Alexei Kosygin Алексей Косы́гин
Kosygin at the Glassboro Summit Conference, 23 June 1967
Chairman of the Council of Ministers
In office 15 October 1964 – 23 October 1980
Deputy	First Deputy Premiers Dmitriy Ustinov Kirill Mazurov Dmitry Polyansky Nikolai Tikhonov
Preceded by	Nikita Khrushchev
Succeeded by	Nikolai Tikhonov
First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers
In office 4 May 1960 – 15 October 1964
Premier	Nikita Khrushchev
Preceded by	Frol Kozlov
Succeeded by	Dmitriy Ustinov
Chairman of the State Planning Committee
In office 20 March 1959 – 4 May 1960
Premier	Nikita Khrushchev
Preceded by	Joseph Kuzmin
Succeeded by	Vladimir Novikov
Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Russian SFSR
In office 23 June 1943 – 23 March 1946
Premier	Joseph Stalin
Preceded by	Ivan Khokhlov
Succeeded by	Mikhail Rodionov
Full member of the Politburo
In office 4 May 1960 – 21 October 1980
In office 4 September 1948 – 16 October 1952
Candidate member of the Politburo
In office 29 June 1957 – 4 May 1960
In office 16 October 1952 – 5 March 1953
In office 18 March 1946 – 4 September 1948
Personal details
Born	Alexei Nikolayevich Kosygin (1904-02-20)20 February 1904 St. Petersburg, Russian Empire
Died	18 December 1980(1980-12-18) (aged 76) Moscow, Russian SFSR, Soviet Union
Citizenship	Soviet
Nationality	Russian
Political party	Communist Party of the Soviet Union
Spouse(s)	Klavdia Andreyevna (died 1967)
Residence	House on the Embankment
Profession	Teacher, civil servant[1]
Military service
Allegiance	Russian SFSR
Service/branch	Red Army
Years of service	1919–1921[2]
Rank	Conscript
Commands	Red Army
Battles/wars	Russian Civil War

Alexei Nikolayevich Kosygin (Russian: Алексе́й Никола́евич Косы́гин, tr. Aleksej Nikolajevič Kosygin; IPA: [ɐlʲɪkˈsʲej nʲɪkɐˈlajɪvʲɪtɕ kɐˈsɨgʲɪn]; (21 February [O.S. 5 March] 1904 – 18 December 1980) was a Soviet-Russian statesman during the Cold War. Kosygin was born in the city of St. Petersburg in 1904 to a Russian working class family. He was conscripted into the labor army during the Russian Civil War, and after the Red Army's demobilisation in 1921, he worked in Siberia as an industrial manager. Kosygin returned to Leningrad in the early 1930s and worked his way up the Soviet hierarchy. During the Great Patriotic War (World War II), Kosygin was a member of the State Defence Committee and was tasked with moving Soviet industry out of territories soon to be overrun by the German military. He served as Minister of Finance for a year before becoming Minister of Light Industry and later, the Minister of Light and Food Industry. One year before his death in 1953, Stalin removed Kosygin from the Politburo, intentionally weakening his position within the Soviet hierarchy.

After the power struggle triggered by Stalin's death in 1953, Nikita Khrushchev became the new leader. On 20 March 1959, Kosygin was appointed to the position of Chairman of the State Planning Committee (Gosplan), a post he would hold for little more than a year. Kosygin next became First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. When Khrushchev was replaced in 1964, Kosygin and Leonid Brezhnev became Premier and First Secretary respectively. Kosygin, along with Brezhnev and Nikolai Podgorny, the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, was a member of the newly established collective leadership. Kosygin became one of two major power players within the Soviet hierarchy, the other being Brezhnev, and was able to initiate the failed 1965 economic reform, usually referred to simply as the Kosygin reform. This reform, along with his more open stance on solving the Prague Spring (1968), made Kosygin one of the most liberal members of the top leadership.

Some of Kosygin's policies were seen as too radical, particularly by more conservative members of the top leadership. However, they were never able to depose Kosygin as Premier, even if he and Brezhnev disliked each other. By the 1970s, Brezhnev had consolidated enough power to stop any "radical" reform-minded attempts by Kosygin. In 1980, Kosygin retired from office due to bad health, dying two months later on 18 December 1980.

Early life and career (1904–1964)[link]

Kosygin was born into a Russian^[3] working class family consisting of his father and mother, Nikolai Ilyich and Matron Alexandrovna, and his siblings. The family lived in St. Petersburg. Kosygin was baptised one month after his birth on 7 March.^[4] He was conscripted into a labor army on the Bolshevik side during the Russian Civil War. After the Red Army's demobilisation in 1921, Kosygin attended the Leningrad Co-operative Technical School^[5] and found work in the system of consumer co-operatives in^[6] Novosibirsk, Siberia.^[7] When asked why he worked in the co-operative sector of the economy, Kosygin replied, quoting a slogan of Vladimir Lenin: "Co-operation – the path to socialism!"^[8] Kosygin stayed there for six years. He applied for a membership in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1927^[6] and returned to Leningrad in 1930 to study at the Leningrad Textile Institute; he graduated in 1935.^[8] After finishing his studies, Kosygin was employed as a textile mill director. Three years later, he was elected Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Leningrad City Soviets of Working People's Deputies by the Leningrad Communist Party, and the following year he was appointed People's Commissar for Textile and Industry and earned a seat on the Central Committee (CC). In 1940 Kosygin became a Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars, and was appointed in 1943 as Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Russian SFSR. Kosygin worked for the State Defence Committee during the Great Patriotic War (World War II).^[6] As Deputy Chairman of the Council of Evacuation,^[9] his task was to evacuate industry from territories soon to be overrun by the Germans. He broke the Leningrad Blockade by organising the construction of a supply route and a pipeline on the bottom of Lake Lagoda.^[10] Kosygin was a candidate member of the Politburo from 1946 to 1949, and became a full member toward the end of Joseph Stalin's rule; he lost his seat in 1952.^[11] He briefly served as Minister of Finance in 1948,^[10] and as Minister of Light Industry from 1949 to 1953.^[12]

Stalin Era[link]

The House on the Embankment was a building completed in 1931 to house the government elite; Kosygin lived there

His administration skills^[13] led Stalin to take Kosygin under his wing. Stalin shared information with Kosygin, such as how much money the families of Vyacheslav Molotov, Anastas Mikoyan, and Lazar Kaganovich possessed, spent, and paid their staff. A Politburo member earned a modest salary by Soviet standards^[14] but enjoyed unlimited access to consumer goods. Kosygin was sent by Stalin to each home to put their houses into "proper order". Assignments such as these made Kosygin unpopular with certain members of the Soviet leadership. Kosygin told his son-in-law Mikhail Gvishiani, an NKVD officer, of the accusations leveled against his co-worker Nikolai Voznesensky, then Chairman of the State Planning Committee and a First Deputy Premier, because of his possession of firearms. Gvishiani and Kosygin threw all their weapons into a lake and searched both their houses for any listening devices. They found one at Kosygin's house, but it might have been installed to spy on Marshal Georgy Zhukov, who had lived there before him. According to his memoirs, Kosygin never left his home without reminding his wife what to do if he did not return from work. After living two years in constant fear, the family reached the conclusion that Stalin would not harm them.^[15]

