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Realpolitik (see also Political realism; from German: real "realistic", "practical" or "actual"; and Politik "politics", German pronunciation: [ʁeˈaːlpoliˌtiːk]) refers to politics or diplomacy based primarily on power and on practical and material factors and considerations, rather than ideological notions or moralistic or ethical premises. In this respect, it shares aspects of its philosophical approach with those of realism and pragmatism. The term realpolitik is sometimes used pejoratively to imply politics that are coercive, amoral, or Machiavellian. Balancing power to keep the European pentarchy was the means for keeping the peace, and careful Realpolitikers tried to avoid arms races.

Origin of the term[link]

'Realpolitik' was coined by Ludwig von Rochau, a German writer and politician in the 19th century.^[1] His 1853 book Grundsätze der Realpolitik angewendet auf die staatlichen Zustände Deutschlands describes the meaning of the term:

The political organism of human society, the state, originates and subsists in virtue of a natural law which man, with or without consciousness or will, carries out… The imperative of Nature on which the existence of states depends is fulfilled in the historically given state through the antagonism of various forces; its condition, extent and achievements varying infinitely according to space and time. The study of the forces that shape, sustain and transform the state is the starting-point of all political knowledge. The first step towards understanding leads to the conclusion that the law of the strong over political life performs a function similar to the law of gravity over the material world.

[edit] Realpolitik in Europe

As used in the U.S., the term is often similar to power politics, while in Germany, Realpolitik is used to describe modest (realistic) politics in opposition to idealistic (unrealistic) politics, though it is associated with the nationalism of the 19th century. Realpolitik policies were created after the revolutions of 1848 as a tool to strengthen states and tighten social order. The most famous German advocate of "Realpolitik" was Otto von Bismarck, the First Chancellor (1862–1890) to Wilhelm I of the Kingdom of Prussia. Bismarck used Realpolitik to achieve Prussian dominance in Germany, as he manipulated political issues such as the Schleswig-Holstein Question and the Hohenzollern candidature to antagonize other countries, possibly with the intention of war. Characteristic of Bismarck's political action was an almost Machiavellian policy, demonstrating a pragmatic view of the real political world. One example of this is his willingness to adopt some of the "liberal" social policies of employee insurance, for example; realistically, by doing so, he could manipulate small changes from the top down, rather than face the possibility of major change, from the bottom up. Another example, Prussia's seemingly illogical move of not demanding territory from a defeated Austria, a move that later led to the unification of Germany, is one of the often-cited examples of Realpolitik. Similarly, in the German Green Party, people willing to compromise are referred to as Realos (realists), and opponents as Fundis (fundamentalists or ideologues).

Another example of Realpolitik in use is Adolf Hitler's attempt to obtain a predominantly German region of Czechoslovakia called Sudetenland in 1938. At first, Hitler demanded then president Edvard Beneš hand over that region of the country, but Beneš refused. Subsequently, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain gave Sudetenland to Hitler in the (ultimately vain) hope of preventing a war, as codified in the Munich Agreement. Chamberlain was able to do this because Great Britain wielded power over Czechoslovakia,^{[citation needed]} therefore it was able to overrule Beneš' refusal.

E. H. Carr (Edward Hallett Carr) was a liberal realist and later left-wing British historian and international relations theorist who argued for realistic international policies versus utopian ones. Carr described realism as the acceptance that what exists is right, and the belief that there is no reality or forces outside history such as God. He argued that in realism there is no moral dimension, and that what is successful is right, and what is unsuccessful is wrong. Carr was convinced that the Bolsheviks were destined to win the Russian Civil War, and approved of the Prime Minister David Lloyd George's opposition to the anti-Bolshevik ideas of the War Secretary Winston Churchill under the grounds of realpolitik.^[2] In Carr's opinion, Churchill's support of the White Russian movement was folly as Russia was likely to be a great power once more under the leadership of the Bolsheviks.

