Archive for April, 2010

Cameron, Northern Ireland and Public Sector Spending

Public sector employment: pondweed

Although David Cameron’s comments about Northern Ireland’s over-dependence on the public sector have done nothing to help the ill-fated UCUNF project, they are entirely appropriate comments and needed to be made.  Northern Ireland is grossly over-dependent on the public sector. 

Some of this over-dependence is understandable.  Spending, per capita, on policing and security, for example, is still higher than in the rest of the UK despite the so-called “peace process”.  But spending on healthcare, per capita, is lower than Scotland. 

However, the main reason we eat up so much public money is not just because of public sector employment – it’s also because of massive social security payments – largely because a big chunk of our work-force is economically inactive. 

Moreover a disproportionate percentage of our “economically active” are in fact not active at all – they are public sector workers.  Public sector workers do not produce anything – they merely consume.  The extent to which they contribute to the economy is purely through spending their wages: consuming retail goods and services. 

NIPSA general secretary Brian Campsfield seems to think otherwise - implying there is some type of merit in having a large percentage of the work-force employed by the public sector – and that the private sector has in some way failed in the competition for employment.

Over on the BBC web site he’s quoted as saying: “[David Cameron's] faith in the ability of the private sector to provide sufficient jobs to replace thousands of jobs that would be lost to the public sector is sadly misplaced…the private sector in Northern Ireland relies heavily on public subsidy and yet its “entrepreneurs” have failed to create sufficient high value employment.”

These comments must surely rank up there as among the silliest assessments of Northern Ireland’s economic woes.  Mr Campsfield seems to believe that entrepreneurs are overtly focused on creating employment – and that they somehow fail if they don’t.  Entrepreneurs, in fact, avoid employment as much as possible because it is expensive.  Moreover, entrepreneurs may not have the ability to employ the local workforce if that workforce simply doesn’t have the necessary skills to sustain revenue.  In an economy where a huge percentage of the workforce is inactive or employed by the public sector, the private sector hasn’t much in the way of rich pickings.  Moreover, given the nature of the workforce itself it yields very few entrepreneurs.  Northern Ireland has an enterprise averse workforce – and a workforce unable to sustain high growth, high employment businesses – unless some drastic action is taken. 

As for subsidy, the fact is that private businesses benefit little from state subsidy – indeed such subsidies are outlawed under European law.  Businesses that thrive here do so despite government rather than because of it.  Business taxation is substantially higher than in the Republic of Ireland and costs of doing business are higher here than in other parts of the UK.  Despite this, Northern Ireland has produced some highly viable export focused businesses.  However, not enough. 

The public sector in Northern Ireland is like pond-weed – it creates the impression of healthy vegetation but, ultimately, it has the effect of crowding-out everything else.  It starves the pond of nutrition.  In many respects this is the effect that over-dependence on the public sector has had on Northern Ireland’s economy. 

That’s not to say that public sector workers aren’t essential.  Of course they are.  But without the private sector there is no GDP to be divided.  The private sector creates ALL of our wealth – but very little of the UK’s private sector wealth is created here in Northern Ireland.  Something must be done to change that.  Perhaps a reduction in the block grant will focus minds on the basic law that without real employment there can be no public sector employment.  Very few of our politicians are prepared to admit that.  More worrying, many don’t even know it.

Oh Dear…

David Cameron, in interview with Paxo, has rather put his foot in his mouth and publically outed Northern Ireland and the North East of England as Soviet-like economies, almost totally reliant on state subvention.

I mean in Northern Ireland it is quite clear, almost every party I think accepts this – that the size of the state has got too big, we need a bigger private sector – David Cameron

Cameron’s visit to Northern Ireland on Monday [stop press: Mick Fealty is blogging that Cameron has pulled out of his visit on Monday with William Hague standing in] is likely to be as welcome as Boris Johnson’s visit to Liverpool – after he described it as wallowing in its victim status. 

Cameron is, of course, correct when he asserts that Northern Ireland – with public spending accounting for 69% of GDP – is excessively dependent on the public purse.  But then again, as Michael Crick pointed out on Newsnight tonight, Wales, Scotland and most of the North of England are little better.  This is likely to cause a furore – locally and nationally.  It’s the biggest indicator yet that the devolved block grants will take a pounding in the event of a Conservative victory.  This is veritable manna from heaven for the DUP who are pitching themselves as able defenders of the Ulster budget.

It will be interesting to see how Sir Reg defends himself against the onslaught that is about to unfold.  I suspect this may be the curtain-call for UCUNF.  Expect rotten eggs.

Slugger is also running with the “Cameron gaffe” story

“Leaders’ Debate”

I didn’t see much of the local “leader’s” “debate” last night but here are my remarks…

  1. What was Reg wearing?
  2. Is it just me or is Gerry Adams getting even more evil-sounding as he gets older?
  3. Does anybody understand what Margaret Ritchie is saying?  Utterly bizarre use of English. 
  4. Peter Robinson.  Nasty. 

That’s it.  Remarks over.

Shaun Woodward: Labour Party for England Only?

In his interview in the Irish Times Shaun Woodward criticises David Cameron for taking a “strategic and selfish interest” in Northern Ireland.  The Anglo-Irish Agreement, architected by a previous Conservative administration, was designed to remove the UK’s interest in Northern Ireland.  Cameron made clear in the recent past (possibly based on words that I wrote for him in various bylined articles) that he wanted to reinstate such a strategic and selfish interest. 

