![Doyal Baba Kola Khaba[anis alamgir]](http://web.archive.org./web/20110601052709im_/http://i.ytimg.com/vi/75EcmHsigGQ/0.jpg "Doyal Baba Kola Khaba[anis alamgir]")
| Horushiero | |
|---|---|
| Horus | Khaba |
| Name | Khaba |
| Predecessor | Sekhemkhet |
| Successor | Huni |
| Dynasty | 3rd Dynasty |
| Reign | 2640–2637 BC |
| Father | possibly Sekhemkhet |
| Mother | possibly Djeseretnebti |
| Monuments | Layer Pyramid |
| Caption | Dolomite bowl bearing the name of the pharaoh Khaba inscribed within a serekh. On display at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. |
Khaba was a Pharaoh of Ancient Egypt's Old Kingdom and is generally considered to have reigned near the end of the Third Dynasty. He was successor to Sekhemkhet, and he was probably a son of Sekhemkhet and his wife, Djeseretnebti. Khaba is believed to have reigned a relatively brief four years between 2640 to 2637 BC
This king is mentioned in the Turin King List as "erased", which may imply that there were dynastic problems during his reign, or that the scribe working on this list was unable to fully decipher the name from the more ancient records being copied. It has also been suggested that Khaba may be the Horus name of the last king of the Third Dynasty, Huni, and that the two kings are the same person.
Khaba's name, typically displayed within a serekh rather than the more typical cartouche form established by the end of this dynasty, was written using the sign of a rising sun that had the sound value of kha, and a Saddle-billed Stork that had the sound value of ba. His name translates as "The Soul Appears."
This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
| Name | হুমায়ূন আহমেদHumayun Ahmed |
|---|---|
| Caption | Writer Humayun Ahmed |
| Birthdate | November 13, 1948 |
| Birthplace | Kutubpur, Mymensingh, Bangladesh |
| Yearsactive | 1972-Present |
| Occupation | Writer, Film-maker |
| Nationality | Bangladeshi |
| Ethnicity | Bengali |
| Citizenship | Bangladesh |
| Education | Ph. D. in polymer chemistry |
| Alma mater | North Dakota State University |
| Genre | novel, short story, essay, autobiography, column |
| Subject | magic realism, social life, nature's mystery, wish-fulfillment |
| Spouse | Shaon Ahmed (2003 - present)Gultekin (1973-2003) |
| Children | Nova, Sheela, Bipasha, Nuhash, Nishad |
| Relatives | Muhammad Zafar Iqbal, Ahsan Habib (cartoonist) |
| Notableworks | Jostnya O Jononeer Golpo (tr. The story of Mother and moonlit night) |
| Awards | Bangla Academy Award, Ekushey Padak |
| Influences | Imdadul Haq Milon, Anisul Haque |
Humayun Ahmed (Bangla: হুমায়ূন আহমেদ) (born 1948) is arguably the most popular Bengali writer of fiction and drama. He had a "meteoric rise in Bangla literature" since the publication of his first novel, Nondito Noroke. Being a prolific writer, he has been publishing since the early 1970s. He was formerly a professor of Department of Chemistry at the University of Dhaka, Bangladesh. But now he is a full-time author and movie-maker. Humayun Ahmed is often criticized for his controversial second marriage.
Humayun Ahmed often shows a fascination for creating stories around supernatural events; his style is characterized as magic realism. Faizul Latif Chowdhury (2007), Review of Lilaboti, Prothom Alo, Dhaka.
Humayun Ahmed was married to Gultekin, granddaughter of Principal Ibrahim Khan, in 1973. They had five children, but were divorced in 2003. Later Ahmed married Meher Afroz Shaon.
Along with his more traditional novels and short stories, Ahmed is often credited with creating or maturing many literary genres in Bangladesh. The rise of Bengali science fiction can largely be attributed to Humayun Ahmed and his younger brother Iqbal.
His televised drama Bohubrihi was one of the most successful productions of the national TV of the country called Bangladesh Television. He later developed Bohubrihi into a novel.
Though set in the realities of middle class life, Ahmed's works display a particular penchant for the mysterious and unexplained. He himself and his literature are often referred to as "moon-struck," and references to the full moon in his prose are numerous. In almost every one of Ahmed's novels, there is at least one character who possesses an extraordinary milk of kindness—a characteristic of Ahmed’s writing. Also, he is prone to create funny characters through which he reveals social realities and passes on his message.
