag. 12; Zosimus 3.5.2.
- ^ Fulford, M. G. 1996. ‘Economic hotspots and provincial backwaters: modelling the late Roman economy’, in King, C. E. and Wigg, D. G. (eds.), Coin Finds and Coin Use in the Roman World. Berlin: Mann Verlag: 153-177; Fulford, M. G. 2004. ‘Economic Structures’, in Todd, M. (ed.), A Companion to Roman Britain. Oxford: Blackwell; Morris, F. M. 2010. North Sea and Channel Connectivity during the Late Iron Age and Roman Period (175/150 BC – AD 409). Oxford: Archaeopress.
- ^ Morris, F. M. 2010. North Sea and Channel Connectivity during the Late Iron Age and Roman Period (175/150 BC – AD 409). Oxford: Archaeopress; Fulford, M. G. 1996. ‘Economic hotspots and provincial backwaters: modelling the late Roman economy’, in King, C. E. and Wigg, D. G. (eds.), Coin Finds and Coin Use in the Roman World. Berlin: Mann Verlag: 153-177.
- ^ S.T. Loseby, "Power and towns in Late Roman Britain and early Anglo-Saxon England" ([ on-line text]).
- ^ M. Millet, The Romanization of Britain: an essay in archaeological interpretation, 1990:102f, lists 22 "public towns"; Gildas, De Excidio 3.2 lists 28; discussion is mooted whether Gildas possessed a written or conventional list (N.J. Higham, "Old light on the Dark Age landscape: the description of Britain in the de Excidio Britanniae of Gildas", Journal of Historical Geography 17 [1991:363–72]).
- ^ Barry C. Burnham and J. S. Wacher, The Small Towns of Roman Britain 1990
- ^ Noviomagus Regnorum: meaning "new field" or new clearing of the Regni (Wacher, John The Towns of Roman BritainRoutledge; 2nd revised edition 1995:262 ISBN 978-0-7134-7319-3 )
- ^ Julius Caesar, Commentarii de Bello Gallico 6.13
- ^ Suetonius, Claudius 25.5
- ^ Tacitus, Annals 14.30
- ^ Horsley, G. H. R. (1987). New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity: a Review of the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri Published in 1979. William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company. p. 138. ISBN 978-0-85837-599-4.
- ^ Shotter, David ([2004] 1993). Romans and Britons in North-West England. Lancaster: Centre for North-West Regional Studies. pp. 129–130. ISBN 1-86220-152-8.
- ^ Tertullian, Adversus Judaeos 7.4
- ^ Charles Thomas, Christianity in Roman Britain to AD 500, 1981
- ^ Simon T. Loseby, "Power and towns in Late Roman Britain and early Anglo-Saxon England" in Gisela Ripoll and Josep M. Gurt, eds., Sedes regiae (ann. 400-800), Barcelona, 2000:326f (on-line text).
- ^ Tomlin, R. S. O. (1994). "Vinisius to Nigra: Evidence from Oxford of Christianity in Roman Britain" (PDF). Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 100: 93–108. http://www.uni-koeln.de/phil-fak/ifa/zpe/downloads/1994/100pdf/100093.pdf. Retrieved 13 December 2006.
- ^ Kavalali, Gulsel M. Urtica: therapeutic and nutritional aspects of stinging nettles CRC Press; 1 edition (26 September 2003) ISBN 978-0-415-30833-5 p.15
- ^ Nearing, Homer Jr "Local Caesar Traditions in Britain" Speculum, Vol. 24, No. 2 (Apr., 1949), pp. 218-227
- ^ New, T.R. Introduction to invertebrate conservation biology OUP Oxford (24 August 1995) ISBN 978-0-19-854051-9 p.136
- ^ " Unearthing the ancestral rabbit" British Archaeology Issue 86 January/February 2006 [2]
Iron Age background
- Creighton, J. 2000. Coins and Power in Late Iron Age Britain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Cunliffe, B. W. 2005. Iron Age Communities in Britain (fourth edition). London: Routledge.
General works on Roman Britain
- De la Bédoyère, G. 2006. Roman Britain: a New History. London: Thames and Hudson.
- Esmonde Cleary, S. 1989. The Ending of Roman Britain. London: Batsford.
- Frere, S. S. 1987. Britannia. A History of Roman Britain (third edition). London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
- Jones, G. B. D. and Mattingly, D. 1990. An Atlas of Roman Britain. Oxford: Oxbow.
- Laycock, S. 2008. Britannia: the Failed State. Stroud: Tempus.
- Mattingly, D. J. 2006. An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire. London: Penguin.