Now it seems to me that a political party that wants to govern the United Kingdom should have strategic and selfish interests in all of the home nations of the Kingdom.  Woodward seems to imply, in the interview with the Irish Times, that Northern Ireland should be considered less strategically of interest than (say) Scotland and Wales and England. 

Both Scotland and Wales have devolved administrations.  Woodward suggests in his interview that, because of devolution, the Labour and Conservative parties should be seen as independent honest brokers in Northern Ireland.  However, in Scotland, Labour is seeking a mandate to govern – as it is in Wales.  In short Labour is not detached as it is here. 

In Northern Ireland Labour chooses not to organise and claims no strategic or selfish interest in the outcome of the elections.  What other national political party systematically ignores a portion of the electorate in this way? 

Woodward talks, and behaves, like a colonialist supporting local self-determination.  Cameron, on the other hand, though Owen Paterson, is behaving like a colonialist gone native. 

What would be better would beLabour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties to organising and seeking a mandate to govern this part of the United Kingdom – that is their duty if they wish to govern the entire United Kingdom. 

The problem is that none of the 3 main parties are behaving as though they wish to govern Northern Ireland.  Their default position is to ignore it as much as possible.

Digital Economy Bill: Bad Law

The Digital Economy Bill is bad law.  Ask candidates asking for your vote what they think of the Bill. 

In this short video Jim Killock of the Open Rights Group outlines what you can do if you are opposed to the Digital Economy Bill.  Remember this is a national bill (Westminster has control of telecoms policy) so it will apply here in Northern Ireland. 

Not a single Northern Ireland MP took part in the ‘wash-up’ debate on the Digital Economy Bill. 

Tory in Fermanagh?

Courtesy of this Flickerstream…(and thanks to Nathan for spotting it…)

Three Parties in One Man

I notice over on Ian Parsley’s blog that he has retained all his old Alliance Party posts – now aligned with his new-found commitment to Conservatives and Unionists (he seems to use some type of cut-and-paste function to type “Conservatives & Unionists” – always multi-plural). 

A new conjoined political brand is born – and Ian is there to defend it and the sectarian carve-up in Fermanagh South Tyrone. 

But not for long I suspect.  I suspect a certain Lady will remove his multi-brand puffery.

SDLP: No Nationalist Pact

I’m very encouraged to note that Margaret Ritchie and her team at the SDLP has rejected overtures from Sinn Fein to form an electoral pact for certain target marginal constituencies in the upcoming general election.  Should such a pact be put in place it would almost certainly result in the SDLP retaining South Belfast and Sinn Fein retaining Fermanagh South Tyrone.

The SDLP’s decision to reject such an overture shows that it recognises a clear constitutional difference between itself and Sinn Fein.  That difference, of course, is clear to see – in that Sinn Fein has had a rather shorter tenure as a constitutional, non-violent, political organisation.  The SDLP seems to be coming to terms with Northern Ireland as a political entity – and its role within it.  It seems keen to be seen as an honest broker. 

The same cannot be said of the UUP – or, rather, the dysfunctional, rudderless factions that the UUP has become.  The largest of these factions is getting increasingly close to the DUP – aided and abetted by the Conservative Party.  It seems increasingly likely that if the UUP receives little support at the general election for its ‘new force’ with the Conservatives – which wouldn’t be surprising given the lack-lustre line-up of candidates – it will quickly enter into some type of partnership with the DUP for the Assembly elections.  The alternative will be electoral annihilation. 

I’d hope that the SDLP might be rewarded for acting on principle.  However, the consequence, in Fermanagh South Tyrone will almost certainly be the election of a candidate that is being offered to the electorate as non-sectarian – but who is a pawn in a highly sectarian selection process defined by the DUP, UUP and Conservative Party.

Thankfully I’m not alone…

It’s encouraging to note that I’m not alone in highlighting the contradictions of the Conservative/UUP/DUP sectarian pact for Fermanagh South Tyrone.  Here are a few of the more interesting quotes from the media and other blogs…

The unionist unity deal in Fermanagh South Tyrone highlights a major stress line — some would say contradiction — in the thinking behind the UUP’s pact with the Conservatives.  David Gordon, Belfast Telegraph

It undermines, possibly fatally, the main publicised selling-point behind the UUP and Conservative link-up. Election pacts such as this can not deliver the new pro-Union politics promised here.  O’Neill, Pint of Unionist Lite

The outcome in the UK’s most westerly constituency clearly runs contrary to David Cameron’s pledge that every voter in the UK would have a chance to vote for him.  Stephen Walker, BBC NI

Tories break pledge to field candidates in all Northern Ireland constituencies.  Nicolas Watt, The Guardian

I believe that the deal was a huge mistake on the part of the Conservative leadership and one which they will eventually regret.  Seymour Major, Tory Story

The announcement of a Tory-aligned unionist ‘unity’ candidate is a serious attempt to drive us back to the failed sectarian politics of the past.  Feargal McKinney SDLP Candidate for Fermanagh South Tyrone

Agreed Sectarian Candidate a Disgrace

If anyone was in any doubt as to how low the Conservative Party could stoop in its attempts to secure a seat in Northern Ireland such doubt will have disappeared today.  The decision by Owen Paterson to agree to a joint Conservative/UUP/DUP sectarian candidate for Fermanagh South Tyrone shows that Paterson’s stated aims about introducing a new brand of non-sectarian national politics here is a total sham. 

For me I have reached the end of the road and will now be tendering my resignation from a political Party that has walked away from any sense of decency and honour in its pursuit of power.

This is a very sad day for Northern Ireland.  If the Conservative Party could stoop this low here it really begs the question whether the Party is fit to govern the United Kingdom.


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