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The incumbent, in politics, is the existing holder of a political office. This term is usually used in reference to elections, in which races can often be defined as being between an incumbent and non-incumbent(s). For example, in the 2004 United States presidential election, George W. Bush was the incumbent, because he was the president in the current term while the election sought to determine the president for the following term. A race without an incumbent is referred to as an open seat.

Etymology[link]

The word "incumbent" is derived from the Latin verb incumbere, literally meaning "to lean or lay upon" with the present participle stem incumbent-, "leaning a variant of encumber,^[1] while encumber is derived from the root cumber,^[2] most appropriately defined: "4. To occupy obstructively or inconveniently; to block fill up with what hinders freedom of motion or action; to burden, load."^[3]

Politics[link]

In general, incumbents have structural advantages over challengers during elections. The timing of elections may be determined by the incumbent instead of a set schedule. For most political offices, the incumbent often has more name recognition due to their previous work in the office. Incumbents also have easier access to campaign finance, as well as government resources (such as the franking privilege) that can be indirectly used to boost a campaign. An election (especially for a legislature) in which no incumbent is running is often called an open seat; because of the lack of incumbency advantage, these are often amongst the most hotly-contested races in any election.

In the United States, incumbents traditionally win their party's nomination to run for office. Unseating an incumbent president, senator or other figure during a primary election is very difficult, and even in the general election, incumbents have a very strong record. For instance, the percentage of incumbents who win reelection after seeking it in the U.S. House of Representatives has been over 80% for over 50 years, and is often over 90%.^[4] However, this rate may be artificially inflated, as incumbents that feel unlikely to win may decline to run for reelection. Additionally, shifts in congressional districts due to reapportionment or other longer-term factors may make it more or less likely for an incumbent to win re-election over time. For example, a Democratic incumbent in historically conservative rural Texas would have less chance of winning than a Democratic incumbent in historically liberal New York City, because Texas has shifted away from the Democratic Party in terms of voting while New York City has shifted toward the same party (see also Congressional stagnation in the United States).

However, there exist scenarios in which the incumbency factor itself leads to the downfall of the incumbent. Popularly known as the anti-incumbency factor, situations of this kind occur when the incumbent has proven himself not worthy of office during his tenure and the challenger demonstrates this fact to the voters. An anti-incumbency factor can also be responsible for bringing down incumbents who have been in office for many successive terms in spite of performance indicators, simply because the voters are convinced by the challenger of a need for change. Nick Panagakis, a pollster, coined what he dubbed the "incumbent rule" in 1989--that any voter who claims to be undecided towards the end of the election will probably end up voting for the challenger^[5].

When newcomers vie to fill an open office, voters tend to compare and contrast the candidates' qualifications, issues positions and personal characteristics in a relatively straightforward way. Elections featuring an incumbent, on the other hand, are as Guy Molyneux puts it, "fundamentally a referendum on the incumbent."^[6] Voters will first grapple with the record of the incumbent. Only if they decide to "fire" the incumbent do they begin to evaluate whether the challenger is an acceptable alternative. At the same time, if the challenger is determined to be wholly unacceptable, voters might reluctantly vote for the incumbent.

Business[link]

In business the term "incumbent" is used for the largest company in a certain industry, for instance the traditional phone company in telecommunications, typically called the "incumbent operator". In a sales process, such as public tender, incumbent may also refer to the vendor that has the largest existing commercial relationship with the issuer of the tender.

In large corporations it is the incumbent who is the holder of an office, or one that occupies a particular position.

See also[link]

• Lists of office-holders
• List of current heads of state and government
• Outgoing president

Notes[link]

References[link]

Politics portal

• Oxford English Dictionary. 2nd ed. 1989. Print.

Joe Donnelly
Member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Indiana's 2nd district
Incumbent
Assumed office January 3, 2007
Preceded by	Chris Chocola
Personal details
Born	Joseph Simon Donnelly (1955-09-29) September 29, 1955 (age 56) Flushing, Queens, New York
Political party	Democratic
Spouse(s)	Jill Donnelly
Residence	Granger, Indiana
Alma mater	University of Notre Dame Notre Dame Law School
Occupation	Attorney Businessman
Religion	Roman Catholic

Joseph Simon "Joe" Donnelly, Sr.^[1] (born September 29, 1955^[2]) is the U.S. Representative for Indiana's 2nd congressional district, serving since 2007. He is a member of the Democratic Party. Donnelly announced Monday May 9, 2011, that he would run for the United States Senate seat that is held by Republican Richard Lugar.