[edit] Examples of US Realpolitik

The policy of Realpolitik was formally introduced to the Richard Nixon White House by Henry Kissinger.^[3] In this context, the policy meant dealing with other powerful nations in a practical manner rather than on the basis of political doctrine or ethics—for instance, Nixon's diplomacy with the People's Republic of China, despite the U.S.'s opposition to communism and the previous doctrine of containment. Another example is Kissinger's use of shuttle diplomacy after the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, where he persuaded the Israelis to withdraw partially from the Sinai in deference to the political realities created by the oil crisis.

Realpolitik is distinct from ideological politics in that it is not dictated by a fixed set of rules, but instead tends to be goal-oriented, limited only by practical exigencies. Since realpolitik is ordered toward the most practical means of securing national interests, it can often entail compromising on ideological principles. For example, During the Cold War, the U.S. often supported authoritarian regimes that were human rights violators, in order to theoretically secure the greater national interest of regional stability. Detractors would characterize this attitude as amoral, while supporters would contend that they are merely operating within limits defined by practical reality.^{[citation needed]}

Most recently, former ambassador Dennis Ross advocated this approach to foreign policy in his 2007 book Statecraft: And How to Restore America's Standing in the World.

For the purposes of contrast, and speaking in ideal types, political ideologues would tend to favor principle over other considerations. Such individuals or groups can reject compromises which they see as the abandonment of their ideals, and so may sacrifice political gain in favor of adhering to principles they believe to be constitutive of long term goals.

Relation to realism[link]

Realpolitik is related to the philosophy of political realism, and both suggest working from the hypothesis that it is chiefly based on the pursuit, possession, and application of power; (see also the power politics article.) Realpolitik, however, is a prescriptive guideline limited to policy-making (like foreign policy), while realism is a descriptive paradigm, a wider theoretical and methodological framework, aimed at describing, explaining and, eventually, predicting events in the international relations domain.

See also[link]

• Otto Von Bismarck
• Cardinal Richelieu
• Chanakya
• Consequentialism
• Henry Kissinger
• Niccolò Machiavelli
• Noopolitik
• Power politics
• Pragmatism
• Realism in international relations

Notes[link]

References[link]

• David Robertson: The Routledge Dictionary of Politics. Routledge 2004. ISBN 978-0-415-32377-2, p. 420 (restricted online copy at Google Books)
• Hajo Holborn: History of Modern Germany: 1840-1945. Princeton University Press 1982, ISBN 978-0-691-00797-7, p. 117 (restricted online copy at Google Books)
• Ruth Weissbourd Grant: Hypocrisy and integrity: Machiavelli, Rousseau, and the ethics of politics. University of Chicago Press 1997, ISBN 978-0-226-30582-0, p. 40-41 (restricted online copy at Google Books)
• Frank Whelon Wayman (ed.), Paul Francis Diehl (ed.): Reconstructing Realpolitik. University of Michigan Press 1994, ISBN 978-0-472-08268-1 (restricted online copy at Google Books)
• Federico Trocini: L’invenzione della «Realpolitik» e la scoperta della «legge del potere». August Ludwig von Rochau tra radicalismo e nazional-liberalismo, il Mulino, Bologna 2009

Pablo Iglesias
200px
Member of the Congress of Deputies
In office 10 June 1910 – 15 September 1923
Constituency	Madrid
Member of Madrid City Council
In office 1906–1910
Personal details
Born	Paulino Iglesias Posse (1850-10-18)18 October 1850 El Ferrol, Galicia, Spain
Died	9 December 1925(1925-12-09) (aged 75) Madrid, Spain
Resting place	Madrid Civil Cemetery, Madrid, Spain
Nationality	Spanish
Political party	PSOE
Other political affiliations	Nueva Federación Madrileña Conjunción Republicano-Socialista
Spouse(s)	Amparo Meliá (m. 1921)
Children	Juan Almela Meliá (stepson)
Occupation	Typesetter, Syndicalist
Religion	Atheist
Signature

Paulino Iglesias Posse (October 18, 1850 – December 9, 1925), better known as Pablo Iglesias, was a Spanish socialist and labour leader. He is regarded as the father of Spanish socialism; having founded the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) in 1879 and the Spanish General Workers' Union (UGT) in 1888.

