Friday, 22 June 2012

Twelve Images Of Existentialism

Existentialism is a philosophical view that concerns itself with the enigma of human existence. Individual human beings are deemed to have no 'essence' before their existence. Our existence is merely a basic fact; we are simply conscious beings who have found ourselves thrown into an absurd world devoid of intrinsic meaning. Our destiny is not fixed in any way. There lies ahead of each human life an undetermined future of infinite possibilities. We are “condemned to be free” as Jean-Paul Sartre so eloquently wrote. We are at liberty to ‘become’ ourselves in just about any way we choose. Madman or family man, slayeress or saintess.

A sense of ‘existential’ anxiety is observed to inevitably follow from the realisation that there is no meaning to life other than what we are individually able to muster. Ironically, each human being has no choice but to (perhaps unknowingly) accept this freedom and act on it in some way. We thus all continually give meanings to our lives in response to, and as the result of our myriad experiences, emotions, actions and thoughts.

We may absorb, to varying degrees, the meanings offered to us by others who have gone before us, alleviating the anxiety with the salve of myths and thought-potions. In which case we are said to lead an ‘inauthentic’ life, abrogating the reponsibility for own existence to some hive mind with shared beliefs. Our species has created many different ways to become Borg; to be assimilated. Or we may decide that resistance is not futile, take a free leap into our existential anxiety and so forge our own unique path. And in so doing we make total our commitment to our own being. This demands in turn, however, that we accept total and unique responsibility for each of our decisions and actions. There is no longer the security of any group responsibility, no shared guilt to fall back on. We are forever acting alone in the universe. We now live an ‘authentic’ existence.

I've long been attracted to existentialism because, on the surface, it's an intuitive philosophy and, to me at least, a realistic view of the human condition. Yet it seems such a difficult idea to get your head around for most people. I've lost count of the number of times I've tried to explain the rudiments of existentialism to people who are perfectly intelligent, but seem unable to 'get it'. The über-emphasis on free will might no longer have such a sound basis given our current knowledge of neuroscience but, nonetheless, it really does seem to freak people out to even contemplate having that level of psychological liberty.  

Anyway, I’m the administrator of the ‘Existentialism’ Group on the photography site Fotoblur. So I present here a small collection of the submitted images I have chosen  to be featured in the group. They have all been influenced by, or somehow convey well, the central themes of existentialism. The Existentialism Group welcomes images that feature at least one human being, or have the strongly implied presence of a human being, and directly convey a theme of aloneness, belief or personal meaning. And artistic merit, of course.

The two most powerful images for me are Saad Salem's 'A Little Of The Truth Doesn't Hurt' and Agnieska Napierala's 'A Broken Pot IV'. Both images are harrowing in that they depict people who are undeserved and unwilling victims of religion, faith and/or irrationality. In Saad's image the invasion of his country for political ends masquerading as a defensive war on Islamic fundamentalism and in Agnieska's image the moral perversity that inevitably follows when faith is given free reign to obstruct and supersede knowledge and rational based value systems.



'Is There Anybody Out There' © Sean Slevin


'Bleed' © Tiffanie Ragasa "Who am I? A river... when I start to bleed. I was born with a genetic clotting disorder called Von Williebrand Disease and am often quite a mess".


'Sostegni' © Danilo Napolitano

'Dark Composition 4' © Craig Hasbrouck


'Hidden' © Jesus Daniel "I'm not a big fan of explaining my pictures but feel that this image deserves an "about": it was taken in western Sahara in small village, my guide knew the family that kindly invited us for drinking a fabulous tea; I asked permission for taking this picture and although the woman didn't say anything her son gave it; anyway, I never felt comfortable with this shot"


.[the] prayer. © Shirren Lim 


'Queen Of Sorrow' © Inga Ivanova



'A Little Of The Truth Doesn't Hurt' © Saad Salem "Noor Eldeen Hussian is a photographer by profession from my city, the oldest that I knew still alive.In 2008 the first photographic exhibition was held at very local scale in my city, Noor Eldin was there, I caught him standing still in front of a falling photographers images for ages. It appear that the killed photographer was his son Namir, a very famous photographer at Reuters, who have been killed by a helicopter rocket in Baghdad. The image on the wall is by Namir, it is about fisherman pulls an Iraqi kidnapped victim who have been killed and thrown on the river Tigris". 


'Inked' © Joan Van Der Sluis "his body is art for me. being inked expresses more about us. it is not easy though to get him captured but this is one of the few".


A Broken Pot IV © Agnieska Napierala "I make love to my husband, just to give him pleasure. Myself, I do not feel anything. No pleasure"Anne Marie (28), mutilated at age of 5.

'Slow Movement' © Gary Hill   “There is a loneliness in this world so great that you can see it in the slow movement of the hands of a clock".
Charles Bukowski


'Memories' © Zsigmond Bathori



All images are copyrighted by the photographers. If you wish to use any of the images for other than critique purposes please use the links provided to get permission.

Sunday, 27 May 2012

Destined To Fail: The Ministry Of William Meirion Evans

About twenty years ago, I was fortunate to have met the Welsh historian Lewis Lloyd, only a few years before his early death. At the time he was Senior Tutor in Politics at Coleg Harlech where I was a student of psychology and Welsh. Chatting informally with a group of students, he recognised my (then stronger) Australian accent and enquired as to whereabouts I was from. I learned that he had earned his PhD at the Australian National University with a thesis on mining law. He had also published a book in the late-1980s, entitled ‘The Welsh in Australia’, which documented the impact of individual Welsh immigrants to the Australian colonies and the later federated nation. The state I lived in, South Australia, has a rich copper mining heritage and we chatted about the towns of Moonta and Wallaroo, Burra and Kapunda, all places I know reasonably well as I had friends who had grown up in, or had lived in these towns and had sometimes visited them.

One of the case histories included in Lloyd’s book has always particularly interested me; that of William Meirion Evans who hailed from the Gwynedd village of Llanfrothen, about a 20-minute drive north of Harlech. William Evans had emigrated to South Australia, eventually finding himself in Burra and later in the Victorian towns of Ballarat and Melbourne, via the USA. He was a preacher and a champion of Welsh language and culture. It is said he was a good, kind-hearted man. His story has stayed with me because Llanfrothen became the village where I have lived for nearly 20 years and because William Evans enacted three ‘firsts’ in Australia. Here is a short biography.

William Meirion Evans was born on August 12th 1826 at Isallt Fawr, Llanfihangel-Y-Pennant in Caernarfonshire, now part of the county of Gwynedd. He was the son of a farming couple, Edmund and Mary, née Williams. In infancy he moved to the much smaller cottage known as Gatws Y Parc (until a decade ago the home of a friend; photographed below), between the villages of Llanfrothen and Croesor and it is this locality in Meironydd (also part of Gwynedd) which he identified with during his years in Wales. It is worth mentioning, for those with an interest in the local history of the area, that Isallt Fawr was also the birthplace of the mother of another noted Welshman, the blind musician Dafydd Y Garreg Wen. I have written of Dafydd in my article 'Three Graves At Ynyscynhaearn'.

Although there had long been a church in Llanfrothen, Evans’s parents did not attend as they were devout Welsh ‘chapel people’. They belonged to the Calvinistic Methodists, the only Nonconformist denomination of Welsh origin without affiliation to an English religious body.


It is important to emphasise the distinction in Welsh society between chapel and church. The Anglican-based ‘Church in Wales’ had long been associated with cultural 'Englishness' and 'landlordism' and catered largely to the 'aspiring' Welsh who spoke English by choice, even when their own language could be fully understood and fluently spoken. In other words, attending church was a prime social indicator of influence and wealth.

Because of this, until the 1700s the organised, state-sponsored religion of the church had relatively little impact on the lives of the majority Welsh-speaking tenant population of North Wales. About 1730, however, a Nonconformist revival, initiated by Baptists and Methodists, swept through Wales. This revival lasted well into the period between the two world wars and was characterised by the building of myriad plain, rectangular chapels, minus steeple or bell, in which fiery sermons voiced a disapproval of alcohol, gambling, dancing and games, and working on a Sunday. For fervent chapel goers this included a pacifist stance and a refusal to fight in wartime. What really marked the chapel culture out as different, however, and endeared the movement to the ordinary people was that chapel services and preaching were done exclusively through the medium of the Welsh language (and still is for the relatively few chapels that remain in Wales). Thus, whereas in neighbouring England the various Christian denominations often cut across social divisions and to some degree neutralised them, in Wales the opposite was the case and social distinctions coincided with, and were intensified by, differences in both Christian denomination and language.