Early life, education, and law career[link]

Joe Donnelly was born and raised in Massapequa, New York.^[3] He graduated from Notre Dame in 1977 and earned his law degree from Notre Dame Law School in 1981. He practiced law until 1996, when he opened Marking Solutions, a printing and rubber stamp company.^[4]

Early political career[link]

Donnelly held two public positions before deciding to run for US Congress. From 1988 to 1989 he served on the Indiana State Election Board, which was charged with ensuring accurate election results. He served on a local school board from 1997 to 2001, serving as president of the board from 2000 to 2001.^[4]

He ran a campaign for Indiana Attorney General in 1988, but lost at the Democratic state convention. He also ran an unsuccessful campaign for the Indiana State Senate in 1990.^[3]

U.S. House of Representatives[link]

Elections[link]

2004

Donnelly ran unopposed for the Democratic nomination in the second district, where he faced off against incumbent Chris Chocola.^[5] Chocola was helped by several fundraising visits from President George W. Bush, and was able to outspend Donnelly by a two to one margin, $1.4 million to $700,000. Donnelly lost the election, 54%–45%.^[6] Due to his relatively late entrance into the contest, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC) did not offer much support to Donnelly's 2004 campaign. This would change in 2006, when the race was identified by the DCCC as a "Red-to-Blue" contest and extra funds were sent from out of the district in an effort to win back control of the House of Representatives.

2006

Congressman Donnelly in 2006

On May 2, 2006, Donnelly defeated Steve Francis for the Democratic nomination, setting up a rematch against Chris Chocola.^[7]

Because Chocola was a strong supporter of George W. Bush, the race was expected to be more competitive than in 2004 in light of Bush's waning popularity. The website Moveon.org identified Donnelly as a top contender to defeat a Republican incumbent in the house, and began running its "Red-Handed" ads against Chocola early in the campaign. Chocola still maintained a significant money advantage over Donnelly, but in 2006, Donnelly had enough to maintain a competitive advertising presence throughout the campaign.

The campaign was heated, with the DCCC sponsoring ads attacking Chocola as being beholden to moneyed interests in the insurance, pharmaceutical, and energy industries. Chocola returned fire by attacking Donnelly over a late tax filing and by attempting to link him to liberal House leader Nancy Pelosi.^[8]

On November 7, 2006, Donnelly defeated Chocola by 15,145 votes, or 8% of a substantially larger total of votes relative to 2004.^[9] The key difference between the 2006 and 2004 elections for Donnelly lay in the results within St. Joseph County, the location of South Bend and by far the largest county in the district. Traditionally reliably Democratic, voters in the county chose Donnelly over Chocola by only a few hundred votes in the 2004 election. In 2006, however, Donnelly amassed 58% of the county's votes, generating a 14,000-vote margin.

Donnelly was named to the House Financial Services Committee for the 110th Congress.^[10]

2008

Donnelly ran unopposed for the Democratic nomination. In the general election, he received 67.1% of the vote, winning against Republican nominee Luke Puckett and Libertarian nominee Mark Vogel.

2010

Donnelly ran unopposed for the Democratic nomination. In the general election, he was challenged by Republican nominee State Representative Jackie Walorski. Despite huge GOP gains Donnelly was re-elected with 48% of the vote to Walorski's 47%.

Tenure[link]

Taxes and spending

Donnelly is a member of Blue Dog Coalition, a group of moderate Democrats in Congress. In March 2007, he was recognized as "Blue Dog of the Week" for his work on helping small businesses.^[11] He has also broken with the Democratic leadership on several budgetary issues, including the 2008 fiscal budget proposal.^[12] In June 2007, he was ranked as one of the ten most independent Democrats by a nonpartisan Congressional Quarterly report.^[13]

Donnelly has supported attempts to patch the Alternative Minimum Tax. Additionally, he has co-sponsored HR 976, The Small Business Tax Relief, Act^[14][15][16]

Veterans

In July 2007, Donnelly joined 221 other House members in voting for HR 2956, the Responsible Redeployment from Iraq Act. This legislation contained a deadline for withdrawal of U.S. forces from Iraq.^[17]