- Millet, M. 1990. The Romanization of Britain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Moorhead, Sam and Stuttard, David. 2012. The Romans who Shaped Britain. London. Thames & Hudson.
- Salway, P. 1993. A History of Roman Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Todd, M. (ed.), 2004. A Companion to Roman Britain. Oxford: Blackwell.
Historical sources and inscriptions
- Birley, A. R. 2005. The Roman Government of Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
- Collingwood, R. G. Wright, R. P. and Tomlin, R. S. O. 1995. The Roman Inscriptions of Britain. Vol. I: Inscriptions on Stone (revised edition). Stroud.
- Frere, S. S. Roxan, M. and Tomlin, R. S. O. 1990. The Roman Inscriptions of Britain. Vol. II. Instrumentum Domesticum. Fasc. I. The Military diplomata; metal ingots; tesserae; dies; labels; and lead sealings. Stroud.
- Frere, S. S. and Tomlin, R. S. O. 1991-1995. The Roman Inscriptions of Britain. Vol. II. Fascs. 2-8. Stroud.
- Ireland, S. 1986. Roman Britain: a Sourcebook. London: Croom Helm.
- Andreas Kakoschke: Die Personennamen im römischen Britannien, Alpha-Omega. Lexika - Indizes - Konkordanzen zur Klassischen Philologie 259. Hildesheim 2011.
- Rivet, A. L. F. and Smith, C. 1979. The Place-names of Roman Britain. London: Batsford.
Trade
- Carreras Monfort, C. and Funari, P. P. A. 1998. Britannia y el Mediterráneo: Estudios Sobre el Abastecimiento de Aceite Bético y africano en Britannia. Barcelona.
- du Plat Taylor, J. and Cleere, H. (eds.), 1978. Roman Shipping and Trade: Britain and the Rhine Provinces. London.
- Fulford, M. G. 1977. ‘Pottery and Britain’s foreign trade in the Later Roman period’, in Peacock, D. P. S. (ed.), Pottery and Early Commerce. Characterization and Trade in Roman and Later Ceramics. London: Academic Press: 35-84.
- Fulford, M. G. 1984. ‘Demonstrating Britannia’s economic dependence in the first and second centuries’, in Blagg, T. F. C. and King, A. C. (eds.), Military and Civilian in Roman Britain: Cultural Relationships in a Frontier Province. Oxford: 129-142.
- Fulford, M. G. 1991. ‘Britain and the Roman Empire: the evidence for regional and long distance trade’, in Jones, R. F. J. (ed.), Roman Britain: Recent Trends. Sheffield: 35-47.
- Fulford, M. G. 2007. ‘Coasting Britannia: Roman trade and traffic around the shores of Britain’, in Gosden, C. Hamerow, H. de Jersey, P. and Lock, G. (eds.), Communities and Connections: Essays in Honour of Barry Cunliffe. Oxford: Oxbow: 54-74.
- Morris, F. M. 2010. North Sea and Channel Connectivity during the Late Iron Age and Roman Period (175/150 BC – AD 409). Oxford: Archaeopress.
- Peacock, D. P. S. and Williams, D. F. 1986. Amphorae in the Roman Economy. London.
- Tyers, P. 1996a. Roman Pottery in Britain. London: Batsford.
- Tyers, P. 1996b. ‘Roman amphoras in Britain’, Internet Archaeology 1.
Economy
- Allason-Jones, L. 2002. ‘The jet industry and allied trades in Roman Britain’, in Wilson, P, and Price, J. (eds.), Aspects of Industry in Roman Yorkshire and the North. Oxford: Oxbow: 125-132.
- Allen, J. R. L. and Fulford, M. G. 1996. ‘The distribution of South-East Dorset Black Burnished Category I Pottery in South-West Britain’, Britannia 27: 223-281.
- Allen, J. R. L. Fulford, M. G. and Todd, J. A. 2007. ‘Burnt Kimmeridgian shale at Early Roman Silchester, south-east England, and the Roman Poole-Purbeck complex-agglomerated geomaterials industry’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 26 (2): 167-191.
- Cleere, H. F. and Crossley, D. 1995. The Iron Industry of the Weald (second edition). Merton Priory Press.
- Fulford, M. G. 1989. ‘The economy of Roman Britain’, in Todd, M. (ed.), Research on Roman Britain 1960-89. London: 175-201.
- Fulford, M. G. 2004. ‘Economic Structures’, in Todd, M. (ed.), A Companion to Roman Britain. Oxford: Blackwell.