Kosygin, along with Alexey Kuznetsov and Voznesensky, formed a Troika in the aftermath of the war, with all three being promoted up the Soviet hierarchy by high-standing officials such as Stalin. There are some who believe that Lavrentiy Beria and Georgy Malenkov plotted against them in 1950, and initiated what became known as the Leningrad Affair, which consisted of several fabricated criminal charges against Kuznetsov and Voznesensky. Both were executed. Kosygin's life, which was connected to Kuznetsov through marriage, was hanging by a thread. How or why Kosygin survived the show trials is unknown, but he, as some jokes say, "must have drawn a lucky lottery ticket".^[16] Nikita Khrushchev blamed Beria and Malenkov for the innocent deaths of Kuznetsov and Voznesensky, and accused Malenkov in 1957 of having concocted the plot so that either Malenkov or Beria would succeed Stalin upon his death.^[13]

Khrushchev Era[link]

Following Stalin's death in March 1953, Kosygin was demoted, but as a staunch ally of Khrushchev, his career soon turned around. While never one of Khrushchev's protégés, Kosygin quickly moved up the party ladder.^[10] Kosygin became an official of the State Planning Committee in 1957, and was made a candidate member of the Politburo. He was promoted to the State Planning Committee chairmanship, and became Khrushchev's First Deputy Premier in 1960. As First Deputy Premier Kosygin travelled abroad, mostly on trade missions, to countries such as North Korea, India, Argentina and Italy for instance. Later, in the aftermath of the Cuban Missile Crisis, Kosygin was the Soviet spokesman for improved relations between the Soviet Union and the United States.^[12] Kosygin regained his old seat in the Politburo at the 22nd Party Congress in 1961.^[10]

Premiership[link]

Brezhnev–Kosygin leadership[link]

Kosygin at the Glassboro Summit Conference, 23 June 1967

When Khrushchev was dismissed as leader in October 1964,^[17] Kosygin took over Khrushchev's old post as Premier in what initially was a collective leadership, with Leonid Brezhnev as General Secretary and Anastas Mikoyan, and later Nikolai Podgorny, as Chairman of the Presidium.^[18] The new Politburo had a more conservative outlook than that found under Khrushchev; Kosygin, Podgorny and Andrei Kirilenko were the most liberal members, Brezhnev and Arvīds Pelše belonged to the moderate faction while Mikhail Suslov retained his leadership of the party's Stalinist wing.^[19]

In October 1964, at a ceremony in honour of Soviet cosmonauts, Brezhnev called for the strengthening of the Party apparatus. This speech was only the beginning of a large campaign directed against Kosygin. Several newspapers, such as Pravda and Kommunist, criticised the work of the Council of Ministers, and indirectly Kosygin, its chairman, for planning the economy in a unrealistic fashion, and used the highly aggressive rhetoric previously used to condemn Khrushchev against Kosygin. Brezhnev was able to criticise Kosygin by contrasting him with Vladimir Lenin, whom Brezhnev claimed to have been more interested in improving the conditions of Soviet agriculture than improving the quality of light industrial goods. Kosygin's support for producing more consumer goods was also criticised by Brezhnev, and his supporters, most notably Konstantin Chernenko, for being a return to quasi First World policies. At the 23rd Party Congress Kosygin's position was weakened when Brezhnev's supporters were able to increase expenditure on defence and agriculture.^[20] However, Brezhnev did not have a majority in the Politburo, and could count on only four votes.^[21] In the Politburo Kosygin could count on Kiril Mazurov's vote, and when Kosygin and Podgorny were not bickering with each other, they actually had a majority in the Politburo over Brezhnev. Unfortunately for Kosygin this was not often the case, and Kosygin and Podgorny were constantly disagreeing on policy.^[22]

Early during Kosygin's tenure, the Brezhnev–Kosygin attempt to create stability was failing on various fronts. From 1969–1970 discontent within the Soviet leadership had grown to such an extent that some started to doubt both former and current Soviet policies. Examples include the handling of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia^[19] (which Kosygin initially resisted),^[6] the decline in agriculture production, the Sino–Soviet border conflict^[19] (he advocated restraint),^[6] the Vietnam War, and the Soviet–American talks on the limitation of strategic missiles. Two summit conferences between the US and the USSR were held, the Warsaw Pact Summit Conference and the Moscow Summit Conference; both failed to gain support for Soviet policies. By 1970 these differences had not been resolved, and Brezhnev postponed the 24th Party Congress and the Ninth Five-Year Plan (1971–1975). The delay in resolving these issues led to rumours circulating in Soviet society that Kosygin, or even Brezhnev, would lose their posts to Podgorny. By March 1971 it became apparent that Brezhnev was the leader of the country, with Kosygin as the spokesman of the five-year plan and Podgorny's position within the collective leadership strengthened.^[19]

Foreign policy[link]

Kosygin with US President Lyndon B. Johnson at the 1967 Glassboro Summit Conference

Early on in his tenure, Kosygin challenged Brezhnev's right as General Secretary to represent the country abroad, a function Kosygin believed should fall into the hands of the head of government, as was common in non-communist countries. This was actually implemented for a short period,^[10] which led Henry A. Kissinger to believe that Kosygin was the leader of the Soviet Union.^[23] Kosygin, who had been the chief negotiator with the First World during the 1960s, was hardly to be seen outside the Second World^[24] after Brezhnev consolidated his position within the Politburo,^[10] but also due to Andrei Gromyko's dislike of Kosygin meddling into his own ministerial affairs.^[25]

The Six-Day War in the Middle East had the effect of increasing Soviet–American cooperation, to improve relations even further, the United States Government invited Kosygin to a summit with Lyndon B. Johnson, the President of the United States, following his speech to the United Nations.^[26] At the summit, which became known as the Glassboro Summit Conference, Johnson and Kosygin failed to reach agreement on limiting anti-ballistic missile systems, but the summit's friendly and even open atmosphere was referred to as the "Spirit of Glassboro".^[27] Relations between the two countries improved further when the 1970 Moscow Treaty was signed on 12 August 1970 by Kosygin and Gromyko and Willy Brandt and Walter Scheel who represented West Germany.^[28]

Kosygin protected János Kádár's economic reforms and his position as leader of the People's Republic of Hungary from intervention by the Soviet leadership.^[29] Polish leader Władysław Gomułka, who was removed from all of his posts in 1970, was succeeded by Edward Gierek who tried to revitalise the economy of the People's Republic of Poland by borrowing money from the First World. The Soviet leadership approved both countries' respective economic experiments, since it was trying to reduce its large Eastern Bloc subsidy programme in the form of cheap oil and gas exports.^[30] During the discussions within the Soviet leadership of a possible Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia Kosygin reminded leaders of the consequences of the Soviet suppression of the 1956 Hungarian revolution. Kosygin's stance became more aggressive later on when he understood that the reforms in Czechoslovakia could be turned against his 1965 Soviet economic reform.^[31]