Serving on the House Veterans' Affairs Committee, supported legislation that was the largest increase in funding for veterans in history (Fiscal Year 2008 Military Construction and Veterans’ Affairs Appropriations).^[18] Since taking office, he has worked to improve the conditions at Walter Reed Hospital^[19] by supporting H.R.1538, The Wounded Warrior Assistance Act.^[20] He has worked across the aisle with Republican Congressman Fred Upton to introduce H.R. 1490, The Fairness in Veterans Disability Benefits Act, which reduces waiting time for veterans deserving disability benefits.^[21] Donnelly has introduced legislation to create a rural advisory board for veterans^[22] and fought to improve private-care options for veterans struck with traumatic brain injury.^[23] He has also worked to open an outpatient clinic in Elkhart, IN and an inpatient hospital in South Bend, IN.^[24][25]

Health care

Donnelly strongly supports expanding health care so it covers a greater number of people. Because many are losing their insurance as a result of losing their jobs, or because their small business cannot afford to provide workers with health care, Donnelly suggests revising the health care plan so that all Americans are covered, as opposed to the 46 million that are currently uninsured.^[26] On March 21, 2010, Joe Donnelly voted in favor of approving the Senate version of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.^[27]

Immigration

To fix what Donnelly calls the “country’s immigration crisis” he wants to start by securing the borders and have more agents patrolling the perimeter. He suggests using E-Verify, a program that allows employers to verify if their workers are legal by checking with databases from the Department of Homeland Security and the Social Security Administration.^[28] The interest groups English First, Federation for American Immigration Reform, and Americans for a Better Immigration have all been supporters of Donnelly’s work, while the National Latino Congreso has adamantly criticized his efforts.^[29]

Gun ownership

The National Rifle Association (NRA) has consistently supported Donnelly on his views on gun control. He helped promote a project that would get rid of gun registration and the trigger lock law in Washington D.C.^[30] The Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence has disapproved of Donnelly’s views and actions since 1998, based on his gun control voting records.^[29] He values family traditions and human life; therefore, he is working on making inappropriate content on the web, television, and radio unavailable to children.

Abortion

Donnelly is morally opposed to abortion, and is trying to make adoption more accessible to families.^[31] In 2011, he co-sponsored HR 3, the No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion Act.^[32] The bill contained an exception for "forcible rape," which opponents criticized as potentially excluding drug-facilitated rape, date rape, and other forms of rape.^[33] The bill also allowed an exception for minors who are victims of incest.^[32]

Committee assignments[link]

• Committee on Financial Services
  • Subcommittee on Capital Markets, Insurance, and Government-Sponsored Enterprises
  • Subcommittee on International Monetary Policy and Trade
• Committee on Veterans' Affairs
  • Subcommittee on Health
  • Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations (Ranking Member)

2012 U.S Senate election[link]

Donnelly has announced his intention to seek the Democratic nomination to challenge Republican Richard Mourdock, who beat incumbent Republican U.S Senator Richard Lugar during the primary election, in the 2012 U.S Senate election.^[34]

Personal life[link]

Donnelly and his wife, Jill, have two children. They reside in Granger, Indiana.^[35]

References[link]

External links[link]

• U.S. Congressman Joe Donnelly official U.S. House site
• Joe Donnelly for U.S. Senate official campaign site
• Biography at WhoRunsGov.com at The Washington Post
• Biography at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
• Voting record maintained by The Washington Post
• Biography, voting record, and interest group ratings at Project Vote Smart
• Congressional profile at GovTrack
• Congressional profile at OpenCongress
• Issue positions and quotes at On the Issues
• Financial information at OpenSecrets.org
• Staff salaries, trips and personal finance at LegiStorm.com
• Campaign finance reports and data at the Federal Election Commission
• Appearances on C-SPAN programs
• Profile from SourceWatch

Dylan Ratigan
Host of MSNBC's The Dylan Ratigan Show
Born	Dylan Jason Ratigan (1972-04-19) April 19, 1972 (age 40) Saranac Lake, New York
Occupation	Television journalist and show host
Notable credit(s)	Host of MSNBC's The Dylan Ratigan Show
Website
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/31510813/

Dylan Jason Ratigan (born (1972-04-19)April 19, 1972) is a New York Times Best-Selling author and host of MSNBC's The Dylan Ratigan Show, the highest-rated, non-prime time show on the network, aimed at critiquing what Ratigan sees as an unholy alliance between big business and government.^[1] He is also a frequent contributor to The Huffington Post.