Arguably, the effect that chapel culture had on the native Welsh population cannot be overestimated and the chapel was, for over 150 years, the principle symbol of Welshness in every town and village in Wales. The Sunday schools run by the individual chapels did not confine themselves to religious instruction and taught many thousands of children and adults to read and write in the Welsh language long before primary schooling became universally available (and then available only in English, a policy which was rigidly enforced even at the local level). It was at the Sunday school run by the Siloam Calvinistic Methodist chapel in Llanfrothen where the young William Evans learnt to read. Eventually he became a Sunday school teacher himself while, like many of his contemporaries in Llanfrothen, he worked as a quarryman at the nearby Ffestiniog slate mines.

At about this time, the young colony of South Australia was experiencing an economic boom resulting from finds of considerable quantities of copper. Experienced miners and quarrymen were in high demand and increasingly sourced from the mining communities of Cornwall and Wales. Seizing the opportunity, William Evans set sail for Adelaide, the capital city of South Australia, arriving on May 19th 1849. In his initial year in the colony he worked short stints at several mining concerns, firstly at the Yatala smelting works, immediately north of Adelaide, followed by the Willunga slate quarries, south of Adelaide. Later that year he relocated to the much larger copper mines of Apoinga and Burra, about 160km km north of Adelaide.


Though very far from home, Evans would not have felt alone in South Australia. The prospect of plenty of work and money had attracted large numbers of Welshmen to the copper mines at Burra, then the largest metal mines in Australia, supplying 5% of the world’s copper. In 1846 there were estimated to be about 300 Welsh-born miners at Burra. Within five years this number had tripled. One mining company arranged for the immigration from near the town of Llanelli in South Wales of an entire smelting factory, including machinery, tooling, workers and their immediate families. The majority of these workers, like Evans, were monoglot Welsh speakers and so, initially at least, they tended to live in Llwchwr, a closely-knit, purpose-built quarter of 44 lots to the north of Burra township, named after a village to the west of Swansea, to which they in turn named streets after nearby places such as Llanelli, Llysnewydd and Penclawdd.

Although only 23 years old and not an ordained minister William Evans nevertheless perceived a need to begin preaching in such a “godless place” as the Burra mining settlements. Unfortunately, however, his command of the English language was very limited and so he was only effectively able to preach to his fellow countrymen. As a result, he is now recognised to be the first person to preach in the Welsh language in Australia. Nevertheless, despite his efforts, his particular brand of Calvinistic Christianity did not catch on in Burra and by 1860, although there were two Welsh chapels established, neither was Methodist, one being Baptist and the other Congregationalist.

In 1852 he moved to the large gold mining field at Bendigo in the neighbouring colony of Victoria were he is said to have made a considerable sum of money in a very short time. One source claims this was somewhere between £800-1000. William Evans returned to Llanfrothen in 1853 and, ever the traveller, he then migrated again, this time with his parents, brother Richard and sister to a farm at Apple River, Elizabeth Settlement, Illinois, USA. Two years later, on June 9th 1855 he married Mary Jane Hughes, the Welsh-speaking daughter of a settler family from Ynys Môn, with whom he opened a small merchant store in Dodgeville, Wisconsin. Unfortunately, Evans's business partner defrauded him out of his money and the business became bankrupt with considerable debts. Undeterred in his Christian faith he continued to serve as a lay preacher at Apple River until, in June 1861, he was ordained as a minister at the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Church in Columbus, Wisconsin. He is also known to have campaigned for Abraham Lincoln in the 1860 Presidential election. Like the mining settlements in Australia, Wisconsin at that time had a particularly strong history of expatriate Welsh ‘chapel culture’. In 1854, ‘Y Drysorfa’, the monthly periodical of the Calvinistic Methodists in Wales, remarked:

“It is a remarkable and comforting aspect of the Welsh character that no matter where they go if there are any number of them together they establish a social place of worship in the Welsh language. In the great cities of England, in the coal mines and iron works of Scotland, in the various states of America and now on the gold fields of Australia, the Welsh emigrant must hear of the great works of God in his own language".

By the time of William Evans’s ordination Mary was in poor health but, because he felt morally bound to pay off his debtors, he returned alone to Australia, leaving his wife and two infant daughters, landing at Melbourne in the colony of Victoria in March 1863. He immediately headed for the Ballarat goldfields, home to a third of the Welsh-born immigrant population in the Australian colonies at the time, numbering over 2000 people. For a short time he returned to his previous lifestyle of mining and part-time preaching, and is recognised as the first ordained minister to officiate at a Welsh-speaking communion in Australia. The following year he was appointed full-time minister of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist chapels at Ballarat, Sebastopol and Cambrian Hill.

He returned again to Wales briefly in 1865, then onto America, where Mary was well enough to return with him to Ballarat. Tragedy struck the family again, however, as just a few weeks before they set sail for Australia, William and Mary's two young daughters died separately within two weeks of each other. Despite this loss his desire to help others was undiminished and, still largely monoglot Welsh, he later wrote of how his “utter lack of ability to speak fluently in the English language prevented me from comforting my fellow passengers who suffered during the voyage”.

1865 also saw William Evans produce another first on Australian soil: publication of the first work in the Welsh language, ‘Yr Ymgeisydd’ (‘The Endeavourer’ or ‘The Candidate’; published in Castlemaine, Victoria to coincide with an Eisteddfod, a Welsh cultural festival) This was destined for one edition only, none of which have survived. It has been claimed that William Evans became an enthusiastic supporter of Welsh language publications after the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Connexion had a pamphlet printed by an Australian company in 1863 which contained a large number of embarrassing spelling and grammatical errors.

Inspired by the success of his first publication, William Evans and Theophilus Williams co-edited from July 1866 a monthly journal titled ‘Yr Australydd’ (‘The Australian’) which sold for a modest 6d with copies circulated throughout all the Australian colonies and as far as New Zealand. According to the minutes of meetings held by the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Connexion, who partly funded the enterprise, the original intention was for a weekly publication but a monthly edition was deemed more feasible.


Not surprisingly given the people involved, the first edition’s editorial stated that the aim of the journal was to "gwasanaethu ein cenedl mewn llenyddiaeth, moesoldeb a chrefydd" ("serve our nation in literature, morality and religion") and an analysis of the first two year’s editions (1866-67) shows 22% of the articles to be theological in nature while general news from Wales was the province of only 3% of the content. There was a particularly strong emphasis on the social and cultural aspects of the Welsh community in the Australian colonies such as Eisteddfodau and Cymanfaoedd Canu (hymn-singing meetings). It is interesting to note, however, that a similar analysis of the final two years of ‘Yr Australydd’ (1871-72) reveals that articles with theological themes had decreased to only 13% of the content. A further notable aspect of the journal’s content was the consistent avoidance of discussion of political issues.

Another important thrust of the journal, however was to further 'Yr Achos Cymraeg' (The Welsh Cause, i.e., the survival of the Welsh language in Australia) and to do this Evans and Williams actively encouraged contributions from the readership. These often included ordinary miners and manual workers whose literacy, like that of William Evans, resulted not from formal education, but to attendance at chapel Sunday schools. Published contributions included poetry and short stories, as well as a serialised novel in 1870 entitled, ‘Cymro Yn Awstralia’ (‘A Welshman in Australia’).

Publication of ‘Yr Australydd’ ceased in 1872, for reasons which remain unclear. However, letters written to William Evans indicate that there was a drop in subscriptions from 496 to 200 due to subscribers moving away and often becoming untraceable. Ironically, the transient nature of Welsh migrants to the Australian colonies, moving to wherever work was available, was something that characterised William Evans’s own life. This, along with an increasing number of marriages to people from outside of the Welsh immigrant community, along with the inevitable gradual decline in the use of a minority language in a land where English was the Lingua Franca, probably sealed the fate of ‘Yr Australydd’. Indeed, the whole notion of ‘Yr Achos Cymraeg’ in Australia was, in hindsight perhaps, a venture that was always destined to fail.

The general decline in use of the Welsh language, especially among those born in Australia, was no less evident in the chapels, where a shortage of preachers fluent in the Welsh language had resulted in the substitution of English during an increasing number of services. In stark contrast to the chapel culture in Wales, by the end of the 19th century all the Welsh chapel denominations in Australia had introduced English into at least some of their services and, after 1894, even the Calvinistic Methodists, the bulwark of the Welsh language in Australia, recorded the minutes of their assembly meetings in English.

For the first time William Evans must have felt like an outsider among his own congregation because, despite having lived in English-speaking countries since his early 20s, he was still unable to hold a conversation in English, though he could read English to some degree at least, with the aid of a dictionary. Another of Evans’s editorials from ‘Yr Australydd’, this time from 1872, noted that

“One of the first things which strikes an aware person with any knowledge of the history of the Welsh in Australia is the large number who are completely unconcerned with religion if it is unobtainable in their own language. For some reason, if unavailable in Welsh, religious services in English are neglected.”

The same year an article penned by an unknown author with the nom-de-plume ‘Yr Hanesydd’ (‘The Historian’) referred to the decline in religiosity with some hyperbole:

“There is room to fear that a large number of Welsh people in this country were once religious adherents but by now are rapidly falling to such a degenerate state that there is not a minute to waste in organizing their succour.”