Other references abound: the comic novel Bahubrihi ends with a character training parrots to say "tui rajakar, "you are a traitor," with the goal of sending these parrots to Bangladeshi collaborators during the war.
Humayun Ahmed explored the film industry both as an author and director. He directs films based on his own stories. His first film, "Aguner Parashmoni", based on the Bangladesh Liberation War, received critical acclaim and won the National Film Award in eight categories, including Best Picture and Best Director. The theme of the Liberation War often comes across in his stories, often drawing upon Ahmed's in-depth memories of that war.
Ahmed's film Shyamal Chhaya was submitted by Bangladesh for Oscar nomination for best foreign language film. It was an entertaining movie with a storyline around the war of liberation war of 1971. The movie portrayed a realistic picture of the liberation war without malice and prejudice.
Category:Bangladeshi novelists Category:Bangladeshi writers Category:Bengali writers Category:Bengali-language writers Category:Bengali people Category:Bangladeshi film directors Category:Dhaka University alumni Category:Dhaka University faculty Category:1948 births Category:People from Mymensingh District Category:Living people
This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
| Name | Hossein-Ali Montazeri |
|---|---|
| Nam | lang-fa|آیت الله العظمی حسینعلی منتظری |
| Birth date | 1922 |
| Birth place | Najafabad, Iran |
| Death date | 19 December 2009(aged 87) |
| Death place | Qom, Iran |
| Order2 | Chairman of the Assembly of Experts |
| Term start2 | 19 August 1979 |
| Term end2 | 1 November 1979 |
| Predecessor2 | None |
| Successor2 | Mohammad Beheshti |
| Order | Deputy Supreme Leader of Iran |
| Term start | 5 May 1985 |
| Term end | 16 November 1987 |
| Leader | Ruhollah Khomeini |
| Spouse | Mah-Sultan Rabbani |
| Party | Independent |
| Religion | Usuli Twelver Shi'ite |
| Nationality | Iranian |
| Notability | Muslim scholar |
|---|---|
| Era | Modern era |
| Color | #cef2e0 |
| Name | Hossein-Ali Montazeri |
| Title | Green Marja |
| Birth | 1922 |
| Death | 19 December 2009 (aged:87) |
| Maddhab | Shia Islam |
| Region | Iran |
| Main interests | Fiqh, Irfan, Islamic philosophy, Islamic ethics, Hadith, politics |
| Notable idea | Guardianship of the Islamic Jurists, Islamic Democrasy, Dynamic Fiqh |
| Works | Al-Hodod, From Beginning to End, Hoghogh, Islam-Religion of mould |
| Influences | Seyyed Hossein Borujerdi, Ruhollah Khomeini, Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari |
| Influenced | Ali Khamenei, Mohammad Beheshti, Morteza Motahhari, Akbar Hashemi, Mohsen Kadivar |
Montazeri was famous as an Islamic jurist who was made to pay for his liberal-leaning beliefs. He supported a democratic republic as the best form of government; however in his ideal model for government, an Islamic jurist acts as a supervisor and advisor, what he, along with Ayatollah Khomeini, termed as velayat-e faqih. He was the author of Dirasat fi Vilayah al-Faqih, a scholarly book advocating the supervision of the administration by Islamic jurists. He believed in the independence of the government and did not accept any executive and policy making role for the Islamic jurist. Montazeri asserted that the rule of the jurisprudent should not be an absolute rule; instead, it should be limited to the function of advisor to the rulers, who are elected by the people.
In 1979, following the overthrow of the Shah, he played a pivotal role in instituting Iran's new constitution. He was one of the leaders of the movement to replace the democratic and secular draft constitution proposed for the Islamic Republic with one where the supervision of Islamic jurists was recognized. He distributed "a detailed commentary and alternate draft" for Iran's new constitution. It included proposals to specify that Twelver Shi'ism – and not Islam in general – was the official religion of the state and to state that Islamic jurists should appoint judges with the right of veto over all laws and actions that are against the Islamic principles. Later he served on the Assembly of Experts (Majles-e-Khobregan) that wrote the constitution and that implemented many of his proposals. Later, Montazeri relented, and following a session of the Assembly of Experts that November (1985), he was designated Khomeini's successor as Supreme Leader.