The former Global Managing Editor for Corporate Finance at Bloomberg L.P., Ratigan has developed and launched more than half a dozen broadcast and new media properties. They include CNBC’s Fast Money and Closing Bell, as well as DylanRatigan.com, which is home to his podcast, “Greedy Bastards Antidote.”

His first book, Greedy Bastards, was released on January 10, 2012 and spent five consecutive weeks on the New York Times Best-Sellers List.^[2]

Early life[link]

Ratigan was born in the village of Saranac Lake in upstate New York. He earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in political economics from Union College in Schenectady, where he was a member of the crew team.^[3]

Journalism career[link]

Ratigan served as the Global Managing Editor for Corporate Finance at Bloomberg News Service, and before that had covered Mergers and Acquisitions, the U.S. Stock Market and IPOs. At Bloomberg, he co-created and hosted Morning Call for Bloomberg's cable network and the USA Network.^[3] He has served as a contributor to ABC News and his articles have appeared in The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Miami Herald and Chicago Tribune.^[3]

Ratigan was the host of Fast Money (co-created with Susan Krakower^[3] and launching on June 21, 2006). Previously, he was the first anchor of CNBC's On the Money. He also anchored the CNBC TV program Bullseye for about a year and a half. In addition to his former duties as co-anchor on Closing Bell, Ratigan was a rotating co-anchor of The Call.

Ratigan left as host of Fast Money in 2009, provoked by outrage over the government’s handling of the 2008 financial crisis. Since then, he has dedicated his work to launching platforms that engage and debate the U.S. government on policy, while opening the door for millions to learn more about money’s often poisonous role in democracy. The New York Times reported he was considering all options but quoted him as saying he was dedicated to covering the economy, "the story that is affecting every American in every setting."^[4]

Morning Meeting launched June 29, 2009.^[5] Ratigan also contributes to other NBC News programs. Ratigan described the show's imperative as "to discuss any and all political issues with no directive other than to provide compelling content."^[6] The show was the second ever on the network to air in HD, as the network launched their programming in that format.^[7]

On May 27, 2010, Ratigan appeared as a guest host on the daily internet news and opinion show, The Young Turks. Cenk Uygur, regular host of The Young Turks is a frequent guest on The Dylan Ratigan Show.

On January 9, 2012, he appeared as a guest on The Rachel Maddow Show on MSNBC,^[8] discussing the premise of his book, Greedy Bastards, viz. the swindling and robbing of America by "government corruption and corporate communism, incensed by banksters shaking down taxpayers, and despairing of an ailing health care system, an age-old dependency on foreign oil, and a failing educational system".^[9] He stated that he has gained weight and started smoking due to his frustration.

Reporting[link]

Ratigan reported on NASCAR for the program NASCAR Gold and about Las Vegas for Las Vegas, Inc on CNBC on Assignment.

Ratigan won the Gerald Loeb Award for 2004 coverage of the Enron scandal.^[3]

In Ratigan's final CNBC broadcast from the floor of the NYSE he reported on what he called "an important story developing" that Goldman Sachs and "a variety of European banks," in his assessment and that of his guests, essentially "perpetrated securities fraud" and an "insurance fraud scam" against AIG — and, by extension, the government and taxpayers funding that insurance company's "bailout" — by insuring their questionable investment vehicles and, upon their devaluation, making claims on them to be paid by AIG "at 100 cents on the dollar" despite all of the markdowns "being forced upon every other" entity including the government, banks, shareholders, bond holders, taxpayers and homeowners.^[10]

"I think that it should be a bigger political issue than whether somebody bought an airplane ... Forget the private jets, forget who got a million dollar bonus. Fifty billion dollars," he said, minimizing what he saw as populist side issues to "the real question" of how "government policy makers" are to deal with the "problems of contract law" inherent in the agreements of businesses receiving government assistance during the financial crisis.^[10]