There are two more important reasons for the decline in religiosity among Welsh immigrants, however, and these lie not in the wider community but firmly at the door of the chapels and their congregations, both in Wales and in Australia.

Firstly, there were the seemingly endless disagreements between the different chapel cultures. Such conflicts could be particularly vexatious, often causing rifts within families and whole villages and towns. They had plagued the contemporary religious scene in Wales and so were not unique to the Australian colonies. At first glance, unlike the differences in doctrine and theological interpretation that usually characterise differences between Christian groups, the Welsh schisms concerned governance of the chapels. While Evans’s Calvinistic Methodists had elected church governments, for example, the Independent Methodists advocated majority leadership by the entire congregation. Arguably, however, these differences did reflect theological issues as they were ultimately concerned with each denomination’s interpretation of how an individual may relate with God and the strength of the mediating role of the chapel in that relationship.

Joseph Jenkins, the famous Welsh swagman (itinerant worker, similar to the American hobo) who left his farm and family in Wales, aged 51 years, to lead an itinerant lifestyle in colonial Victoria for 25 years and who kept a daily diary for 58 years of his life, expressed in 1879, simply and eloquently, his exasperation with the schisms:

“Four miles away (in Castlemaine) there are three chapels belonging to different denominations. They are so close together that they are for ever quarrelling. Mrs Lewis and her son walked to chapel to listen to a Welsh sermon, and I walked into the bush to meet my God.”


It is interesting to compare Evans’s attitude to his new country with that of Jenkins and William Evans's two siblings, who had stayed in the USA. Jenkins had learned English and despite retaining an active interest in Welsh culture and winning the Premier Prize at the Ballarat Eisteddfod for his englyn (forms of Welsh verse with strict adherence to quantitative metre) he wrote all his diaries in English, in order to further master the language. There exists also a manuscript written by William Evans's sister detailing her family's early life and their voyage to the USA. This too was handwritten in English. William Evans's brother, Richard (more likely originally spelled Risiart) who made his living selling wares to the armed forces in Fort Hayes, later became the first mayor of Dodge City and was reputed to have been a close friend of Buffalo Bill. It is unlikely he would achieved all this without an adequate command of the English language.

It is perhaps surprising that the divisions between the denominations that were so embedded in Welsh society spilled over to the Australian colonies. Being in a foreign land yet with a language in common offerred a real opportunity for Welsh emigres to rid themselves of the less desirable aspects of Welsh social and cultural baggage accumulated over the years. Lewis Lloyd describes the Welsh immigrants as undertaking:

“......a venture that was more communal than individualistic. Most had left a cherished if agitated district of a land characterised, in their eyes, by economic exploitation and social deference, a land in which an alien church milked dry a Nonconformist people.....the image of downtrodden Wales lived long in the memories of many emigrants and their Australian-born children”.

Secondly, the Calvinistic Methodists within Wales appear to have shown scant regard for members of their church in Australia. Despite repeated requests to send ministers and missionaries to the Australian colonies the church in Wales remained deaf, for some reason much preferring to send ordained men and missionaries to India. This attitude is known to have hardened some attitudes toward the parent church in Wales. Indeed, one of the reasons Evans travelled to Wales in 1865 en route to the United States was to present a letter to the church Assembly from the Calvinistic Methodists in Australia pleading for Welsh-speaking ministers to be sent. As he later commented in his characteristically mild manner during a lecture in Ballarat in 1868:

"We, as a small number of Methodists in the country, are very like orphaned children, left alone to deal with our circumstances as best we can".

And a stronger comment, this time from a member of the Assembly in 1865 at Liverpool, England:

"I was amazed at the gross selfishness and ignorance that people’s leaders showed in discussing such an important matter. … In providing for Brittany and India no expense was spared. But when it came to Australia one would think there was a crowd running to be the first to put a lock on the chest".

During his time editing ‘Yr Australydd’ Mary’s illness returned and she died aged only 31 years in April 1869. On November 7th the following year, William Evans remarried, this time to a widow, Ellen Jones née Roberts,  and this time he fathered three healthy daughters within the space of four years; Ellen Winifred born in 1871, Annie Sophia, born 1873, and Eliza Jane, born 1875). Five months after his marriage to Ellen the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist General Association of Victoria appointed William Evans as minister and overseer of the building of their planned chapel at 320 LaTrobe Street, Melbourne. It was considered a difficult task as there seemed to be little enthusiasm for the venture. The existing chapel and adjoining house were in a parlous state of repair and the congregation had dwindled to 25 souls. Previous attempts to build a new chapel had failed because sufficient money could not be raised.

Nevertheless, Evans's repaired the old chapel house, often with his own hands, and embarked on a tour of the colony giving public talks in order to raise money for the new chapel. His efforts were rewarded; the Gothic-style ‘Welsh Church’, as it is now known, opened on New Years Eve 1871 to a congegation of 300 and remains to this day the only church in Australia to conduct regular services in Welsh. In addition to his preaching duties within the Welsh Church, William Evans also acted as chaplain to the Welsh patients at the Melbourne Hospital and would meet incoming passenger ships at Port Melbourne in case there were Welsh migrants on board. If they were arriving homeless, he would let them stay in a large shed in the grounds of the Welsh Church.

Undaunted by the decline in religiosity and in the use of the Welsh language, William Evans established another monthly journal in October 1874 named ‘Yr Ymwelydd’. Initially published in Smythesdale in the Ballarat area he later relocated it to Melbourne. Again the price was set at an affordable 6d. Interestingly, although the title of ‘Yr Australydd’ suggests some permanence of affinity to Australia (the correct Welsh translation of Australian is ‘Awstralydd’; ‘Australydd’ was an invented word, a deliberate amalgamation of the English and Welsh words) a translation of the title of the new journal (‘The Visitor’) is more suggestive of a temporary relationship with the Australian colonies. Or perhaps it was a wry comment by Evans on the itinerant nature of the Welsh community, and himself, at that time?

Another departure in attitude from ‘Yr Australydd’ was an increase in the amount of religious content, intended possibly, as a fightback against the decline in religiosity by the intended readership. Indeed, for the two years of publication, fully 46% of the content was concerned with theological issues. As the first edition’s editorial stated: 

“…the fact that we are without any service in the medium of Welsh at our disposal in this country, is reason in itself why we should endeavour to fill the gap and redress the deficiency....…Yr Ymwelydd is meant to be a truly religious publication of quality, and a concise, accurate, impartial and honest record of historical events – and if it is not possible to continue based on these principles, then the nation’s preference/taste is lower than we presently believe”.

Ironically, the journal ceased publication in December 1876 because the printer, a Mr Rhys-Jones, moved away from Melbourne and Evans was unable to a find a replacement fluent enough in the language. The Calvinistic Methodist Church Assembly did debate whether to continue publishing in English but this did not eventuate. Nevertheless, the Welsh language did survive in common use among some families in the Ballarat region into the early 20th century. This would no doubt have pleased William Evans as retaining the language, he repeatedly argued in his editorials, was entirely compatible with loyalty to the adopted country.


Following his retirement in 1881 both from publishing and from the Welsh Church, William Evans opened a bookshop in Bourke Street, Melbourne, and later returned to Ballarat to open another bookshop. The reason for his retirement from the Church remains unclear. It has been said that he grew disillusioned with the growing apathy of the Welsh settlers toward the church, evidenced by dwindling congregations. More likely, however, was his failing health. His daughter Ellen Winifred, is said to have overheard talk of her father having a tumour. He was also known to be concerned that, were he to stay in the service of the Welsh Church, his meagre salary would be insufficient to put aside funds for his family, were he to die.

Although he no longer had his own chapel, he continued to preach in his beloved Welsh until his last days. Ellen Winifred recalled:

"His friends in Sebastopol used to send a cab to fetch him to the church and he used to sit on a high stool (during his illness) while he preached and the cab used to bring him home again. … He preached to the people in Sebastopol church up to a fortnight before his death, though so ill that day my mother begged him not to attempt it. He pleaded to go saying he would never ask her again; he went and he bade them farewell, we were not there, but we were told the congregation were in tears".

He died following a long illness, on August 4th 1883, shortly before his 57th birthday, and was buried in what is now referred to as ‘the old cemetery’ in Ballarat. In his obituary, the 'Ballarat Star' wrote that he had a "kind and considerate disposition; he did good for the sake of doing it alone".