Kosygin acted as a mediator between India and Pakistan in 1966, and got both nations to sign the Tashkent Declaration. Kosygin became the chief spokesman on the issue of arms control. In retrospect, many of Kosygin's co-workers felt he carried out his work "stoically", but lacked "enthusiasm", and therefore never developed a real taste for international politics.^[33]

The Sino–Soviet split chagrined Kosygin a great deal, and for a while he refused to accept its irrevocability; he briefly visited Beijing in 1969 due to increased tension between the USSR and the People's Republic of China. Kosygin said, in a close-knit circle, that "We are communists and they are communists. It is hard to believe we will not be able to reach an agreement if we met face to face".^[33] His view on China changed however, and according to Harold Wilson, a former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Kosygin viewed China as a "organised military dictatorship" who's intended goal was to enslave "Vietnam and the whole of Asia".^[34]

During an official visit by an Afghan delegation, Kosygin and Andrei Kirilenko criticised Afghan leaders Nur Muhammad Taraki and Hafizullah Amin for Stalinist-like repressionist behavior. He promised to send more economic and military aid, but rejected any proposal regarding a possible Soviet intervention, as an intervention in Afghanistan would strain the USSR's foreign relations with the First World according to Kosygin, most notably West Germany.^[35] However, in a closed meeting, without Kosygin, who strongly opposed any kind of military intervention, the Politburo unanimously supported a Soviet intervention.^[36]

Economic policy[link]

Five-Year Plans[link]

The Eighth Five-Year Plan (1966–1970) is considered to be one of the most successful periods for the Soviet economy and the most successful when it comes to consumer production (see The "Kosygin" reform).^[9] The 23rd Party Congress and the Ninth Five-Year Plan (1971–1975) had been postponed by Brezhnev due to a power struggle within the Soviet leadership.^[19] At the 23rd Party Congress Kosygin promised that the Ninth Five-Year Plan would increase the supply of food, clothing and other household appliances up to 50 percent.^[37] The plan envisaged a massive increase in the Soviet standard of living, with Kosygin proclaiming a growth of 40 percent for the population's cash income in his speech to the congress.^[38]

The Tenth Five-Year Plan (1976–1981) was referred to by Kosygin as the "plan of quality".^[39] Brezhnev rejected Kosygin's bid for producing more consumer goods during the Tenth Five-Year Plan. Because of it the total volume of consumer goods in industrial production only stood at 26 percent. Kosygin's son-in-law notes that Kosygin was furious with the decision, and proclaimed increased defence expenditure would be the become the Soviet Union's "complete ruin".^[40] The plan was less ambitious than its predecessors, with targets of national industrial growth no higher than what the rest of the world had already achieved. Soviet agriculture would receive a share investment of 34 percent, a share much larger than its proportional contribution to the Soviet economy, as it accounted for only 3 percent of Soviet GDP.^[41]

The "Kosygin" reform[link]

Like Khrushchev, Kosygin tried to reform the command economy within a socialist framework. In 1965 Kosygin initiated an economic reform widely referred to as the "Kosygin reform". Kosygin sought to make Soviet industry more efficient by including some market measures common in the First World such as profit making for instance, he also tried to increase quantity of production, increase incentives for managers and workers, and freeing managers from centralised state bureaucracy.^[42] The reform had been proposed to Khrushchev in 1964, who evidently liked it and took some preliminary steps to implement it. Brezhnev allowed the reform to proceed because the Soviet economy was entering a period of low growth.^[43] In its testing phase, the reform was applied to 336 enterprises in light industry.^[44]

The reform was influenced by the works of Soviet economist Evsei Liberman. Kosygin overestimated the ability of the Soviet administrative machine to develop the economy, which led to "corrections" to some of Liberman's more controversial beliefs about decentralisation. According to critics, Kosygin's changes to Liberman's original vision caused the reform to fail.^[43]

Kosygin, who had for a long time been conscious of the First World's superiority, believed that decentralisation, semi-public companies, and cooperatives were keys to catching up. His reform sought a gradual change from a "state-administered economy" to an economy were "the state restricts itself to guiding enterprises".^[45] The reform was implemented, but showed several malfunctions and inconsistencies early on.^[42]

Results[link]

The salary for Soviet citizens increased abruptly by almost 2.5 times during the plan. Real wages in 1980 amounted to 232.7 rubles, compared to 166.3 rubles before the 1965 Soviet economic reform and the Eight-Five Year Plan. The first period, 1960–1964, was characterised by low growth, while the second period, 1965–1981, had a stronger growth rate. The second period vividly demonstrated the success of the Kosygin reform, with the average annual growth in retail turnover being 11.2 billion rubles, 1.8 times higher than in the first period and 1.2 times higher than the third period (1981–1985). Consumption of goods and daily demand also increased. The consumption of home appliances greatly increased. Refrigerators increased from a low of 109,000 in 1964 to 440,000 units by 1973; consumption declined during the reversal of the reform. Car production increased, and would continue to do so until the late 1980s. The Soviet leadership, under pressure, sought to provide more attractive goods for Soviet consumers.^[46]

The removal of Khrushchev in 1964 signalled the end of his "housing revolution". Housing construction declined between 1960–64 to an average of 1.63 million square meters. Following this sudden decrease, housing construction increased sharply between 1965–66, but dropped again, and then steadily grew (the average annual growth rate was 4.26 million square meters). This came largely at the expense of businesses. While the housing shortage was never fully resolved, and still remains a problem in present-day Russia, the reform overcame the negative trend and renewed the growth of housing construction.^[9]

Cancellation and aftermath[link]

With hostility towards reform growing, the poor results, and Kosygin's reformist stance, led to a popular backlash against him. Kosygin lost most of the privileges he had enjoyed before the reform, but Brezhnev was never able to remove him from the office of Chairman of the Council of Ministers, despite his weakened position.^[23] In the aftermath of his failed reform, Kosygin spent the rest of his life improving the economic administration through the modification of targets; he implemented various programmes to improve food security and ensure the future intensification of production.^[47] There is no proof to back up the claim that the reform itself contributed to the high growth seen in the late-1960s, and that its cancellation had anything to do with the stagnating growth of the economy which began in the 1970s.^[48]

1973 and 1979 reforms[link]

Kosygin initiated another economic reform in 1973 with the intentions of weakening the central Ministries and giving more powers to the regional authorities in republican and local-levels. The reform's failure to meet Kosygin's goal led to its cancellation. However, the reform succeeded in creating associations, an organisation representing various enterprises.^[49] The last significant reform undertaken by the pre-perestroika leadership was initiated by Kosygin's Fifth Government in a joint decision of the Central Committee and the Council of Ministers. The "Improving planning and reinforcing the effects of the economic mechanism on raising the effectiveness in production and improving the quality of work", more commonly known as the 1979 reform. The reform, in contrast to the 1965 reform, was intended to increase the central government's economic involvement by enhancing the duties and responsibilities of the ministries. Due to Kosygin's resignation in 1980, and because of Nikolai Tikhonov's conservative approach to economics, very little of the reform was actually implemented.^[50]