"The banks are being asked to take 'haircuts' on their toxic assets, why are the Goldmans and the Deutsche Banks of the world not being asked to take haircuts on their toxic credit default swaps? It's a real question. I will continue to pursue it for sure, I hope others will as well." Ratigan praised New York Attorney General Andrew Cuomo's subpoena of AIG to determine the bank payouts as "legitimate inquiry" and looked forward to "a body of lawmakers in Washington, D.C., who are going to ask, it appears, some of the same questions that I'm asking." ^[10]

2011 rant[link]

On the August 10, 2011, broadcast of The Dylan Ratigan Show, in a round table discussion of the market meltdown following the Budget Control Act of 2011, Ratigan went on a two-minute-long rant against what he perceived to be the state of politics in the United States government, saying:

"We've got a real problem! This is a mathematical fact! Tens of trillions of dollars are being extracted from the United States of America. Democrats aren't doing it, Republicans aren't doing it. An entire integrated system, financial system, trading system, taxing system, that was created by both parties over a period of two decades is at work on our entire country right now. And we're sitting here arguing about whether we should do the $4 trillion plan that kicks the can down the road for the president for 2017, or burn the place to the ground, both of which are reckless, irresponsible, and stupid."^[11]

The video of his impassioned speech went viral^[12] and was praised by other media sources. TV Newser wrote that it was "a powerful, emotional editorial on the economy and Washington".^[13] On a followup post on his website the day after he wrote that he had received a lot of positive mail from viewers, writing "I’m mad as hell. And according to the piles and piles of responses I got after my rant, so are you."^[14]

Appearances[link]

Ratigan appeared on The Oprah Winfrey Show in 2008 to discuss the financial crisis.^[15] He has also appeared on The Colbert Report with Stephen Colbert^[16] and Late Night with Conan O'Brien.^[17]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Dylan Ratigan biography on MSNBC
• Daily Beast profile of Dylan Ratigan
• From CNBC Business Journalist to Critic of Bankers on MSNBC from The New York Times

Laurent Koudou Gbagbo Gbagbo
President of Côte d'Ivoire
In office 26 October 2000 – 11 April 2011*
Prime Minister	Seydou Diarra Pascal Affi N'Guessan Seydou Diarra Charles Konan Banny Guillaume Soro Gilbert Aké
Preceded by	Robert Guéï
Succeeded by	Alassane Ouattara
Personal details
Born	(1945-05-31) 31 May 1945 (age 67) Gagnoa, French West Africa (now Ivory Coast)
Nationality	Bété Ivorian
Political party	Ivorian Popular Front
Spouse(s)	Simone Gbagbo, Nadiana Bamba
Alma mater	Paris Diderot University
Religion	Roman Catholicism
Website	Official website
*The presidency was disputed between Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara from 4 December 2010 to 11 April 2011, at which time Gbagbo was arrested.

Laurent Gbagbo^[1][2] (Gagnoa Bété: Gbagbo [ɡ͡baɡ͡bo]; French pronunciation: [loʁɑ̃ kudu baɡbo]; born 31 May 1945) was the fourth President of Côte d'Ivoire of ethnic Bété from 2000 until his arrest in April 2011. A historian by profession, he is also an amateur chemist and physicist.

Gbagbo was imprisoned in the early 1970s and again in the early 1990s, and he lived in exile in France during much of the 1980s as a result of his union activism. Gbagbo founded the Ivorian Popular Front (FPI) in 1982 and ran unsuccessfully for President against Félix Houphouët-Boigny at the start of multi-party politics in 1990. He also won a seat in the National Assembly of Côte d'Ivoire in 1990.

Gbagbo claimed victory after Robert Guéï, head of a military junta, barred other leading politicians from running against Gbagbo in the October 2000 presidential election. Gbagbo supporters took to the streets, toppling Guéï. Gbagbo was then installed as President.

Following the 2010 presidential election, Gbagbo challenged the vote count, alleged fraud, and refused to stand down. He called for the annulment of results from nine of the country's regions. Alassane Ouattara was declared the winner and was recognized as such by election observers, the international community, the African Union (AU), and the Economic Community of West African States. However, the Constitutional Council, which according to Article 94 of the Ivorian Constitution both determines disputes in and proclaims the results of Presidential elections,^[3] declared that Gbagbo had won. After a short period of civil conflict, Gbagbo was arrested by the Republican Army of Ivory Coast. In November 2011, he was extradited to the International Criminal Court, becoming the first head of state to be taken into the court's custody.^[4]

Early life and academic career[link]

Gbagbo was born in the village of Mama, near Gagnoa. He became a history professor and an opponent of the regime of President Félix Houphouët-Boigny. He was imprisoned from 31 March 1971 to January 1973. In 1979, he obtained his doctorate at Paris Diderot University (French: Université Paris Diderot, also known as Université Paris 7 – Denis Diderot). In 1980, he became Director of the Institute of History, Art, and African Archeology at the University of Abidjan, He participated in a 1982 teachers' strike as a member of the National Trade Union of Research and Higher Education. Gbagbo went into exile in France in the same year.