Following his death the Victorian Calvinistic Methodist Connexion commissioned their Secretary, R B Williams, to write a biography of William Evans's, in Welsh of course. ‘Memoir of the Rev. W.M. Evans’ quoted extensively from Evans's diaries. Unfortunately both the diaries and the original Welsh manuscript has been lost. There are, however, two surviving copies of an English translation. One copy resides in the National Library of Wales in Aberystwyth while the other was bequeathed to the Welsh Church in Melbourne by Ellen Winifred. Although only 10-years old when her father died some five decades later she remembered him in this way:

“tall, calm in disposition, had a sense of dignity about him, which never repelled friendship, and fellowship, but prevented laxity of speech and manner. He was loved by the very people who checked bad language in his presence; he made them wish to live better lives and to be with him, as much as possible. … His hair was grey or white, of a silvery tint, early in life and it was abundant. His eyes were grey more than blue. He had a sense of humour and always engaged a laugh. … Few men I think had the love of the people like he had. He could be firm when necessary and was of a very independent nature.”

And what of the levels of religiosity of the Welsh who stayed in William Evans’s childhood village of Llanfrothen? Well, there is very little. Siloam chapel, where William Evans learnt to read and write, has been redundant for more than two decades and now privately owned by a friend of mine. In recent years it has been used as a rehearsal room for a local rock band. The Baptist chapel in Llanfrothen, Ramoth, was converted into a private residence in the late 1990s by my sister in law and her then partner. There are two churches in Llanfrothen, the oldest, St Brothen’s is redundant and in the care of the Friends of Friendless Churches due to it’s historical merit. The second is undergoing conversion to a private residence. 

A little aside from the main road,
becalmed in a last-century greyness,
there is the chapel, ugly, without the appeal
to the tourist to stop his car
and visit it. The traffic goes by,
and the river goes by, and quick shadows
of clouds, too, and the chapel settles
a little deeper into the grass.

But here once on an evening like this,
in the darkness that was about
his hearers, a preacher caught fire
and burned steadily before them
with a strange light, so that they saw
the splendour of the barren mountains
about them and sang their amens
fiercely, narrow but saved
in a way that men are not now.

 'The Chapel' by RS Thomas

Preachers no longer 'catch fire' in Llanfrothen, or Burra, or Ballarat. One thing would undoubtedly please William Meirion Evans, however. Llanfrothen village school still teaches it’s students in Welsh and according to the 2001 census, 76% of the population are able to speak the language fluently.




Image #1 'Gatws Parc'. The home of William Meirion Evans between Llanfrothen and Croesor, Wales. Pentax K20D, Sigma 17-70mm.
Image #2 'Dry As A Bone'. Near Burra, South Australia. Praktica BC3, Sigma 35-70mm, Agfa Vista.
Image #3 'Llwybr Cae Merched'. Near Llanfrothen, Wales. Pentax K20D, Sigma 17-70mm.
Image #4 'Mintaro'. Near Burra, South Australia. Praktica BX20S, Sigma 35-70mm, Ilford xP2.
Image #5 'The Wrong Side Of Goyders Line'. Near Burra, South Australia. Pentax K20D, Sigma 17-70mm.
Image #6 'Afon Croesor'. Llanfrothen, Wales. Pentax K20D, Sigma 17-70mm.

Thursday, 19 April 2012

Tales From Tunisia


Handing the Lonely Planet Guide to Tunisia over the counter at the outdoor pursuits store, the assistant checks the title looks up at me concerned and asks “is it safe?”. “Well I wouldn’t be going if I didn’t think so” was my reply. It was a strange question indeed for a store whose clientele includes people who enjoy hanging off 200m high sheer rock faces with apocryphal names like Ressurrection, Spectre and Cenotaph Corner, usually located halfway up Snowdonia mountains. I was in Algeria at the start of their civil war in the early 1990s and I recall feeling much safer than I’m sure I’d feel with my life in the hands of 10mm thick nylon ropes and twist lock carabiners. Heights are most definitely not my thing. I seriously doubt travelling alone for a week or so in Tunisia doing nothing more onerous than taking photographs and getting blisters from walking too much could be likened to “an activity productive of terror in the reasonably sane”, as Jim Perrin, one of the grand old men of British rock climbing, describes his chosen pastime. As it turned out I was right.

True, at the cusp of 2010-11 there had been four weeks of civil unrest that had toppled the 24-year old government of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Dissatisfaction had been brewing for years but the catalyst was a wholly unexpected event that mirrored similar past events; in Vietnam in 1963 when 66-year old Buddhist monk Thich Quang Duc, poured petrol over himself which he then set alight at a busy intersection in Saigon to protest at the persecution of Vietnam’s predominantly Buddhist population at the hands of the minority Catholic government, and again in Czechoslovakia in 1969, when 21-year old student Jan Palach burned himself to death in protest of the demoralisation of the Czech people following the Soviet invasion the previous year.

That President Ben Ali, his wife Leila, and their extended familes were corrupt is surely disputed by no-one in Tunisia or elsewhere. Just using the term ‘The Family’, with it’s obvious mafia connotations, leaves no Tunisian in any doubt as to which family you are referring to. I was told that half the personal wealth in Tunisia could be linked to either the Ben Ali family by blood, the Trabelsi family of Ben Ali’s wife,or their close friends. Forty-eight members of the two families had extensive business interests as varied as banking, TV and radio stations, telecom and internet providers, to real-estate development, agriculture, car dealerships, retail distribution, an airline and even marble quarries.

When Ben-Ali and his entourage eventually fled Tunisia, hoping to relocate to France (who refused to let his plane land), then to Saudi Arabia (where he was granted asylum), he was estimated to have embezzled $US17 billion into various tax havens throughout the world. This is in addition to the 1.5 tonnes of gold ingots on board the flight that Leila had just appropriated from the vaults of the Banque de Tunisie with the help her private militia. A week after their arrival in Jeddah the Ben-Ali’s travelled to Mecca for the Umrah pilgrimage, dutiful Muslims despite what Allah had decided for them.


It was Ben-Ali’s ambitious, ruthless and manipulative wife who was the most despised member of ‘The Family’. Widely referred to as the ‘Lady MacBeth’ or ‘Imelda Marcos’ of Tunisia, she was the daughter of a humble fruit and nut vendor and a maid in a hammam. Brought up alongside ten brothers in the Tunis medina, she became a hairdresser, was married to a small businessman for three years, followed by divorce and a series of relationships with wealthier Tunisian businessmen, finally meeting Ben Ali, the newly appointed Director General of National Security. Becoming pregnant, she gave birth to Ben Ali’s first daughter while he was married to his first wife, who he divorced on achieving the presidency after orchestrating a bloodless coup in 1987. He married Leila in 1992 while pregnant with her second child. Rumour has it that she faked the results of an ultrasound to convince Ben-Ali that she was carrying a son, knowing he would be more likely to marry her. She had another daughter.

She and her family took immediate advantage of the marriage. Each of her siblings received a monthly pension and were given free access to the presidential palace. She arranged to have one of her elder brothers, Belhassan, divorce his wife to marry the daughter of influential businessman Hedi Jilani. Belhassan effectively became the second most powerful man in Tunisia after Ben Ali, and came to rule over the rest of his family like a mafia don. He proceeded to manipulate the Tunisian stock market and speculated wildly in real estate. On setting up an airline, Kathago, he routinely had spare parts stripped from aircraft of the government owned national carrier Air Tunisia. He was made a member of the board of the Banque de Tunisie where he flagrantly manipulated decision making in favour of his own and ‘The Family’ interests. Leila later cemented her hold on power by arranging to have her daughter Nesrine marry Sakher al-Materi, the son of an influential and wealthy family with a pharmaceutical empire. The young Sakher al-Materi had a meteoric rise to power with investments in the media, financial services, automotive, shipping, real estate and agriculture. It is said that Al-Materi was involved in another relationship at the time. However, after a visit from the police his then girlfriend immediately left Tunisia to live in France. Using the police to intimidate rivals was a hallmark of the Ben-Ali presidency.

Leila’s nephew Imed Trabelsi had a controlling stake in the Tunisian construction industry, in addition to operating the Tunisian franchise of the French home improvements retailer Bricorama. In 2006, Imed had his own nephew, Moaz, arranged to steal a multi-million euro yacht from Corsica which Moaz sailed to a marina near Tunis. The yacht belonged to the head of the influential Lazarus investment bank, Bruno Roger, who brought action against the pair in France. Unfortunately for him, a French court ruled the trial should take place in Tunisia. Imed Trabelsi was charged, but unsurprisingly was found innocent by a Tunisian judge. Although the yacht was then returned to Roger, Interpol issued arrest warrants for both Imed and Moaz. In 2011 Moaz was arrested in Rome and later sentenced to six years jail for a number of other yacht thefts from Italian ports.

Also in 2011, Imed was sentenced in Tunisia to two years in prison without the eligibility of parole and fined 2000 dinars for drug possession. His case was a prime example of the change in attitude in Tunisia, not just because he was found guilty, but because the judge that sentenced him was the same one who had set him free five years earlier. He was the first member of the ‘The Family’ to serve time in jail. At his appeal the hapless Imed watched the court double his sentence to four years and add another 1000 dinars to his fine. Later the same year he was sentenced to a further 18 years for fraudently writing cheques worth more than €300 million. Arrogantly, he began a hunger strike in protest.