Later life, resignation and death[link]

Kosygin (right) shaking hands with Romanian communist leader Nicolae Ceauşescu in 1974

By the early-to-mid 1970s Brezhnev had established a strong enough power base to effectively become leader. According to historian Ilya Zemtsov, the author of Chernenko: The Last Bolshevik: The Soviet Union on the Eve of Perestroika, Kosygin "began to lose power" with the 24th Party Congress in 1971 which for the first time publicised the formula 'the Politburo led by Brezhnev'". Along with weakening Kosygin's position, Brezhnev moved to strengthened the Party's apparatus hold on the Government apparatus, weakening Kosygin's position further.^[51] Historian Robert Wesson, the author of Lenin's Legacy: The Story of the CPSU, notes that Kosygin's economic report to the 25th Party Congress "pointed even more clearly to the end of struggle" between Brezhnev and Kosygin.^[41] Kosygin was further pushed aside when Brezhnev published his memoirs, which stated that Brezhnev, not Kosygin, was in charge of all major economic decisions.^[52] To make matters worse for Kosygin, Brezhnev blocked any future talks on economic reform within the party and government apparatus, and information regarding the reform of 1965 was suppressed.^[41]

Brezhnev consolidated his own position over the Government Apparatus by strengthening Podgorny's position as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, literally head of state, by giving the office some of the functions of the Premier. The 1977 Soviet Constitution strengthened Podgorny's control of the Council of Ministers, by giving the post of head of state some executive powers. In fact, because of the 1977 Soviet Constitution, the Council of Ministers became subordinate to the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet.^[53] When Podgorny was replaced as head of state in 1977 by Brezhnev, Kosygin's role in day-to-day management of government activities was lessened drastically, through Brezhnev's new-found post.^[54] Rumours started circulating within the top circles, and on the streets, that Kosygin would retire due to bad health.^[51]

Brezhnev's consolidation to power weakened Kosygin's influence and prestige within the Politburo. By the 1970s, when Kosygin's position was given one blow after another, he was frequently hospitalised and at several occasions Kiril Mazurov, the First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, acted on his behalf during Kosygin's absence.^[55] Kosygin suffered his first heart attack in 1976. After this incident, it is said that Kosygin changed from having a vibrant personality to being tired and fed up; he, according to people close to him, seemed to have lost the will to continue his work. He twice filed a letter of resignation between 1976 and 1980, but was turned down on both occasions.^[9] During Kosygin's sick leave, Brezhnev appointed Nikolai Tikhonov to the post of First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Tikhonov, as with Brezhnev, was a conservative, and through his post as First Deputy Chairman Tikhonov was able to reduce Kosygin to a standby role. At a Central Committee plenum in June 1980, the Soviet economic development plan was outlined by Tikhonov, not Kosygin. The powers of the Premier diminished to the point where Kosygin was forced to discuss all decisions made by the Council of Ministers with Brezhnev.^[51]

Kosygin was hospitalised in October 1980; during his stay Kosygin wrote a brief letter of resignation; the following day he was deprived of all government protection, communication, and luxury goods he had earned during his political life. Kosygin died alone on 18 December 1980; none of his Politburo colleagues, former aides, or security guards visited him. At the end of his life, Kosygin feared the complete failure of the Eleventh Five-Year Plan (1981–1985), claiming that the sitting leadership was reluctant to reform the stagnant Soviet economy. His death was postponed for three days, as Kosygin died on the eve of Brezhnev's birthday. He was buried in Red Square, Moscow.^[2] Kosygin was praised by Brezhnev as an individual who "labored selflessly for the good of the Soviet state".^[56] A state funeral was conducted and Kosygin was honoured by his peers; Brezhnev, Yuri Andropov, and Tikhonov laid an urn containing his ashes at the Kremlin Wall.^[2]

Personality[link]

Compared to other Soviet officials, Kosygin stood out as a pragmatic and relatively independent leader. In a description given by an anonymous high-ranking GRU official, Kosygin is described as "a lonely and somewhat tragic figure" who "understood our faults and shortcomings of our situation in general and those in our Middle East policy in particular, but, being a highly restrained man, he preferred to be cautious." An anonymous old co-worker of Kosygin said "He always had an opinion of his own, and defended it. He was a very alert man, and performed brilliantly during negotiations. He was able to cope quickly with the material that was totally new to him. I have never seen people of that calibre afterwards."^[57]

Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau said Kosygin was like "Khrushchev without the rough edges, a fatherly man who was the forerunner of Mikhail Gorbachev". He noted that Kosygin was willing to discuss issues so long that the Soviet position was not tackled head-on.^[58][59] Former United States Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger said that Kosygin was devoted, nearly fanatically, to his work. Kosygin was viewed by Western diplomats as a pragmatist "with a glacial exterior who was orthodox if not rigid".^[60] Andrei Sakharov, a Soviet dissident, believed Kosygin to be "the most intelligent and toughest man in the Politburo".^[54]

Legacy[link]

Historical assessments[link]

Kosygin would prove to be a very competent administrator, with the Soviet standard of living rising considerably due to his moderately reformist policy.^[13] Kosygin's moderate 1965 reform, as with Nikita Khrushchev's thaw, radicalised the Soviet reform movement. While Leonid Brezhnev was content to maintain the centralised structure of the Soviet planned economy, Kosygin attempted to revitalise the ailing economic system by decentralising management. Following Brezhnev's death in 1982, the reform movement was split between Yuri Andropov's path of discipline and control and Gorbachev's liberalisation of all aspects of public life.^[25]

Chernenko: The Last Bolshevik: The Soviet Union on the Eve of Perestroika author Ilya Zemtsov describes Kosygin as a "Determined and intelligent, an outstanding administrator" and claims he distinguished himself from the other members of the Soviet leadership with his "extraordinary capacity for work".^[61] Historians Moshe Lewin and Gregory Elliott, the authors of The Soviet Century, describes him as a "phenomenal administrator".^[10] "His strengths", David Law writes, was "his exceptional capability as an administrator". According to Law Kosygin proved himself to be a "competent politician" also.^[3] According to Evan Mawdsley and Stephen White, two historians, claim that Brezhnev was unable to remove Kosygin because his removal would mean the loss of his last "capable administrator".^[62] In their book, The Unknown Stalin, Roy Medvedev and Zhores Medvedev called Kosygin an "outstanding organiser", and the "new Voznesensky".^[13] Historian Archie Brown, the author The Rise & Fall of Communism, believes the 1965 Soviet economic reform to have been too "modest", and claimed that Kosygin "was too much a product of the Soviet ministerial system, as it evolved under Stalin, to become a radical economic reformer". However, Brown does believe that Kosygin was "an able administrator".^[23] Gvishiani, a Russian historian, concluded that "Kosygin survived both Stalin and Khrushchev, but did not manage to survive Brezhnev."^[2]