... Montazeri fell short of the theological requirements of the supreme Faqih. He could not claim descent from the Prophet nor did he possess all the credentials of a revered scholar of Islamic law. His religious followers were few. And he lacked the all-important charisma. His selection had happened for one reason – he was the only one among the candidates for Faqih who totally endorsed Khomeini's vision of Islamic government. In the early years of the revolution, he was not as popular as he was in the last two decades of his life. The middle class and elites would mock him in those early years.
Dispute with Khomeini and demotion
ian political history share a prayer in Tabriz, Iran in 1987. First row, left to right: Ahmad Azari Qomi, Ali Meshkini, Hossein-Ali Montazeri. Second row, left to right: Sadegh Khalkhali, Yousef Sanei]] As designated heir to Khomeini, Montazeri's troubles began with his association with Mehdi Hashemi who ran an organization out of Montazeri's office which sought to export the Islamic revolution. Hashemi is thought to have embarrassed Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani by leaking information of his connection with the Iran-Contra affair. Subsequently Hashemi was arrested, convicted and executed in September 1987 on charges of counterrevolutionary activities.In November 1987 Montazeri created more controversy when he called for the legalization of political parties, though under strict regulation. He followed this by calling for "an open assessment of failures" of the Revolution and an end to the export of revolution, saying that Iran should inspire by example, not train and arm allied groups. and in an interview published in Keyhan in early 1989, criticized Khomeini in language that is said to have sealed "his political fate":
The denial of people's rights, injustice and disregard for the revolution's true values have delivered the most severe blows against the revolution. Before any reconstruction [takes place], there must first be a political and ideological reconstruction... This is something that the people expect of a leader. Montazeri also criticized Khomeini's fatwa ordering the assassination of author Salman Rushdie saying: "People in the world are getting the idea that our business in Iran is just murdering people." On 26 March 1989 a furious Khomeini strongly denounced Montazeri's actions, and two days later announced that Montazeri had resigned his post. Montazeri did not protest his loss, issuing a message concluding, "I ask all brothers and sisters not to utter a word in my support."In addition to losing his position as designated heir, Montazeri's title of Grand Ayatollah was withdrawn, publication of his lectures in the Keyhan newspaper and references to him on the state radio were stopped, his portraits were ordered by the then Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi to be removed from offices and mosques, and his security guards were withdrawn. "Articles and editorials appeared in various newspapers aimed at dismantling" Montazeri's "impeccable" revolutionary credentials."
Some have said that the amendment made to Iran's constitution removing the requirement that the Supreme Leader be a Marja was to deal with the problem of a lack of any remaining Grand Ayatollahs willing to accept "illimitable velayat-e faqih". However, others say the reason marjas were not elected was because of their lack of votes in the Assembly of Experts. For example, Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Golpaygani had the backing of only thirteen members of the assembly. Furthermore, there were other marjas present who accepted "illimitable velayat-e faqih"
Later dissent and house arrest
Khomeini died June 1989 and another cleric, Seyed Ali Khamene'i, was selected by the Assembly of Experts to be the new Supreme Leader. Khamenei had been only a mid-ranking Hojatoleslam before Montazeri's removal. His promotion was, sometimes silently and sometimes openly, rejected by many Shi'a, including Montazeri. In December 1989 Montazeri's supporters in Qom distributed "night letters" questioning Khamenei's qualifications to be a Marja e Taqlid ("Source of Emulation"), or in other words, an Ayatollah. In retaliation Revolutionary Guards "detained and humiliated" Montazeri, "forcing him to wear his nightcap rather than his white turban." after "more than 100 Iranian legislators" called on President Khatami to free Montazeri. Some thought that the government lifted the house arrest to avoid the possibility of a popular backlash if the ailing Montazeri died while in custody.
Criticism of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
On 22 January 2007, Grand Ayatollah Montazeri criticized Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for his nuclear and economic policies.While agreeing Iran had the right to develop nuclear energy, he called Ahmadinejad's approach to the issue aggressive, saying, "One has to deal with the enemy with wisdom, not provoke it, ... his (provocation) only creates problems for the country"
Montazeri also issued a statement in support of the rights of the Baha'is in the Islamic Republic, saying that though Baha'is were not People of the Book like Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians, nonetheless
they are the citizens of this country, they have the right of citizenship and to live in this country. Furthermore, they must benefit from the Islamic compassion which is stressed in Quran and by the religious authorities.Montazeri again spoke out against Ahmadinejad on 16 June 2009, during the protests against his reelection. Ahmadinejad was controversially reelected as president after a closely contested and disputed election, which involved many candidates, but whose leading vote-getters were Ahmadinejad and former Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi. The government reported that Ahmadinejad had won the election with 62 percent of the vote. Montazeri stated that "No one in their right mind can believe" the results were fairly counted. Montazeri called for three days of public mourning for the death of Neda Agha-Soltan and others killed during the 22 June protests. He further declared that the then current ruling regime was neither Islamic nor a republic.