Biography[link]

Iglesias was born to humble parents who called him Paulino. He attended school between the ages of six and nine, when his father, a municipal laborer, died. Pablo, his younger brother, and their mother put their possessions in a small covered cart and walked with it to live in Madrid. Pablo's mother survived there by begging, and both boys entered the Hospicio of San Fernando. They completed primary schooling there, and Pablo learned printing. Aged twelve he left the Hospicio to work and to help support his mother. He worked as a printer, gradually improving his wages. While he was rendered unemployed by a strike, his brother died of tuberculosis.

He attended evening classes and learned French. This let him read classic works of French political science, translate the works of French socialists and participate successfully in international congresses. Protected by the 1869 Constitution, the Spanish section of the International Workers Association (AIT) organized a series of conferences in Madrid. Iglesias attended, and in 1870, was invited to enter the printers section. The appearance of Solidarity, newspaper of the International, started him on the intense journalistic career that occupied the rest of his life.

Iglesias in 1873 applied to join the Association of Art Printers and the following year was chosen as its president. From this platform he began several years of secret work preparing to start the world's second workers party. On 22 May 1879, at a renowned clandestine banquet of international brotherhood in Madrid, twenty-five people (led by Iglesias) founded the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE - Partido Socialista Obrero Español).

Political activism repeatedly put Iglesias in jail, first in 1882 after a strike and the last time in 1910 when he was sixty. He always rejected offers of clemency, and as an ex-convict some employers would deny him work. More than once, only the newspaper The Socialist he had founded on 12 March 1886, and his wage as its printer, editor and director, kept him from starving.

On 12 August 1888 the Spanish General Workers Union (UGT) was founded in Barcelona, its name proposed by Iglesias.

The Congress of 1889 named him president of its national committee, a position he held for 36 years until his death. In 1890, when the day of struggle was celebrated for the first time in Madrid on 1 May, he headed an impressive demonstration. He led the representation to the Government of demands for legislative reforms, such as the 8-hour working day. In 1905 he first joined the City Council of Madrid.

Republicans had opposed Iglesias, but a Republican-Socialist alliance paved the way for the 1910 elections to make him the first socialist deputy in the Spanish Parliament. Worsening health prevented him attending many parliamentary sessions after 1914, limiting his parliamentary career. 1923 saw him elected a deputy for the last time.

Despite his sparse theoretical background, he produced many excellent intellectual works in Spain and internationally. He published more than two thousand newspaper articles in Spain between his first, The War, on 5 December 1870 in Solidarity, and the last, The Working Class Will Win in Freedom on 5 December 1925.

Iglesias was one of the best propagandists among Spanish socialist idealists; few workers' leaders wrote so much of interest. Characterised by vehement defense and furious attack, his works make an ethically coherent call for regeneration and hope.

On his death, an office drawer contained a parting gift of 1,000 pesetas from Iglesias for The Socialist, to which he had been linked from its birth. There were widespread posthumous tributes to him. With Government authorization, more than 150,000 workers accompanied his funeral procession to the civil cemetery in Madrid.

See also[link]

• Spanish Socialist Workers' Party
• Unión General de Trabajadores

Further reading[link]

• Vidal Manzanares, Gustavo (April 2009) (in Spanish). Pablo Iglesias: La Vida y la epoca del fundador del PSOE y UGT [Pablo Iglesias: The life and times of the founder of PSOE and UGT]. Ediciones Nowtilus, S.L. ISBN 978-84-9763-729-9. 

External links[link]

• Pablo Iglesias Foundation