Kosygin was viewed with sympathy by the Soviet people, and is still presently viewed as a important figure in both Russian and Soviet history.^[2] Because of Kosygin's popularity among the Soviet people, Brezhnev developed a "strong jealousy" for Kosygin, according to Nikolai Egorychev. Mikhail Smirtyukov, the former Executive Officer of the Council of Ministers, recalled that Kosygin refused to go drinking with Brezhnev, a move which annoyed Brezhnev gravely.^[62] Nikolai Ryzhkov, the last Chairman of the Council of Ministers, in a speech to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union in 1987 referred to the "sad experiences of the 1965 reform", and claimed that everything went from bad to worse following the reform's cancellation.^[63]

Honours[link]

During his lifetime, Kosygin received seven Orders and two Awards from the Soviet state.^[47] Kosygin was awarded two Hero of Socialist Labour; one being on his 60th birthday by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet in 1964, on this occasion he was also awarded a Order of Lenin and a Hammer and Sickle Gold Medal. On 20 February 1974 the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet awarded, this time to commemorate his 70th birtday, another Order of Lenin and his second Hammer and Sickle Gold Medal. In total, Kosygin was awarded six Order of Lenins by the Soviet state, and one Order of the October Revolution and one Order of the Red Banner of Labour.^[64] During a state visit to Peru in the 1970s with Leonid Brezhnev and Andrei Gromyko, all three were awarded the Grand Cross of the Order of the Sun by President Francisco Morales Bermúdez.^[65] The Moscow State Textile University was named in his honour in 1981, in 1982 a bust to honour Kosygin was placed in Leningrad, present day St. Petersburg. In 2006 the Russian Government renamed a street after him.^[64]

Offices held[link]

Notes[link]

Bibliography[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Alexei Kosygin

• Brown, Archie (2009). The Rise & Fall of Communism. London: Bodley Head. ISBN 978-0-224-07879-5. 
• Moss, Walter (2005). A History of Russia: Since 1855. London: Anthem Press. ISBN 978-1-84331-034-1. 
• Elliott, Gregory; Lewin, Moshe (2005). The Soviet Century. London; New York: Verso Books. ISBN [[Special:BookSources/978-1-84467-016-3|978-1-84467-016-3]]. 
• Law, David A. (1975). Russian Civilization. New York: Ardent Media. ISBN [[Special:BookSources/978-0-8422-0529-2|978-0-8422-0529-2]]. 
• Service, Robert (2003). History of Modern Russia: From Tsarism to the Twenty-first Century. Penguin Books Ltd. ISBN [[Special:BookSources/978-0-14-103797-0|978-0-14-103797-0]]. 
• Wesson, Robert G. (1978). Lenin's Legacy: The Story of the CPSU. Stanford, Calif: Hoover Press. ISBN [[Special:BookSources/978-0-8179-6922-5|978-0-8179-6922-5]]. 
• Zemtsov, Ilya (1989). Chernenko: The Last Bolshevik: The Soviet Union on the Eve of Perestroika. Transaction Publishers. ISBN [[Special:BookSources/978-0-88738-260-6|978-0-88738-260-6]]. 

v t e Era of Brezhnev, Andropov and Chernenko Political events 1964–1982: Collectivity of leadership · Glassboro Summit Conference · Prague Spring · Invasion of Czechoslovakia · 1968 Red Square demonstration · Brezhnev Doctrine · Brezhnev assassination attempt · Sino–Soviet border conflict · Détente  · Helsinki Accords · 1977 Moscow bombings · 1977 Soviet Constitution · 1978 Georgian demonstrations · Soviet war in Afghanistan · 1980 Summer Olympics · Soviet reaction to the Polish crisis · Exercise Zapad · Death and funeral of Leonid Brezhnev · Legacy of Leonid Brezhnev 1982–1985: RYAN · Korean Air Lines Flight 007 · 1983 Soviet nuclear false alarm incident · Able Archer 83 · 1984 Summer Olympics boycott and the Friendship Games Politburo members 1960s · 1970s · 1980s Aliyev · Andropov · Brezhnev · Chebrikov · Chernenko · Demichev · Dolgikh · Efremov · Gorbachev · Grechko · Grishin · Gromyko · Kirilenko · Kiselyov · Konayev · Kosygin · Kulakov · Kuznetsov · Masherov · Mazurov · Mikoyan · Mzhavanadze · Pelše · Podgorny · Polyansky · Ponomarev · Rashidov · Romanov · Shcherbytsky · Shelepin · Shelest · Shevardnadze · Shvernik · Solomentsev · Suslov · Tikhonov  · Ustinov · Voronov · Vorotnikov Soviet leaders Leonid Brezhnev (Troika: Brezhnev · Kosygin · Podgorny) · Yuri Andropov · Konstantin Chernenko · Collective leadership National Economy Era of Stagnation: 1965 reform · 1973 reform · 1979 reform · Food Programme · 1984 reform Five-Year Plans: 8th Plan · 9th Plan · 10th Plan · 11th Plan Government Cabinets: 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th Brezhnev's family Churbanov (son-in-law) · Galina (daughter) · Lyubov (niece) · Viktoria (wife) · Yakov (brother)  · Yuri (son) Soviet Union

v t e Prime Ministers of Russia Acting prime ministers shown in italics. Russian Empire Vorontsov  · Rumyantsev  · Vyazmitinov  · Nikolay Ivanovich Saltykov  · Lopukhin  · Kochubey  · Novosiltsev  · Vasilchikov  · Levashov  · Chernyshov  · Orlov  · Bludov  · Gagarin  · Ignatyev  · Valuyev  · Reutern  · Bunge  · Durnovo  · Witte · Goremykin · Stolypin · Kokovtsov · Goremykin · Stürmer · Trepov · Golitsyn Russian Republic Lvov · Kerensky Russian SFSR Lenin · Rykov · Syrtsov · Sulimov · Bulganin · Vakhrushev · Khokhlov · Kosygin · Rodionov · Chernousov · Puzanov · Yasnov · Kozlov · Polyansky · Voronov · Solomentsev · Vorotnikov · Vlasov · Silayev · Lobov · Yeltsin Russian Federation Yeltsin · Gaidar · Chernomyrdin · Kiriyenko · Chernomyrdin · Primakov · Stepashin · Putin · Kasyanov · Khristenko · Fradkov · Zubkov · Putin  · Zubkov · Medvedev Premiers of the USSR  · Council of Ministers of Russia  · Heads of Government

v t e Ministers of Finance of the Soviet Union Head of Finance Grigori Sokolnikov Nikolai Bryukhanov Hryhoriy Hrynko Vlas Chubar Arseny Zverev Alexei Kosygin Arseny Zverev Vasily Garbuzov Boris Gostev Valentin Pavlov Vladimir Orlov Vladimir Rayevsky Deputy heads of Finance (1946–1992) Alexei Poskonov Arseny Zverev Vasily Garbuzov Alexei Poskonov Vladimir Sitnin Victor Dementsev Valentin Pavlov Nikolai Garetovsky Vladimir Panskov Vladimir Orlov Andrei Zverev Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic Russian Federation

Coordinates: 46°29′08″N 133°50′40″E / 46.48556°N 133.84444°E / 46.48556; 133.84444

Zhenbao Island (simplified Chinese: 珍宝岛; traditional Chinese: 珍寶島; pinyin: Zhēnbǎo dǎo; literally "Rare Treasure Island") or Damansky Island (Russian: о́стров Дама́нский) is a small island measuring 0.74 square kilometres (0.29 sq mi). It is located on the Ussuri River on the border between Russia (Primorsky Krai) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) (Heilongjiang Province).