- Going, C. J. 1992. ‘Economic ‘Long Waves’ in the Roman Period? A Reconnaissance of the Romano-British Ceramic Evidence’, Oxford Journal of Archaeology 11 (1): 93-117.
- Jones, G. B. D. and Mattingly, D. 1990. An Atlas of Roman Britain. Oxford: Oxbow (see pp. 179–232).
- Mattingly, D. J. 2006. An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire. London: Penguin (see pp. 491–528).
- Reece, R. 2002. The Coinage of Roman Britain. Stroud: Tempus.
- Tyers, P. 1996a. Roman Pottery in Britain. London: Batsford.
- Young, C. J. 1977. The Roman Pottery Industry of the Oxford Region. BAR 43. Oxford.
Provincial government
- Birley, A. R. 2005. The Roman Government of Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Provincial development
- Burgers, A. 2001. The Water Supplies and Related Structures of Roman Britain. Oxford.
- Jones, G. B. D. and Mattingly, D. 1990. An Atlas of Roman Britain. Oxford: Oxbow (see pp. 141–178).
- Margary, I. 1967. Roman Roads in Britain. London.
- Mattingly, D. J. 2006. An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire. London: Penguin.
- Millet, M. 1990. The Romanization of Britain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
The Roman military in Britain
- Bowman, A. K. 2003. Life and Letters on the Roman Frontier: Vindolanda and its People (third edition). London: British Museum.
- Jones, G. B. D. and Mattingly, D. 1990. An Atlas of Roman Britain. Oxford: Oxbow (see pp. 64–140).
- Manley, J. F. 2002. The Roman Invasion of Britain: a Reassessment. Stroud.
- Mason, D. J. 2003. Roman Britain and the Roman Navy. Stroud: Tempus.
- Mattingly, D. J. 2006. An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire. London: Penguin (see pp. 85–252).
- Pearson, A. F. 2002. The Roman Shore Forts: Coastal Defences of Southern Britain. Stroud: Tempus.
Urban life
- Mattingly, D. J. 2006. An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire. London: Penguin (see pp. 253–350).
- Millet, M. 1990. The Romanization of Britain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Wacher, J. S. 1975. The Towns of Roman Britain. London: Batsford.
Rural life
- Jones, G. B. D. and Mattingly, D. 1990. An Atlas of Roman Britain. Oxford: Oxbow (see pp. 233–263).
- Mattingly, D. J. 2006. An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire. London: Penguin (see pp. 351–427).
- Millet, M. 1990. The Romanization of Britain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- Percival, J. 1976. The Roman Villa. London: Batsford.
Religion
- Henig, M. 1984. Religion in Roman Britain. London: Batsford.
- Jones, G. B. D. and Mattingly, D. 1990. An Atlas of Roman Britain. Oxford: Oxbow (see pp. 264–305).
Art
- Henig, M. 1995. The Art of Roman Britain. London.
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* Towns labelled with an asterisk have not grown into a modern UK location (their county is shown instead)
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![Seal with wife Heidi Klum. Even though 80 percent of the genetic characteristics of most indigenous Britons today have been passed down from a few thousand Ice Age hunters and the genetic makeup of today's indigenous population is much the same as it was 12,000 years ago,[193] Britain has a fairly long history of inter-ethnic marriage among the various European populations that inhabited the island, including the Celtic, Roman, Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman peoples](http://web.archive.org./web/20120921032155/http://cdn5.wn.com/pd/60/f6/78595518d48ffaf1b770d2c77eaa_medium.jpg "Seal with wife Heidi Klum. Even though 80 percent of the genetic characteristics of most indigenous Britons today have been passed down from a few thousand Ice Age hunters and the genetic makeup of today's indigenous population is much the same as it was 12,000 years ago,[193] Britain has a fairly long history of inter-ethnic marriage among the various European populations that inhabited the island, including the Celtic, Roman, Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-Norman peoples")
![Dunadd hill fort near Kilmartin in Argyll, similar to ring-forts in Ireland and Iberian castros.There are over 2000 Iron Age hill forts known in Britain.[3] Some forts were reoccupied following the end of Roman rule, to defend against pirate raids, and the Anglo-Saxon invasions.](http://web.archive.org./web/20120921032155/http://cdn6.wn.com/pd/42/6f/9022e1312e631b8e94a752ef6c84_medium.jpg "Dunadd hill fort near Kilmartin in Argyll, similar to ring-forts in Ireland and Iberian castros.There are over 2000 Iron Age hill forts known in Britain.[3] Some forts were reoccupied following the end of Roman rule, to defend against pirate raids, and the Anglo-Saxon invasions.")