Political career[link]

During the 1982 strike, Gbagbo formed what would become the Ivorian Popular Front (FPI). He returned to Côte d'Ivoire on 13 September 1988 and at the FPI's constitutive congress, held on 19–20 November 1988, he was elected as the party's Secretary-General.^[2]

Gbagbo said in July 2008 that he had received crucial support from Blaise Compaoré, currently the President of Burkina Faso, while he was part of the underground opposition to Houphouët-Boigny.^[5]

Following the introduction of multiparty politics in 1990, Gbagbo was the only candidate to stand against Houphouët-Boigny in the October 1990 presidential election, receiving 18.3% of the vote against Houphouët-Boigny. In the November 1990 parliamentary election, Gbagbo won a seat in the National Assembly, along with eight other members of the FPI;^[2][6] Gbagbo was elected to a seat from Ouragahio District in Gagnoa Department and was President of the FPI Parliamentary Group from 1990 to 1995.^[2] In 1992 he was sentenced to two years in prison and charged with inciting violence, but was released later in the year.^[6] The FPI boycotted the 1995 presidential election. In 1996 Gbagbo was re-elected to his seat in the National Assembly from Ouragahio, following a delay in the holding of the election there, and in the same year he was elected as President of the FPI.^[2]

At the FPI's 3rd Ordinary Congress on 9–11 July 1999, Gbagbo was chosen as the FPI's candidate for the October 2000 presidential election.^[2] That election took place after a December 1999 coup in which Robert Guéï took power. Guéï refused to allow Alassane Ouattara or Henri Konan Bédié to run, leaving Gbagbo as the only significant opposition candidate. Guéï claimed victory in the election, held on 22 October 2000, but Gbagbo toppled Guéï, who fled the capital. Gbagbo installed himself as President on 26 October.

Civil war[link]

On 19 September 2002 a revolt by northerners against Gbagbo's government partly failed. The rebels, calling themselves the "Forces Nouvelles," attempted to seize the cities of Abidjan, Bouaké, and Korhogo. They failed to take Abidjan, but were successful in the other two, respectively in the center and north of the country. Their grievances were that their candidate, Alassane Ouattara, had been barred from running in the 2000 presidential election, having been accused by Gbagbo and his supporters of not being a "real Ivoirian" in what would be the beginning of Gbagbo's trend toward inciting ethnic divisions to maintain power, following on from the concept of "Ivoirieté" introduced by President Henri Konan Bédié in the 1990s to 2000 .^{[citation needed]}

Aftermath[link]

Early in November 2004, after the peace agreement had effectively collapsed following Gbagbo's refusal to agree to hold democratic elections that would include all candidates and the rebels' subsequent refusal to disarm, Gbagbo ordered airstrikes against the rebels. During one of these airstrikes in Bouaké on 6 November 2004, French soldiers were hit and nine of them were killed; the Ivorian government has said it was a mistake,^[7] but the French have claimed it was deliberate. They responded by destroying most Ivoirian military aircraft, and Gbagbo supporters violently attacked French-origin Ivoirians and French nationals.^[8]

Gbagbo's original mandate as president expired on 30 October 2005, but he garnered support from other African dictators in the African Union to support his bid to refuse to hold elections, and, despite his rhetoric against the international community, sought support to avoid holding elections as promised.^[9] With the late October deadline approaching in 2006, it was regarded as very unlikely that the election would in fact be held by that point, and the opposition and the rebels rejected the possibility of another term extension for Gbagbo.^[10] The UN Security Council endorsed another one-year extension of Gbagbo's term on 1 November 2006; however, the resolution provided for the strengthening of Prime Minister Charles Konan Banny's powers. Gbagbo said the next day that elements of the resolution deemed to be constitutional violations would not be applied.^[11]