It was the subject of a territorial dispute between the Soviet Union and the PRC. Battles were fought over Zhenbao Island by the Soviet Union and the PRC, with a considerable loss of life, during the Sino-Soviet border conflict of March 1969. The conflict over Zhenbao raised concerns that it could ignite another World War until an initial resolution of the conflict in November 1969.

On May 19, 1991, the two sides came to an agreement that Zhenbao Island was part of the territory of the PRC, and in accordance therewith, the Soviet Troops withdrew.

A 2004 Russian documentary film, Damansky Island Year 1969. ("Остров Даманский. 1969 год"), was made about the 1969 Zhenbao incident. Interviews were filmed with participants and leaders from both sides of the conflict.

External links[link]

• Centuries-old dispute became open combat during Cold War (archived webpage)
• Geo Coords: 46°29'8.13"N, 133°50'40.04"E. Google Earth File: [1] Google Maps satellite image: [2]
• Google Earth BBS article: [3]
• Damanski-Zhenbao website

This Heilongjiang location article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it. v t e

Vladimir Mikhaylovich Komarov
Cosmonaut
Nationality	Soviet Union
Born	(1927-03-16)March 16, 1927 Moscow, USSR
Died	April 24, 1967(1967-04-24) (aged 40) Orenburg Oblast, USSR
Other occupation	Engineer
Rank	Polkovnik (equiv. Colonel), Soviet Air Force
Time in space	2d 03h 04m
Selection	Air Force Group 1
Missions	Voskhod 1, Soyuz 1
Mission insignia
Awards

1964 USSR postage stamp honoring Vladimir Komarov

Vladimir Mikhaylovich Komarov (Russian: Влади́мир Миха́йлович Комаро́в; IPA: [vlɐˈdʲimʲɪr mʲɪˈxaɪləvʲɪtɕ kəmɐˈrof]; 16 March 1927 – 24 April 1967) was a Soviet test pilot, aerospace engineer and cosmonaut in the first group of cosmonauts selected in 1960. He was one of the most highly experienced and well-qualified candidates accepted into "Air Force Group One".

Komarov was declared medically unfit for training or spaceflight twice while he was in the program, but his perseverance and superior skills and his knowledge as an engineer allowed him to continue playing an active role. During his time at the Tsentr Podgotovki Kosmonavtov (cosmonaut training centre), he contributed to space vehicle design, cosmonaut training and evaluation and public relations. He was eventually selected to command the first Soviet multiman Voskhod 1 spaceflight that presented a number of technical innovations in the Space Race. Komarov was later chosen for the rigorous task of commanding Soyuz 1 as part of the Soviet Union's bid to reach the Moon first.

His spaceflight on Soyuz 1 made him the first cosmonaut to fly into outer space more than once, and he became the first human to die during a spaceflight—when the Soyuz 1 space capsule crashed after re-entry on April 24, 1967.^[1]

Early life[link]

Vladimir Mikhaylovich Komarov (Russian: Влади́мир Миха́йлович Комаро́в) was born in Moscow on March 16, 1927, where he grew up along with his sister Matilde. His father was a laborer who worked at various low-paid jobs to support the family. In 1935, Komarov began his formal education in the local elementary school. Here he showed a natural aptitude for mathematics.^[2] In 1941, Komarov left school because of World War II, and the Nazi German invasion of the U.S.S.R., and he became a laborer on a collective farm. He showed an interest in aeronautics from an early age, and he collected magazines and pictures about aviation, in addition to making model aircraft and his own propeller.^[3] At the age of fifteen in 1942, Komarov entered the "1st Moscow Special Air Force School" to pursue his dream of becoming an aviator. Shortly thereafter, his family learned that Komarov's father had been killed in an "unknown war action."^[3] Of necessity because of the German invasion, the flight school was soon moved to the Tyumen Region in Siberia for the duration of the war. Students there learned a wide variety of subjects besides aviation -- including zoology and foreign languages. In 1945, Komarov graduated from flight school with honors. Hostilities ended in World War II before Komarov was called on to enter combat.

In 1946, Komarov completed his first year of training at the Chkalov Higher Air Force School in Borisoglebsk in Voronezh Region. He then completed his training at the A.K. Serov Military Aviation College in Bataisk. Komarov's mother died in 1948, seven months before his graduation (in 1949) at which he received his pilots wings and commission as a lieutenant in the Soviet Air Force.

Career in the Soviet Air Force[link]

In December 1949, Komarov served as the pilot of a fighter plane with the 383rd Regiment of the 42nd North Caucasian Fighter Air Division that was based in Grozny.

Komarov married Valentina Yakovlevna Kiselyova in October 1950. He was promoted to senior lieutenant in 1952, and he was later assigned as the chief pilot of the 486th Regiment of the 279th Fighter Air Division in the Prikarpate Region.^[3] Komarov continued to fly in that position until 1954, and then he enrolled in an engineering course at the N.E. Zhukovsky Air Force Engineering Academy. In 1959, Komarov was promoted to the rank of senior engineer-lieutenant. Later that year he achieved his goal of becoming a test pilot at the Central Scientific Research Institute at Chkalovsky.

Cosmonaut selection[link]

Air Force Group One[link]

In September 1959, Komarov was promoted to engineer-captain and invited to participate in the selection process for cosmonaut candidate along with approximately 3,000 other pilots.^[4] He was one of only 20 candidates selected for "Air Force Group One", he and reported to the newly formed TsPK just outside Moscow for assignment on March 13, 1960.