In November 2009, on the day before the 30th anniversary celebration of the Iran hostage crisis, Montazeri said that the occupation of the American embassy in 1979 had been a mistake.
Human rights and gender
While Ayatollah Montazeri has been celebrated as a champion of the rights of political prisoners, and human rights associated with the public sphere, in an interview conducted in 2003 in Qom with the Iranian feminist academic Golbarg Bashi he said that while men and women enjoy the same dignity and respect in the eyes of God, women's rights must remain strictly under the domain of Shi'i fiqh rather than international human rights conventions such as CEDAW.In response to Golbarg Bashi, Ayatollah Montazeri said:
When Bashi informed him that currently (2003) in Iranian universities, "some 60% of students are women" and asked him "so in future generations, when the number of professors, physicians, high-ranking experts, etc, will be mostly women, will Islam be able to have an ijtihad and modify these unjust laws because they no longer correspond with reality?"
Ayatollah Montazeri responded: "Those aspects of the Islamic law that are based on the very letter of the Qur'an, the answer is no. But certain other things yes, you can, and they can be subject to changing times. But those that are from the very letter of the Qur'an, no they cannot, and those have certain wisdom and subtleties in them." The Islamic Republic News Agency, the official news agency of Iran, did not use the Ayatollah title in its initial reports of his death and referred to him as the "clerical figure of rioters". The state television and radio broadcasters were similar, showing the tension between the government and its opponents.
Funeral and protests
Montazeri's funeral has been said to have marked "a new phase" in Iran's 2009 uprising.21st
On Monday, December 21, hundreds of thousands of mourners and the Green Movement supporters from across Iran turned out in Montazeri's funeral and turned the funeral to a massive protest against the Iranian regime. His body was laid to rest in the shrine of Hazrate Masoumeh, one of the most revered female saints in Shia Islam. He was buried alongside his son.The protesters chanted opposition slogans, including "Our shame, our shame, our idiot leader", and “Dictator, this is your last message: the people of Iran are rising!”
Although the police mostly stayed clear of the funeral, there were some skirmishes between protesters and the Basij militia. Also on December 21, inside the Qom shrine where Montazeri’s body was laid to rest, opposition activists gathered and chanted “Death to the dictator.” When one group of pro-regime basiji militiamen came toward them, chanting “Death to the hypocrites,” the crowd changed to an anti-basiji slogan. Then they took out money, offering it to the basiji, and chanted that they were acting as paid mercenaries of the regime: “Where is the oil money? Spent on the Basiji,” and “Basij’s great pride, rape in prison.” On the same day, Mir-Hossein Mousavi stepped out from the compound of Grand Ayatollah Saanei, a fellow reformist, to cross the street to Montazeri’s house in Qom. At that moment, a group of 30 bearded men, holding Montazeri pictures to blend into the crowd, dropped the portraits, started attacking Mousavi and shouted “death to the hypocrite.” The former candidate had to be hustled quickly into the Montazeri compound. The same thing happened when cleric Mehdi Karroubi stepped into the street. This time, groups of reformists were ready and pushed back the vigilantes, so that Karroubi could pass.
According to the reformist website Kalameh, men on motorbikes, believed to be Ahmadinejad supporters, attacked the car carrying Mir Hossein Mousavi back from Qom to Tehran. They insulted Mousavi, smashed the back window and injured one of his aides.
There were also protests in Najafabad, birthplace of Ayatollah Montazeri. Internet videos showed protesters waving green banners and chanting, “Dictator, dictator, Montazeri is alive!” and “Oh Montazeri, your path will be followed even if the dictator shoots us all!” Hardliners also want Mousavi arrested for his role in inciting unrest since the disputed June election.