A peace deal between the government and the rebels, or New Forces, was signed on 4 March 2007, in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, and subsequently Guillaume Soro, leader of the New Forces, became Prime Minister.^[12][13] Those events were seen by some observers as substantially strengthening Gbagbo's position.^[13]

Gbagbo visited the north for the first time since the outbreak of the war for a disarmament ceremony, the "peace flame", on 30 July 2007. This ceremony involved burning weapons to symbolize the end of the conflict.^[14][15] At the ceremony, Gbagbo declared the war over and said that the country should move quickly to elections, which were then planned for early 2008.^[15]

On 30 August 2008, Gbagbo was designated the FPI's candidate for the November 2008 presidential election at a party congress; he was the only candidate for the FPI nomination.^[16] The presidential election was again postponed to 2010.

2010 presidential election and succession crisis[link]

In 2010, Ivory Coast had a presidential election that saw Gbagbo face off with Alassane Ouattara. Gbagbo, whose mandate had expired in 2005, had delayed the election several times.^[17]

On 28 November 2010, the second round of the presidential election was held. Four days later the Ivory Coast Election Commission (CEI) declared Alassane Ouattara the winner with 54.1% of the vote.^[18] Gbagbo's party complained of fraud and ordered that votes from nine regions be annulled, but the claims were disputed by the Ivoirian Electoral Commission and international election observers.^[19] The Constitutional Council, headed by a staunch supporter of Gbagbo^{[citation needed]}, in accordance with its legal powers in article 94 of the Ivorian Constitution^[3] nullified the CEI's declaration based on alleged voting fraud, and excluded votes from nine northern areas.^[20] The Constitutional Council concluded that without these votes Gbagbo won with 51% of the remaining vote.^[19] The constitutional restriction on Presidents serving more than ten years was not addressed. With a significant portion of the country's vote nullified, especially in areas where Ouattara polled well,^[20] tensions mounted in the country. Gbagbo ordered the army to close the borders and foreign news organizations were banned from broadcasting from within the country. United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton urged the government to "act responsibly and peacefully."^[21]

Gbagbo declared that "I will continue to work with all the countries of the world, but I will never give up our sovereignty." Gbagbo is accused of committing many atrocities against regime opponents.^{[citation needed]} Ouattara's forces have also been accused of mass killings.^{[citation needed]} Sporadic violence and gunfire were reported in various parts of the country, including Abidjan.^[22] Gbagbo is mainly supported by the largely Christian south; his opponents are mostly concentrated in the Muslim north.^[23]

Ouattara also took a parallel oath of office, based on an earlier pronouncement by the CEI that he won the election. The international community, including the African Union, recognized Ouattara as the duly elected president and called for Gbagbo to respect the will of the people. ECOWAS, the Economic Community of West African States, also recognized Ouattara and demanded Gbagbo cede power.^[24] Gbagbo responded by launching ethnic attacks on northerners living in Abidjan with his army made up partly of Liberian mercenaries,^[25][26] and rumours (unconfirmed because of restrictions on the movement of peacekeeping forces) of pro-Gbagbo death squads and mass graves have been reported to representatives of the UN.^[27][28] When Nigeria demanded Gbagbo step down and the EU began imposing sanctions and freezing assets, Gbagbo demanded foreign troops (by which he meant UN and French troops) leave the country.^[24][29] Leaders of the Forces Nouvelles (former rebels) asserted that Gbagbo was not the Head of State and could not make such a request and also asserted that the demand was a part of a plan to commit genocide on ethnicities from the north of the country, as stated by Gbagbo's Minister of Youth and Employment.^[26][30][31]

On 6 April 2011, forces loyal to Ouattara moved to seize Gbagbo at his residence in Abidjan after failed negotiations to end the presidential succession crisis.^[32] According to Ouattara, his forces established a security perimeter at the residence, where Gbagbo has sought refuge in a subterranean level, and are waiting for him to run out of food and water.^[33] The UN has insisted that he be arrested, judged and tried for crimes against humanity during his term and since the election of Ouattara.