Although eminently qualified, Komarov was not chosen in the top six candidates, because he did not meet the age, height and weight restrictions specified by the "Chief Designer" of Russia's space program: Sergei Korolev. "If the criteria had been different," the cosmonaut trainer Mark Gallai noted in an interview, "certainly Komarov, who was very intelligent, would have been in the group. He had Air Force Academy flight experience. He had a great influence on the design of the Vostok and and [the] Voskhod."^[5] At age 32, Komarov was the second-oldest of the pilots chosen, whereas Sergi Korolev had specified a maximum age of just 27. Of the first intake, only two members, Pavel Belyayev (of Voskhod 2) and Komarov, were also graduates of the Soviet Air Force Academy. Also, just Komarov had experience as a fight test engineer on new aircraft.^[6]

Training[link]

Shortly after beginning his training Komarov was hospitalised for a minor operation in May 1960, which left him medically unfit for physical training for approximately 6 months. At the time, the selection criteria placed a heavy emphasis on the physical condition of cosmonauts and any imperfection led to instant disqualification. Since Komarov already held engineering qualifications, he was allowed to remain a part of the program after assuring the administration he would be able to catch up. He continued with the required academic studies while recovering.^[7] He returned to training in October, because his recovery was more rapid than medical staff had expected. During that time he assisted his younger peers with their academic studies; earning him the casual nickname of "The Professor" which he shared with Belayev who was 2 years his senior. In 1961 the first space flights began. By 1962, Komarov was the third highest paid cosmonaut, due to his qualifications, rank and experience. He earned 528 rubles a year, with only cosmonauts 1 and 2 Yuri Gagarin and Gherman Titov being more highly paid.^[8]

When Georgi Shonin demonstrated an unacceptable level of g-Force susceptibility in the centrifuge he was replaced by Komarov in May 1962 for planned dual Vostok missions.^[9] Komarov was selected as back up for Pavel Popovich (Vostok 4), but subsequent routine ECG testing of Komarov revealed a heart irregularity and he was pulled from the program and replaced by Boris Volynov^[10] The same heart irregularity grounded American Astronaut Deke Slayton. After Komarov persistently lobbied medical and military personnel to be readmitted into the program he was allowed to return to training.

In 1963, cosmonaut training was conducted in 6 Groups, with Komarov being selected in Group 2 with Valery Bykovsky and Volynov.^[11] This group was to train for missions of up to five days in duration scheduled for the latter part of 1963. In May 1963 Alekseyev proposed to Kamanin that Komarov be named backup for Vostok 5 rather than Khrunov because his suit was ready.^[12] Komarov was later named in a further group for planned missions in 1964 with Belyaev, Shonin, Khrunov, Zaikin, Gorbatko, Volynov, and Leonov. The training groups were formed for later Vostok missions, (Vostok 7-13) but no actual crews were assigned and the missions did not occur under the auspices of the original Vostok program.^[13] In December 1963, Komarov was shortlisted for flight by Kamanin with Volynov and Leonov, having completed 2 years of training.

In April 1964 Komarov was declared space-flight ready with Bykovsky, Popovich, Titov, Volynov, Leonov, Khrunov, Belyayev, and Lev Demin.^[14] From this group the commander of the planned Voskhod mission scheduled for late 1964 would be chosen. In May the group was reduced to Volynov, Komarov, Leonov, Khrunov.^[15]

During training, Komarov lived at the TsPK (which would later be nicknamed Star City by the Soviet press) with his wife Valentina and their two children Yevgeny and Irina. There he enjoyed hunting, cross country skiing, ice hockey and other social activities with his fellow trainees in their leisure time. Komarov was well liked by his peers and was referred to by them as Volodya (a diminutive of his first name). Pavel Popovich noted that Komarov was respected for his humility and experience: "…he was already an engineer when he joined us, but he never looked down on the others. He was warm-hearted, purposeful and industrious. Volodya's prestige was so high that people came to him to discuss all questions: personal as well as questions of our work."^[16] Fellow cosmonaut Alexei Leonov described him as "…very serious. He was a first-class test pilot."^[17]

Spaceflights[link]

[edit] Voskhod 1

By July 1964, only seven cosmonauts remained eligible for the Voskhod crew after some of them had been disqualified on medical grounds. On July 6, Komarov was named as the commander of the back-up crew for Voskhod 1. After much heated debate over several months about the selection of the crew between Nikolai Kamanin and Sergei Korolev, Komarov was named as prime crew commander on October 4, 1964, by the State Commission;^[18] just eight days before its scheduled launch. Kamanin played tennis with the Voskhod crew that evening and noted that Komarov played poorly in comparison to his crew: Boris Yegorov and Konstantin Feoktistov.

On October 9, Komarov and the crew inspected the Voskhod with Korolev and other members of the administration. Later that day they were interviewed by the state press and played tennis for the benefit of photographers.

On the morning of October 11, Komarov was given various communist relics to take with him into space the following day. In the afternoon the crew again inspected the capsule and were given their final instructions by Korolev. Komarov was the only member of the crew to have undertaken extensive training and was the only member with any flight experience; the two other crewmen being civilians. His call sign was "Ruby" (Russian: Рубин).

During the mission Komarov performed various tasks with the other crew members, including medical and navigational tests and observing the Aurora Borealis. He also made a number of radio transmissions, including a greeting to the Tokyo Olympics which had opened on October 10. Some of the transmissions Komarov made were recorded by amateur radio operators like Sven Grahn. The mission lasted just over 24 hours. After the crew landed safely they were flown back to the launch site at Tyuratam (also known as Baikonur to disguise its true location). Kamanin noted in his diary that while his crew were in good spirits, Komarov was fatigued.^[19] On October 19, Komarov and his crew made reports in Red Square and attended an audience at the Kremlin.^[20] After the success of this short but scientifically important mission he was promoted to colonel.^[21] The success of the mission earned Komarov the awards of the Order of Lenin and Hero of the Soviet Union.

In December 1964, the RSVN (Strategic Rocket Forces) requested that Komarov be transferred to the RSVN from the VVS (Soviet Air Force), in a move possibly motivated by the poor record of the RSVN in producing successful rockets compared to the VVS. The request was opposed by Kamanin.^[22]

In 1965, Komarov worked with Yuri Gagarin in supervising preparations for the flight of Voskhod 2, which carried out the first attempt of an Extravehicular activity in outer space. These preparations included fitting of space suits on the cosmonauts and briefings for the spaceflight. In April of that year, Komarov toured St. Petersburg, Russia, with Kamanin, Gagarin, Gherman Titov, Belyayev, and Leonov, and Komarov visited Petropavlovsk Fortress with Valentin Glushko where he had conducted the first rocket experiments in the early 1930s.^[23] In September that year, Komarov toured West Germany.

[edit] Soyuz 1

Komarov was assigned to the Soviet Soyuz program along with Yuri Gagarin and Alexei Leonov. In July 1966, Komarov was reprimanded by Kamanin for his unauthorised disclosure that "…the Soviet Union will, at the scheduled time, fly an automated spacecraft around the Moon and return it to (the) Earth, to be followed by a dog flight, then a manned circumlunar flight."^[24] whilst in Japan. The following month Komarov clashed with other engineers over ongoing design problems in which zero-G tests showed that the Soyuz module hatch was too small to allow the exit of a fully suited cosmonaut safely.^[25] Meanwhile Komarov and his fellow cosmonauts had their groups and assignments constantly revised and they became increasingly anxious about the lack of response to their concerns about the design and manufacture of space craft which had been raised in a letter to Leonid Brezhnev by Yuri Gagarin on their behalf.