On the 23rd, December, Iranian security forces clashed with tens of thousands of opposition supporters in the city of Isfahan, according to opposition website reports. Activists said police used tear gas, pepper spray and batons to disperse people gathering to commemorate Grand Ayatollah Montazeri in the Seyed mosque. People had gathered at the main mosque for the memorial service, but when they arrived the doors were closed and security forces told them to leave. Afterwards, security forces began beating people, including women and children with batons, chains and stones, used tear gas and pepper spray and arrested at least 50 people, including four journalists and a cleric, Masoud Abid, who was to deliver the sermon. Many were also injured. One witness said, "They took people in the shops and beat them up mostly out of public vision although some beatings happened outside on the streets." Security forces also sealed off the home of Ayatollah Jalal Al-Din Taheri, who organised the service and used to lead Friday prayers in Isfahan until he resigned in 2002 in protest at the regime’s growing authoritarianism.
Meanwhile footage sent to the BBC from Najafabad showed crowds chanting "Criminals, rapists, death to the leadership" and "We're not afraid, we're not afraid" as security men watched from rooftops.
24th
On the 24th of December, opposition Web sites reported that police in Tehran and the northwestern city of Zanjan clashed with protesters defying an order by the Iranian government banning memorial services for Montazeri. Protesters marched in Imam Khomeini Square in southern Tehran in a sign of mourning for Montazeri. The protesters chanted, “Today is a mourning day; the green nation of Iran is mourning today” — a reference to the trademark color of the opposition. The police attacked the protesters with clubs and tear gas. Older women tried to prevent the arrest of young men by throwing themselves on them, and were severely beaten by officers who intended to drag the young men away.Meanwhile, the police in Zanjan, a city of mostly Turkish speakers, tried to prevent a mourning ceremony for Montazeri by locking the mosque where the ceremony was to be held and attacking mourners who chanted outside it. It was mentioned that: “The police beat people with such violence that many suffered from broken legs, arms and noses.” There were also many arrests. Clashes were reported in northern Tehran near Jamaran mosque (where Khomeini used to address people), between thousands of opposition supporters (who shouted anti-government slogans) and riot police. Reformist ex-President Mohammad Khatami had been due to speak at the mosque to mark the Shiite holy day of Ashura. However, security officials cancelled the Ashura speech to be given by Khatami and also surrounded the mosque. A reformist website reported about 50 plainclothes forces breaking into Jamaran mosque and attacking people. Riot police also fired tear gas during the incident. Protesters shouted, "death to this dictatorship" and "if Khomeini was alive, he would sure be with us," according to witnesses. A witness also said, "Police told them they have five minutes to leave and, when they were still shouting slogans and persisted, policemen on motorbikes drove through the crowds and fired teargas." Riot police and members of the Basij also chased demonstrators into the nearby bustling Niavaran street and fired paintballs at them. The security forces also arrested several protesters. Clashes were also reported between police and protesters near another north Tehran mosque, Dar al-Zahra, which is known to host reformist clerics. Opposition supporters had gathered in groups along a stretch of a main Tehran city centre route several kilometres long, but police were out in force and were not letting them join each other. Earlier, there were clashes at several points along Enghelab Street, a main thoroughfare where months earlier hundreds of thousands of opposition supporters had staged protest marches after Ahmadinejad's disputed re-election. Police also stopped and arrested the passengers of a bus near Enghelab Square because they were chanting pro-opposition slogans. Some protesters were reported to have chanted: "The dictator must know that he will soon be overthrown." Tension was running high at rallies in which protesters were chanting anti-government slogans in three areas of central Tehran. Government forces, including soldiers of the elite Revolutionary Guard and the paramilitary Basiji, are said to have reacted aggressively - beating protesters with batons, firing warning shots into the air to disperse demonstrators, using teargas and pepper spray and smashing the windscreens of cars that were hooting in protest, as well as making numerous arrests.
References
Further reading
External links
Office of Ayatollah Montazeri, Qom Leadership & legitimacy: The controversy among the clergy over who should lead the Islamic state Interview with Ayatollah Montazeri by Golbarg Bashi BBC Profile. Iran's fatwa for freedom Grand Ayatollah Montazeri: "The System Has No Religious Merit" NYTimes profile Death of a Cleric in Iran - slideshow by Life magazine The Good Ayatollah by Prof Abbas Milani.
Category:1922 births Category:2009 deaths Category:Disease-related deaths in Iran Category:Iranian democracy activists Category:Islamic democracy activists Category:Iranian grand ayatollahs Category:Iranian humanitarians Category:Iranian religious leaders Category:Iranian philosophers Category:Iranian Shi'a Muslims Category:Iranian writers Category:Muslim reformers Category:People from Najafabad Category:Islamic Republican Party politicians Category:Speakers of the Assembly of Experts
This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