On 10 April 2011, UN and French helicopters fired on heavy weapons located in Gbabgo's residency in order to prevent attacks on civilians or UN personnel.^[34]

Arrest and transfer to the International Criminal Court[link]

It was reported that Gbagbo was arrested on the afternoon of 11 April 2011.^[34] Gbagbo was held in the Golf Hotel by Ouattara's forces, but the UN police had accepted his request for their protection.^[35] Initial reports indicated that French special forces had made the arrest, based on declarations by a Gbagbo aide, but it was denied by the French ambassador in Ivory Coast. A French military spokesman later asserted that French forces did not enter Gbagbo's residence.^[36][37][38] After briefing the United Nations Security Council on the situation, Alain Le Roy, UN Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations, confirmed to reporters that Ouattara forces made the arrest.^[36] But there have been persistent reports from Alain Toussaint, Gbagbo's Special Advisor in France, that French forces did indeed make the arrest namely by blasting open the corridor that linked the presidential residence to the French embassy in Abidjan. Gbagbo had had the tunnel blocked with concrete as soon as he came to power in 2000, marking his political independence to France, the former colonial master.^{[citation needed]}

Later speaking from inside the Golf Hotel in Abidjan, Gbagbo told his supporters to stop fighting.^[39] U.S. President Barack Obama cheered news of the latest developments in the Ivory Coast and CNN quoted U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton as saying Gbagbo's capture "sends a strong signal to dictators and tyrants. ... They may not disregard the voice of their own people".^[40]

Wikinews has related news: Gbagbo appears at international court for alleged crimes against humanity

In October 2011, the International Criminal Court opened an investigation into acts of violence committed during the conflict after the election, and ICC chief prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo visited the country. The ICC formally issued an arrest warrant for Gbagbo, charging him with four counts of crimes against humanity – murder, rape and other forms of sexual violence, persecution and "other inhuman acts", allegedly committed between 16 December 2010 and 12 April 2011. Gbagbo was arrested in Korhogo, where he had been placed under house arrest, and was placed on a flight to The Hague on 29 November 2011. An adviser to Gbagbo described the arrest as "victor's justice". Gbagbo will be the first former head of state to be tried by the ICC.^[41][42]

See also[link]

	Côte d'Ivoire portal
	Biography portal
	Politics portal

• Politics of Côte d'Ivoire
• First Ivorian Civil War
• Second Ivorian Civil War

References[link]

External links[link]

• (French) Laurent Gbagbo's official website
• Laurent GBAGBO, Trial Watch Profile, TRIAL

v t e Presidents of Côte d'Ivoire Houphouët-Boigny • Bédié • Guéï • Gbagbo • Ouattara

John Fund
Fund at CPAC in February 2010
Born	(1957-04-08) April 8, 1957 (age 55) Tucson, Arizona, U.S.
Nationality	American
Occupation	Commentator, columnist, author

John H. Fund (born April 8, 1957) is an American political journalist and conservative columnist. Currently a senior editor of The American Spectator,^[1] he was previously a columnist for The Wall Street Journal, where he wrote a weekly column named "On the Trail" and contributed to the Journal's newsletter, Political Diary.

Life and career[link]

Fund was born in Tucson, Arizona. He later attended California State University where he studied journalism and economics.^[2] He joined The Wall Street Journal as a deputy editorial features editor in 1984 and was a member of the editorial board from 1995 through 2001. The articles he has written have appeared in Esquire, Reader's Digest, Reason, The New Republic, and National Review.

Fund cowrote a 1992 book, Cleaning House: America's Campaign for Term Limits (ISBN 0-89526-516-8) with James Coyne. He also collaborated with Rush Limbaugh on another 1992 book, The Way Things Ought to Be (ISBN 067175145X),^[3][4] transcribing it from tape and editing it.

In 2004, Fund wrote Stealing Elections: How Voter Fraud Threatens Our Democracy (ISBN 1-59403-061-8), in which he strongly criticizes the American election system, describing it as "befitting an emerging Third World country rather than the world's leading democracy".

Bibliography[link]

• Stealing Elections: How Voter Fraud Threatens Our Democracy (Encounter Books, 2004, ISBN 1-59403-061-8)
• Cleaning House: America's Campaign for Term Limits (Regnery Gateway, 1992, ISBN 0-89526-516-8)

References[link]

External links[link]

• Official biography at OpinionJournal.com.
• Archive of Fund's columns at OpinionJournal.com.
• "Leave it to Deaver" Fund writes about meeting Michael Deaver and Ronald Reagan while in high school.