Komarov was selected to command the Soyuz 1, in 1967, with Yuri Gagarin as his backup cosmonaut. During the preparations for the spaceflight, both cosmonauts were working 12-to-14 hour days to prepare for it. One source reports that before boarding the spacecraft, Komarov feared for his life, but he flew anyway in order to spare Gagarin the same fate.^[26] On orbital insertion, the solar panels of the Soyuz module failed to fully deploy, thereby preventing the craft from being fully powered and obscuring some of the navigation equipment. Komarov reported: "Conditions are poor. The cabin parameters are normal, but the left solar panel didn't deploy. The electrical bus is at only 13 to 14 amperes. The HF (high frequency) communications are not working. I cannot orient the spacecraft to the sun. I tried orienting the spacecraft manually using the DO-1 orientation engines, but the pressure remaining on the DO-1 has gone down to 180."^[27] Komarov tried unsuccessfully to orient the Soyuz module for five hours. The craft was transmitting unreliable status information and communications were lost on orbits 13 through 15 due to the failure of the high frequency transmitter which would have maintained radio contact whilst the craft was out of range of the ultra-high frequency (UHF) receivers on the ground.^[28]

As a result of the problems with the craft, the second Soyuz module which was to have carried cosmonauts to perform an extra-vehicular activity (EVA) to the Soyuz 1 was not launched and the mission was cut short.

Komarov was ordered to re-orient the craft using the ion system on orbits 15 through 17. The ion engine system failed. Komarov did not have enough time to attempt a manual re-entry until orbit 19. Manual orientation relied on using the equipped Vzor device, but in order to do this, Komarov needed to be able to see the sun. To reach the designated landing site at Orsk the retro-fire would need to take place on the night side of the earth. Komarov oriented the spacecraft manually on the dayside then used the gyro-platform as a reference so that he could orient the craft for a night side retro-fire.^[29] He successfully re-entered the earth's atmosphere on his 19th orbit, but the module's drogue and main braking parachute failed to deploy correctly and the module crashed into the ground, killing Komarov.

In Leo De Boer's documentary The Red Stuff (2000), Alexei Leonov noted the profound effect that Komarov's death had on the morale of the Cosmonaut corps: "He was our friend. Before his death the press and public had paid little attention to the extreme risks we took."^[30]

Honours and awards[link]

This article incorporates information from the equivalent article on the Russian Wikipedia.

• Gold Star Hero of the Soviet Union, twice (19 October 1964, 1967 (posthumously))
• Order of Lenin (19 October 1964)
• Order of the Red Star (1961)
• Medal "For Combat Merit" (1956)
• Medal "For the Development of Virgin Lands" (1964)
• Pilot-Cosmonaut of the USSR
• Hero of Socialist Labour (Vietnam, 1964)

Posthumous honours[link]

On April 26, 1967, Komarov was given a state funeral in Moscow, and his ashes were interred in the Kremlin Wall Necropolis at Red Square.

Komarov was posthumously awarded his second Order of Lenin and also the Order of Hero of the Soviet Union.

On April 25, 1968, a memorial service was held for Komarov at the crash site near Omsk. Kamanin noted in his diary that over 10,000 people were present at this service, "some driving hundreds of kilometres for the event".^[31]

Komarov has been featured on commemorative First Day Covers and stamps for his contribution to the space program -- from several different countries.

Monument of Vladimir Komarov on Cosmonauts Alley in Moscow

Komarov is commemorated with other prominent figures from the early Russian space program with a bust on Cosmonauts Alley in Moscow, and he is also honored with a monument at the crash site near Orsk.^[32]

Before leaving the Moon on Apollo 11, Neil Armstrong's final task was to place a small package of memorial items to honor Komarov, Yuri Gagarin, and the Apollo 1 astronauts Virgil Grissom, Edward White, and Roger Chaffee. Komarov's name also appears on a plaque left at Hadley Rille on the Moon by the commander of Apollo 15, David Scott, along with a small sculpture representing the "Fallen Astronaut" on August 1, 1971. This plaque and the sculpture represent those astronauts and cosmonauts who died in the quest to reach outer space and the Moon.

Response to Komarov's death[link]

On April 25, a response to Komarov's death by his fellow cosmonauts was published in Pravda: "For the forerunners it is always more difficult. They tread the unknown paths and these paths are not straight, they have sharp turns, surprises and dangers. But anyone who takes the pathway into orbit never wants to leave it. And no matter what difficulties or obstacles there are, they are never strong enough to deflect such a man from his chosen path. While his heart beats in his chest, a cosmonaut will always continue to challenge the universe. Vladimir Komarov was one of the first on this treacherous path."^[33]

When interviewed on May 17 by the newspaper Komosmolskaya Pravda, Yuri Gagarin alluded to the failure of the administration to listen to the concerns about the Soyuz module that were identified by the cosmonaut corps and that Komarov's death should teach the establishment to be more rigorous in its testing and evaluation of "all the mechanisms of the spaceship, even more attentive to all stages of checking and testing, even more vigilant in our encounter with the unknown. He has shown us how dangerous the pathway to space is. His flight and his death will teach us courage."^[34] In May 1967, Gagarin and Leonov criticised Mishin's "poor knowledge of the Soyuz spacecraft and the details of its operation, his lack of cooperation in working with the cosmonauts in flight and training activities" and asked Kamanin for him to be cited in the official report into the crash.^[35]

Legacy[link]

After Komarov's death, the communications systems on-board all Soviet spacecraft were modified -- because Komarov's voice transmissions from Soyuz 1 had blocked its telemetry signals.

The asteroid 1836 Komarov, discovered in 1971, was named in the honor of Komarov, as was a crater on the Moon.^[36] This asteroid and the cosmonaut inspired the composer Brett Dean to write a piece of symphonic music commissioned by conductor Simon Rattle in 2006. The composition is named Komarov's Fall, and it can be found on the EMI Classics Album of Simon Rattle's The Planets.

Among other honors, the Vladimir M. Komarov Astronautical Rocketry Club (ARK) in Ljubljana has also borne Komarov's name since 1969.

The Fédération Aéronautique Internationale's V.M. Komarov Diploma is named in Komarov's honor.

There was formerly a Soviet satellite-tracking ship named for Komarov, the Kosmonaut Vladimir Komarov.

The Estonian band Sõpruse Puiestee (Friendship Boulevard)] wrote a song "Planeetidegi vahel kehtib raskus" ("Difficulty stands even between planets") in honor of Komarov. This recording was completed 43 years after Komarov's death, on April 24, 2010.

The French electro band named Kowalsky wrote a song "Lost" (2008) in honor of Komarov, in which the listener can hear his last words.

The American progressive metal band Cormorant wrote a song "Unearthly Dreamings" (2011) about Komarov's failed space misson.

See also[link]

• Apollo 1
• Atmospheric reentry#Notable atmospheric entry mishaps
• Soyuz 1
• Soyuz 11
• Space Shuttle Columbia disaster

Notes[link]