A month earlier Ben Ali and Leila had both been sentenced in absentia to 35 years in jail and fined 91 million dinars (€45 million; $59 million; £37 million) for systematic theft of the public coffers, though it seems unlikely that Saudi Arabia will ever agree to any extradition request. Nesrine and her husband fled to Paris where they live in several suites of a Disneyland hotel accompanied by an entourage of staff. She was sentenced to eight years in jail and fined 50 million dinars in absentia for illegal real estate acquisition. Belhassan and his wife fled to a house they own in Montreal and have applied for refugee status in Canada.

Financial corruption were not the only despotic acts performed by ‘The Family’. Political dissent was not tolerated in any form. Two examples in the last year or so of Ben Ali’s reign show the petty and vindictive nature of the treatment meted out by a president in fear of his own people. Shortly after performing a 30-minute stand-up routine which spoofed Ben-Ali and several members of his wife’s family, comedian Hedi Oula Baballah was a passenger in a car which was stopped by police and found to contain drugs and counterfeit money. Very few people in Tunisia believe that these were not planted by police on Ben-Ali’s instruction. Baballah was sentenced to a year in jail and fined 1,000 dinars. After serving six weeks of his sentence Ben-Ali pardoned Baballah and he maintained a very low profile for the remainder of the time Ben Ali was in power, leading to reasonable speculation that his release was conditional on his not further criticising ‘The Family’. An example of one of Baballah’s scandalous jokes: President Ben-Ali gets stopped by the police for speeding when out driving by himself. He tells the officer that he is the President, Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, but the cop says "never heard of you," and arrests him. At the police station Ben-Ali shows his ID card card and the custody officer says, "Its OK. You can let him go. He’s related to the Trabelsis."




Less well treated was Slim Boukdhir, a freelance journalist and correspondent of the Al Arabya newspaper, who had written an article critical of Ben Ali’s family. He was abducted by unidentified men who dumped him near a park stripped of his clothes, having sustained serious injuries. Returning home after hospital treatment his house was surrounded by security forces who denied access to all visitors for four days. Soon afterwards, after writing another critical article, Boukdhir was arrested for not carrying his ID card and ‘insulting’ a police officer. He also received a one year sentence, which he served without pardon.

Ironically, the Tunisian martyr who heralded the ‘Jasmine Revolution’, not only within Tunisia, but ultimately in the ‘Arab Springs’ of Egypt and Libya, was a man not unlike Leila Ben-Ali’s own father. Twenty-seven year old street vendor, Mohamed Bouazizi had been continually harrassed and had his fruit and vegetables repeatedly confiscated by town officials in the small city of Sidi Bouzid. The last straw came on December 17th 2010 when he was assaulted and his electronic scales were taken. Some reports state that he was also slapped in the face by a female official something, as an Islamic male, he found particularly demeaning. He went immediately to the town hall and demanded the return of his scales. When he was refused a meeting with the local mayor he poured petrol over himself in the foyer and set it alight. Although he survived the immolation he never regained consciousness and died of his burns two weeks later on January 4th. Ben Ali had visited Bouazizi in hospital and promised his family he would send him to a specialist burns unit in France for treatment but this was never arranged. Bouazizi subsequently received the 2011 Sakharov Prize for Human Rights and had two squares named after him, one in Tunis and one in Paris. There are currently plans for two films to be made about his life.

The respect shown for Bouazizi by Tunisians is surprising given that suicide is strictly forbidden in Islam. The Islamic view on this is unambiguous; our lives are not actually our possessions, we each simply hold our life in trust for Allah, making human beings not fully independent entities but merely trustees acting on behalf of Allah. Although some Islamic pundits do have a more lenient attitude to suicide, towards those suffering severe depression for example, stricter interpretations of the Koran emphasise that there are no excuses. In this view Paradise is always forbidden for those committing suicide. Referring directly to events in Tunisia a fatwa from theologians at the highly influential Al-Azhar mosque in Cairo reiterated that "suicide violates Islam even when it is carried out as a social or political protest”.

This attitude may appear to negate the validity of suicide bombings but the particular brand of convoluted reasoning made possible only by religion argues otherwise. The term ‘suicide bomber’ is considered a misnomer brought about by a ‘western’ style of thinking. The primary purpose of someone strapping a bomb to themselves and causing it to explode is not to kill themselves but rather to kill as many enemies of Islam as possible. Their own death is viewed as a necessary sacrifice and so they become martyrs. Allah will thus be pleased with their confidence and conviction of belief, therefore, they cannot reasonably be called ‘suicide bombers’. The logic of this view may be sound but the morality surely stinks to high heaven (sic). This peculiar attitude to suicide is compounded by the view that such an individual who is unfortunate or inept enough for the explosion to occur before he reaches his intended targets, or who otherwise fails to kill any infidels, is deemed by some Islamic pundits to have actually committed suicide. Convoluted reasoning indeed.

My first venture outside the budget hotel I had booked into in Tunisia’s third largest city, Sousse, brought me face to face with another aspect of humanity with which Islam has considerable difficulty. An early morning stroll along Bou Jafaar Beach attracted a local guy of about my age (mid-50s) who came walking toward me smiling away as if he had found a long lost friend. He spoke very good English and enquired in the mock friendly yet exasperatingly nosy manner commonly encountered in the tourist haunts of developing countries; “where are you from?, in which hotel are you staying? is this your first time in Tunisia?, are you not with your wife?, have you been to the medina? I’d be happy to show you around.... etc etc”. Having had plenty of experience over the years with what are ultimately thinly-veiled attempts to make some money from tourists, I answered him politely and offered only as much information as I thought he may need to feel placated.

Every developing country I have visited has a seemingly endless pool of underemployed guys utilising a local brand of one-line catchphrase ultimately aimed at extracting money from the inexperienced tourist. India has a plethora of ‘tourist guides’ available to show you around, no charge of course! An added ‘bonus’ is that they all have a cousin who owns a carpet store, or perhaps makes jewellery. In Morocco every town and village has a ‘Berber Festival’ which happens to be “today only, I can take you there”. Of course, should you agree you can be sure you will pay a visit to “the carpet shop of my cousin”. Tunisia’s catchphrase is “Hello, don’t you remember me? I am chef/waiter/barman at your hotel, I would be happy to show you my city”. Rest assured, he too will have a cousin who is a purveyer of fine carpets. I naturally assumed, therefore, that my new friend’s ulterior motive was to acquaint me with the small businessmen in his extended family, but he seemed far more interested in my wife and why she was not accompanying me on my travels. We strolled further along the beach chatting together and, at the point where his curiousity seemed sated, he turned to me, put his hand on my shoulder and suggested we “go somewhere else together, somewhere quiet, we have a nice time”.

Many years ago I ran a food store which attracted a wide cross section of people including many members of the gay community. Chatting to a lesbian couple one day I asked them why they and their friends tended to shop at my place and not with one of my competitors. They looked at me a little nonplussed. “Because you’re gay” was the straightforward answer. I truly felt like I had let them down when I broke it to them that I was straight. Their laughing reply? “We honestly all thought you were gay!”. I’m pleased to say that my coming out appeared to make no difference to their subsequent food purchasing arrangements. A decade or so later I told my wife this story and she remarked that she could understand why some people might think I was gay. I remain bemused.

I suppose most people have been propositioned by someone of the same sex at some point in their lives and I’m certainly no exception, but I didn’t expect it to happen with the first Tunisian male I spoke to at any length. I’d heard a few stories of travellers being propositioned in hammams but never on a beach. After letting him down lightly, he sauntered off, a little embarrassed, I think. I continued my walk, eyeing possible ‘Kodak moments’ rather than the local men. It got me thinking though, that it was a brave thing he did, publicly with someone he didn’t know, in an Islamic country. Attitudes to homosexuality in Tunisia don’t exactly flounder in the dark ages as in Saudi Arabia or Iran, they are relatively liberal for a Koran-based culture. But they are certainly less than enlightened, probably resembling most English-speaking countries in the 1950s with homosexual acts, even in private, punishable by up to three years jail. Tunisia has yet to have any public figure acknowledge their homosexuality, no political party or politician has ever shown support for gay rights and no organisations represent the gay community. It’s a typical religious-based ‘pretend it doesn’t exist’ social climate.

Ironically, much of the cafe culture in Tunisia, at least those establishments frequented by the twentysomething crowd look, to the Western European eye at least, somewhat gay. Young men in Tunisia tend to dress with monotonous regularity, in all dark clothing. Their dark hair, all styled similarly short, their ubiquitous wearing of dark sunglasses combined with a generous bristle of fashion statement stubble presents them as an army of George Michael wannabes. The fact that these guys invariably sip their coffee in groups sans women only cements this image. The copycat fashion reminded me of when I was in India in the mid 1980s when the incongruous hairstyle of choice for hip young men was that worn by Michael Jackson.

I had one further gay related encounter a few days later. On arrival in the pictureque coastal town of Mahdia and walking from the train station to the medina, a lanky youth of about 16-years sidled up alongside and made the requisite enquiries as to my nationality and hotel arrangements etc. After broaching the subject of the whereabouts of my wife he asked me outright “are you gay?”. My response was “No, should I be?” The look of horror on his face was comical as he emitted a ridiculously long drawn out “No-ooooooo!!”. Whether he was actually gay, sizing me up as a possible trick, or just plain nosy I’m not certain. It’s just not the sort of question you’d expect to be asked from someone you’ve known for all of two minutes.

I stumbled upon a further ‘pretend it doesn’t exist’ Tunisian attitude to human sexuality while wandering around the maze of alleys that comprise the medina in Sfax, Tunisia’s second city. Unlike the old towns of Spain and Portugal, Tunisians rarely leave the front doors of their houses open. Walking past a few surprisingly open doors in an alley no more than two to three metres wide I started to notice that the inner steps to the second floor where all bathed in pink or red lights. Not expecting to see Little Amsterdam in Tunisia I simply didn’t make the connection at first. It didn’t dawn on me until, when walking past one such doorway, a not unattractive woman in her thirties very gently wrapped her arm around mine and giving me a smouldering look started to walk me upstairs.

And it really was gentle. Unlike the vendors of tourist trinkets, carpets and clothing in the tourist areas there was no verbal hard sell here. Though it was a blatant attempt to have me part with my money the approach could certainly be labelled affectionate. Another charming attempt to have me part with my cash was experienced courtesy of a barber in the medina in Sousse. Now I’m bald and what hair that does survive clings to the sides, so I usually shave myself once a fortnight to a 3mm length. I had my fortnightly shave by the medina barber who then posed proudly upright for my photograph, brush in one hand clippers in the other. The very next day he spotted me walking past his shop and, leaving his seated customer mid-shave, proceeded to offer me the very same service as the day before at just half the cost, all the while looking concerned at the state of my head, pointing out tiny anomalies in the pattern of hair growth. And then again the day after....

After politely declining my would be lovers offer of gratification I walked back down the few steps she had accomplished, back into the alley and noticed, again for the first time, the string of men of all ages just hanging around, all silent and embarassed like schoolchildren who’d been told to keep the noise down. What surprised me most, though, was that they all completely ignored the infidel with the big camera around his neck blatantly checking them all out. They could easily have ganged up on me and stolen my camera, money, credit cards, whatever, yet they just totally ignored me, even though I stuck out like a sore thumb. As I turned a corner taking me away from the red light houses, a boy aged perhaps twelve years offered me, in broken French, the services of his mother or his sister for ten dinar (about £4 / €5).




Relating my story to two young French guys in the hotel bar who had travelled extensively throughout North Africa, their first question was “êtes-vous circoncis?”, accompanied by a snipping action made with index and middle finger and youthful sniggering. What is it about Tunisia that people have to feel they must ask questions of a sexual nature to people they have only just met? It transpired, however, that those of us fortunate enough not to be circumcised would nevertheless be unfortunate enough to be charged double should a womans services be sought. Islamic prostitutes obviously need to maintain their standards, though I wonder what they would charge a Jewish punter?

Another fairly common sight in the cities is the fifty-plus western women, generally German or French, though with a smattering of British, partnered up, arm in arm, with Tunisian guys in their twenties and thirties. This seems entirely uncontroversial. It’s a sort of reverse sex tourism to that of say Thailand. Some young guys actually make a sort of living out of it. They have their food and drinks paid for, a few gifts of clothing etc and on the day their sugar mommies go back home a new planeload arrive. Most likely a win-win situation if care is taken.

The reason I hadn’t initially noticed the men hanging around outside the brothels is probably because the sight of men hanging around doing nothing is a common sight in North Africa. Go to the centre of any village, town or city and the streets will be full of men with seemingly nothing to do and nowhere to go. Unemployment and underemployment remain the prime indicators of the economy despite serious efforts to generate income from tourism and foreign investment in industry. Inward investment has come particularly from France and is simply a means by which companies can cut costs, pay lower wages and repatriate their profits. This is understandable in a market economy mentality. What I do find difficult to understand, however, is the ubiquitous sense of fatalism that many people seem to have, the all pervasive notion of ‘Insha'Allah’. It’s not so much that you hear people actually saying it (though you do), it’s the resulting sense of apathy that inevitably results from a worldview that no endeavour is worth trying unless it pleases Allah (how on earth would you know?) or that nothing at all happens unless Allah wills it.

One of the most despicable consequences of such a mentality is something I have observed in several Islamic countries. In the West, if an ambulance races up behind other cars, sirens blaring, drivers will readily perform the trickiest of manoeuvres, mounting kerbs at traffic lights etc, to let it pass. Not so in Islamic countries, where the ambulance and the fate of the person inside will often be ignored, ‘Insha'Allah’. At a more mediocre level, you will often see groups of men (and it is always men, women are obviously too busy with the household chores) standing around with nothing to do while skiploads of litter swirl around them in the breeze. This is because outside of the ‘zone touristique’ there appear to be no litter bins. Rubbish is even strewn around immediately outside establishments such as small businesses and cafes where the proprietor has obviously gone to some effort and expense to make the place look smart.

Two of the most commendable institutions in Tunisia are the universal healthcare and mandatory education systems. Despite this the numbers of children not attending school is obvious. During any schoolday you can guarantee to see kids riding on the back of scooters and donkey carts, tending the family goat or sheep herd, just walking along the road, doing anything but getting an education. Nothing emphasises the gulf between a developing and a developed country more than the attitude they have toward educating it’s upcoming generation.

“What did the last driver charge you?” he taxi driver asked. “Three dinars” I replied, even though I had no clue, as I hadn’t caught a cab in Tunisia before, though I knew they were considered famously cheap to a European resident. It was simply the amount that came into my head. If only all financial transactions were this easy. “OK”. So I jump in next to the driver and he steers the car into the flow of traffic – without first looking in his mirror, of course – causing a line of cars to screech to a halt and play a cacaphonous urban symphony on their horns. It was soon afterward that I noticed the unmistakeable sound of a wheel bearing needing replacement. About that moment the fun started. A scooter ridden by a guy in his thirties, easily identifiable with no helmet, roared close alongside the drivers side and a shouting match kicks off.

It has always struck me that both Irish and Scottish Gaelic are the finest languages in which female vocalists can sing passionately. Women singing whispered romantic songs in French definitely have the edge over other languages. Italian is indisputably the natural language for a baritone to woo his lover in a totally infeasible operatic plot. And Arabic is arguably the finest language available in which two testosterone fuelled men can have an argument. The deeply resonant tones and rapid fire delivery marked by a generous overlapping of points made ensure that you are in no doubt as to the seriousness of the ritual.

Enough coins for a good three-course couscous and chicken dinner for two, with wine, came hurtling through the window, smashing against the dashboard and windscreen. I’d never seen legal tender used as a weapon before, especially in less developed countries where they’re usually trying every ruse to get you to part with your money rather than throw it at you. My driver picked up the nearest coin and threw it back with all his might, missing the benevolently violent scooter rider and hitting a parked car. I wonder whether billionaires behave in a similar manner? While us mere wage slaves might have pillow fights for frivolity, causing feathers to rain down on our heads, do those with mega-bucks beat each other over the head with wads of notes, causing dollar and euro bills to rain down on their coiffured heads?

We came to rest at traffic lights for a moment only. Before I could open the door and extricate myself to make other travel arrangements, Tunisia’s answer to Laurel and Hardy turned onto the Avenue Habib Bourguiba (every town has one) with my driver leaning out of his window repeatedly punching the scooter rider in the stomach who, riding left-handed and wobbling perilously, was attempting to return punches of his own. The whole scene was reminiscent of those old fashioned clown acts with the clown car riding around the circus arena while they all fall off, chase the car and climb back on. Car and scooter collided several times even as we drove past the female traffic cop who appears to be a permanent fixture directing the traffic on the corner of Rue Massicault.

She is certainly a sight I have never seen before in an Islamic country. She is very tall and slim with short jet black hair. In fact she was the only woman I saw in Tunisia with short hair. Strikingly beautiful, and I cannot empasise the words striking and beautiful enough, she wears an unfeasibly tight uniform of grey trousers and jacket with a rather kinky looking small grey cap balanced on her head. She goes about her work in a decidedly no-nonsense fashion, forcefully striding toward lucky miscreants punctuating the air with short sharp blasts on a tin whistle invariably followed, her point made to the errant driver, by a majestic swivel of hip and buttocks, releasing butterflies in my stomach evry time. The whole scene is like a carefully choreographed dance and I found it impossible to walk past without stopping to admire the performance. The pistol on her hip only adds to the pervasive air of sexual allure; get her under studio lighting (if only) and she would have been Helmut Newton’s dream model. If ever a woman has taken advantage of Tunisia’s relatively (for an Islamic nation at least) enlightened attitudes to women, she is that woman. I doubt very much whether any man tells her what to do. Especially when he’s driving a car. I had been forewarned that photographing police officers would land me in dire trouble, so I am left with memories only.

Generally speaking women fare better in Tunisia than in most Islamic countries. Ironically, a man is to thank for that; Habib Bourguiba who, in 1956, became the first president of an independent Tunisia. Indeed, he is probably the only Islamic leader ever to have ‘The Liberator of Women’ etched into his lavish mausoleum in his birthplace, now the burger bar and pizza joint tourist ridden town of Monastir. He veered toward secularism and was wary of the power Islam held over the Tunisian people, preventing the country from modernising industrially and socially, having oft been quoted as referring to the hijab and niqab as ‘”an odious rag”. Bourguiba attempted to counter religious influence in three ways; by closing many madrasas (religious schools), by abolishing Sharia law and courts and by the Personal Status Code of 1956 which gave women equal citizenship status to men, ended divorce by the male simply being able to renunciate the marriage, banned arranged marriages and polygamy, and set seventeen as the minimum age for marriage for both sexes. Updates to the code within the past decade gave women further rights to property ownership on divorce and statutory rights to maternal leave from work.

The choice of western styles of dress (usually without a headscarf, albeit modest in other ways) for the majority of Tunisian women is marked in comparison to nearby Algeria and Morocco where it is generally confined to the wealthier families. Nevertheless the hijab and niqab has been making something of a comeback with younger women in the past decade or so. Whether this is due to the worldwide resurgence in fundamentalist Islam or simply a temporary fashion statement inspired by the growth in satellite TV stations from other Arabic nations I cannot say. The latter I hope.


Scooterman sped off into the distance in front of us. Because of the timing of his arrival I had assumed this was a road rage incident caused by the taxi cutting him up as he joined the flow of traffic on Rue de France. I could be wrong about that. Turning to me my driver points toward the receding speck in the distance and, while grinning like a Cheshire cat, announces with enthusiasm, “my brother!” Now whether this was a family feud or just a dysfunctional family or whether he was simply using the standard Islamic term for another Muslim I do not know, but what would likely cause psychological trauma to many people seemed to be quickly forgotten as we proceeded to make small-talk (in a combination of three faltering languages) in the unique way that taxi drivers and hairdressers worlwide are so well versed.

That night in the hotel’s bar-restaurant, after finishing my couscous poisson, I was making headway with a bottle of Magon Majus, a surprisingly good and to be recommended Tunisian red wine. Described by one British expert as “a pleasant, smooth and subtle taste with notes of forest fruits and a hint of vanilla, a beautiful length and pleasant rounded finish” and by my own relatively untrained palate as “surprisingly good, a bit like a Rioja without the oak barrelling”. I noticed one of the two business suits with I-Pads on another table straining his neck to see the cover of the book I was reading. I tilted Dan Dennet’s ‘Darwin’s Dangerous Idea’ in his direction (owned for at least 10 years and never yet read). His face lit up and he dismounted his stool and strode toward me arm outstretched for a shoulder wrenching handshake followed by what I can only imagine was a discourse on his appreciation of evolutionary theory along with a strident criticism of the Islamic version of events leading to the diversity of species. I say ‘imagine’ because he was already on his second bottle of wine and spoke French with an accent I had yet to encounter anywhere in the world. Not that it mattered much, my own spoken French is ‘trés peu’ at best and my Arabic confined to a few words, none of which could be used to convey ideas from the life sciences. His apparently teetotal mate looked on, visibly embarrassed. I too was surprised that he had made his thoughts known so loudly and in so public an arena.

There are growing parallels between Christian and Muslim attitudes toward evolution. Unlike the Bible however, the Koran contains a relatively incomplete chronology of creation. In particular, the ‘six ayums’ it supposedly took Allah to create the seven firmaments plus the Earth do not equate to the six days outlined in Genesis. Ayums tend to be defined as developmental stages, each of which is of an indeterminant time. Thus the notion of an old Earth and so the time required for species to diversify is, on the surface, compatible with Islam. Similarly, some Islamic commentators have likened verses in the Koran to descriptions of the Big Bang and expanding universe.

A surprising number of early Islamic scholars produced texts that anticipated both abiogenesis and modern evolutionary theory. The prolific Arabic author Al-Jahiz (c. 776-869), for example, in his seven-volume ‘Book of Animals’ suggested a form of Lamarkian inheritance in which environmental factors caused a ‘struggle for existence’ resulting in the survival of stronger bloodlines by the transmission of inherited characteristics. Later, Persian scientist Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (1201-1274) outlined a notion of evolution not unlike that of the 20th Century Catholic scientist, philosopher and priest Pierre de Chardin. Al-Tusi considered that the universe initially consisted of equal and similar elements. However, internal contradictions began to appear, resulting in differences between elements. These elements then evolved into minerals, then plants, then animals, and then humans. This evolutionary process was claimed to result from individual variability to adapt to environmental contingencies. Humans were deemed by al-Tusi to be at an intermediate level of evolution with any further evolution taking place in a spiritual dimension, whatever that means. In the 19th century, after initial scepticism, the later writings of the Islamic political activist and commentator Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani (1838-1897) pointed out that Islamic scholars had long written about evolutionary principles. He himself came to accept Darwin’s findings but he was unable to acknowledge that they applied to human beings also. More recently the Ahmadiyya sect of Islam have promoted modern evolutionary theory in it’s entirety albeit with deist underpinnings.

Nevertheless, at the grassroots level modern evolutionary theory has struggled to find acceptance in Islamic countries. One study conducted in 2007 by Salman Hameed, Professor Of Integrated Science and Humanities at Hampshire College and published in ‘Science’ found that as few as 8% of Egyptians agreed with the statement that evolutionary theory is probably or definitely true, rising to 11% of Malaysians, 14% of Pakistanis, 16% of Indonesians, and 22% of Turks. As with Christians, more fundamentalist Muslims are increasingly rejecting evolutionary theory in favour of an explicitly creationist view. Although the silliness of young earth creationism is notably absent and Muslims generally have respect for scientific endeavour, many do find the link between evolution and atheism to be disturbing.

This discrepancy between evidence and faith has been used to particular advantage by the Turkish creationist author Adnan Oktar, who writes under the name Harun Yayha (though some claim this is the joint pen-name of several authors). While I saw no books on evolutionary theory for sale at all in Tunisia, I did find a number of outlets for Arabic translations of Yayha’s writings, available gratis in small stalls set up outside mosques at prayer times.

If this guy were not Muslim and not an ‘old earther’, he could just about take the place of almost any Christian fundamental creationist wingnut with access to the media. First, he has no qualifications in the life sciences, he didn’t even finish his degree course in philosophy. Second, he associates with creationist organisations that are named so as to appear to be legitimate scientific bodies; the ‘Science Research Foundation’, for example. Third, he consistently misrepresents evolutionary theory, both scientifically and philosophically, in particular by his dogged insistence that not only is evolution claimed to occur wholly by random events or chance, but also by ridiculous assertions like “Darwinism, which holds that life has no purpose, is an invitation to suicide”. Fourth, he has offered a prize of 10 trillion Turkish lira to anyone who can produce a single intermediate form fossil. Fifth, he considers evolution to have “laid the groundwork for Hitler, Mussolini and Stalin” and considers academics who teach or research evolutionary theory to be ‘Maoists’. Sixth, he considers acceptance of evolution to be a religion. Seventh, he has repeatedly attempted to use legal means, with some success, to get literature dealing with evolutionary theory banned in Turkey, and similar web and blogging sites blocked. Eighth, he’s been accused of sexual impropriety. You get the drift, I’m sure.

For good measure, however, Yahya not only adds an Islamic-friendly spoonful of holocaust denial to his barmy pudding, but seriously claimed in a 2008 interview in the German magazine ‘Der Spiegel’ that “Muslims who commit acts of terrorism are really atheistic Darwinists trying to discredit Islam”. My favourite quote though, from his website: “Darwinists employ a hypnotic technique that prevents people from thinking independently or examining the true scientific evidence. The reason millions of people have been misled by Darwinism for years is that they have, either knowingly or unknowingly, been taken in by this spell”. Priceless.

Enjoying a cappucino at the cafe opposite the Grand Mosque in Sousse I saw the little handcart being wheeled along and both the free and the very reasonably priced books being put on display a half-hour or so before afternoon prayers began. The serious, informed profile of Harun Yayha adorned several covers. I watched for a quarter of an hour as the faithful walked across the square and into the mosque and what struck me most was not only how few worshippers there were but also their sheer diversity. In Morocco and Algeria, worshippers are plentiful and they tend not to dress in too western a fashion. In Marrakech, for example, lunchtime prayers in the Kasbah Mosque are attended by hundreds, with males spilling out into the street, lying full length on the footpath outside the main entrance, facing Mecca. They are invariably either dressed in traditional djellaba or, for males, something like dark trousers with a plain white shirt. In Tunisia, although available, djellabas are rarely worn by any but a few elderly men and women. Those men responding to the adhan or ‘call to prayer’ in Tunisia are generally dressed in the popular dark coloured conservative and modest western style. Surprisingly, though, there were some teenagers in clothing that would not be out of place in any western suburb: basball caps, sneakers, t-shirts with brazen logos. And, a little disturbing perhaps, young men in army boots, army fatigues and t-shirts with Arabic writing. Not serving soldiers, definitely a fashion statement. These are a minority to be sure, but they are a ubiquitous minority. 




The guy outside the mosque selling and giving away his wares particularly attracted my attention. He looked like Jesus. Or at least what Jesus would have actually looked like and not the blondish haired blue eyed myth of myths so beloved of white skinned Christians who have never quite come to terms with a saviour who would certainly have looked like a long-haired rag-headed hippy from those countries we have a tendency to invade. This guy looked to me like the real deal, long dark hair, black beard, djellaba with hood up, sandals, serene yet serious expression. He would sure have been one popular guy with many of the alternative lifestyle women at Glastonbury or the Burning Man Festival. Yet my Jesus (or Isa in Arabic) lookalike was, neither saviour, nor hippy, certainly not Jewish, but a purveyer of Islamic texts outside a mosque gate. Disseminating peace and love, maybe, but undoubtedly ignorance, primarily. I turned to the two Western dressed guys who ran the cafe, nodded at the bookseller and said something like “Il ressemble à Isa!”. I think they knew what I meant. At least they both laughed heartily. One of them suddenly looked aghast at his watch then ran toward Jesus at the mosque gate. “Late to pray”, his companion explained.

Listening to the majority of Christians talk about Islam you could easily get the impression that the two religions had nothing whatsoever in common, but nothing could be further from the truth. Take Jesus himself for example (the mythical one, not the guy outside the mosque gate). Belief in Jesus as a messenger of God is actually a requirement of being Muslim and he is referred to in the Koran as al-Masīḥ, ‘the Messiah’ and, as with Mohammed, mentioning his name is invariably followed by the phrase “peace be upon him”. A large portion of the Jesus mythology is believed; the visitation of Mary by an angel, the virgin birth, which is one of the most unambiguous teachings of Islam (Mary is actually mentioned more times in the Koran than the Bible, indeed she has a whole chapter named after her. Interestingly, Jesus is always referred to as the son of Mary, despite the patronymic Islamic convention), that Jesus was incapable of sin, that he performed miracles, including raising the dead, that he himself rose from the dead and ascended to God and will one day return to the Earth, ‘Insha'Allah’. The Koran actually refers to Jesus a grand total of 25 times, all in respectful terms, while Mohammed manages a meagre four mentions.

It would arguably be better for those of us who value rational thought if Islam was antithetical to the myth of Jesus. The Islamic adulation of Jesus gives succour to those Christians seeking an interfaith dialogue. On the surface this may appear to be a calming influence on the current sociopolitical situation. However, while fundamentalist Islamic clerics might regularly and aggressively push the infidel line, appeasement is an attitude readily exploited by anti-science creationists like Harun Yayha. His influential appeal for unity, for example, does not stop at theology. As he states, “People with true faith, who abide by the religion of the Prophet Abraham and believe in the one Allah must combine their strengths, grow deeper in faith and grow even stronger in unity in order to wage an intellectual struggle against the atheist, Darwinist system that is trying to rule the world”.




Yet creationism viewed as an objective science as opposed to an interesting mythology is a fundamentalist Christian doctrine. It could be argued that some threads of Islamic fundamentalism would not have become as popular as they have if it weren’t for inputs from fundamental Christianity. Arguments used by Haryun Yahya, such as lack of transitional fossils, the impossibility of functioning intermediate forms, the alleged unreliability of dating methods, and the statistical improbability of evolution at the molecular level are all cloned from American ‘creation research’ literature and simply given an Islamic flavour. The result has been that increasingly throughout the Islamic world, even in semi-secular Tunisia, whenever science and religion collide, it is increasingly science that is expected to genuflect before faith.

After Tunisia’s first democratic elections at the end of 2011, the moderate Islamist party Ennahda, formerly banned from participating in politics, emerged as the clear winner, achieving 90 of the 217 parliamentary seats (another moderate Islamist party, Al Aridha Al Chaabia won a further 19 seats). Ennahda have stated that they “are not going to use the law to impose religion," and intend to keep Article 1 of the 1956 constitution which states that "Tunisia is a free, independent and sovereign state, its religion is Islam, it’s language is Arabic and it is a republic”, and further, that “there will be no other references to religion in the constitution”.

This reasonably innocuous decision, however, has angered many ultra-conservative Islamists, particularly supporters of the Saudi-inspired Salafist Party. They feel betrayed because while in exile for 22 years in London, the then leader of Ennahda Rachid Ghannoucci, though widely considered to be a liberal Muslim, had nevertheless sometimes advocated a strict application of sharia law to reverse the influence of western decadence. Indeed, he has an anti-Western pedigree writing that "secularism is turning the West into a place of selfish beasts". He supported Saddam's invasion and annexation of Kuwait as well as, unusually for a Sunni Muslim, giving long-standing support for Iran’s Islamic revolution. A further image problem for the prospect of continued semi-secularism in Tunisia is that the despised, and now largely deposed elite, were traditionally the country’s strongest supporters of secularist ideals.

Whether parties like Ennahda and Al Aridha Al Chaabia are genuinely committed to maintaining a degree of secularism in Tunisia or hypocritically pragmatic in an attempt to maintain economic ties with the west remains to be seen. One small businessman I spoke to feared that Ennhada had much stronger Islamic goals than they are portraying, and were simply biding their time while exercising ‘Taqiyya’, or the Islamic right to lie to infidels, whether Tunisian or foreign. He also suggested, however, that if this proved to be the case it would not be successful as Tunisians no longer feared dictators and would not hesitate to rise up again, so Islamic parties like Ennhada must be careful to remain democratic. On the other hand, another restaurant owner told me that he thinks it inevitable that Tunisia will become Islamist and be governed by Sharia law “just like Iran is”. I am further heartened then, to have met the guy who shook my hand because I was reading a book by Dan Dennett.

Whatever their real intentions, Ennahda’s current public profile contrasts strongly with neighbouring Libya who later overthrew the Gaddafi regime with the military aid of the UK and France. Here, Moustapha Abdeljalil, the senior member of the National Transition Committee, proclaimed, in his first speech after liberation that “as of now, Sharia is the upmost form of law in the country; conflicting regulations will be overruled”. One of their first decisions was to reinstate polygamy.




Unlike Ennahda, the Tunisian Salafists are not well organised politically but are fast becoming an increasingly vocal conservative voice, with enormous influence in some regions due to their religious and charitable work. A recent government statement claimed that approximately 400 of Tunisia’s 5,000 mosques were under the direct influence of Salafist imams. In recent months, Salafists have attacked synagogues, threatened women who own businesses and women wearing skirts, albeit mostly in smaller towns. In cities they have demonstrated in support of female university students who have been refused access to lectures while wearing the completely veiled niqab, and actively intimidated male and female academics wishing to maintain the ban. In true Taliban-style they demonstrated in Tunis against the celebration of World Theatre Day 2012, assaulting actors and destroying musical instruments. Other demonstrations have targeted the presence of tourists in Tunisia. On both occasions protesters waved the black and white ‘caliphate flags’, associated with al-Qaeda and the Afghani Taliban, respectively.

The important and unpalatable point to make here is that very little activity of this nature occurred in Tunisia before the ‘Jasmine Revolution’. The removal of Ben-Ali and his myriad hangers-on has had the effect of increasing the divide between secular and Islamic attitudes in Tunisia. If ever a country can be seen as a barometer for the effect of religious pressure following the Arab Spring it is semi-secular Tunisia. Thus if Tunisia ultimately evolves from the semi-secular despotism of Ben-Ali to the full-blown theocratic despotism of Islamic fundamentalism what hope is there for Libya and Egypt and Syria?




To finish on a non-political note, it would be interesting to know why it is that when travelling through the Tunisian countryside you will encounter hectare upon hectare of olive groves, yet when eating in a restaurant the average serving in your couscous or pizza is two and a half olives!


Image #1 'Fuck Ben-Ali'
Image #2 'Post Revolution'
Image #3 'Portrait Pour Un Dinar'
Image #4 'Shy In Sfax'
Image #5 'Dark Reading Matter'
Image #6 'Call To Prayer'
Image #7 'Tunisian Blue'

Images #1, 2, 3, 4 & 7 taken with Pentax K20D and Sigma 17-70mm lens
Image #5 taken with Pentax K20D and Pentax 100-300mm lens
Image #6 taken with Pentax K20D and Sigma 10-20mm lens