Labour union demonstrators surrounded by soldiers during the 1912 Lawrence textile strike in Lawrence, Massachusetts.

A trade union (British English), labour union (Canadian English) or labor union (American English) is an organization of workers that have banded together to achieve common goals such as higher pay, increasing the number employees an employer hires, and better working conditions. The trade union, through its leadership, bargains with the employer on behalf of union members (rank and file members) and negotiates labour contracts (collective bargaining) with employers. The most common, but by no means only, purpose of these organisations is "maintaining or improving the conditions of their employment".^[1]

This may include the negotiation of wages, work rules, complaint procedures, rules governing hiring, firing and promotion of workers, benefits, workplace safety and policies. The agreements negotiated by the union leaders are binding on the rank and file members and the employer and in some cases on other non-member workers.

Originating in Europe, trade unions became popular in many countries during the Industrial Revolution, when the lack of skill necessary to perform most jobs shifted employment bargaining power almost completely to the employers' side, causing many workers to be mistreated and underpaid. Trade union organisations may be composed of individual workers, professionals, past workers, students, apprentices and/or the unemployed.

Over the last three hundred years, trade unions have developed into a number of forms. Aside from collective bargaining, activities vary, but may include:

• Provision of benefits to members: Early trade unions, like Friendly Societies, often provided a range of benefits to insure members against unemployment, ill health, old age and funeral expenses. In many developed countries, these functions have been assumed by the state; however, the provision of professional training, legal advice and representation for members is still an important benefit of trade union membership.
• Industrial action: Trade unions may enforce strikes or resistance to lockouts in furtherance of particular goals.
• Political activity: Trade unions may promote legislation favourable to the interests of their members or workers as a whole. To this end they may pursue campaigns, undertake lobbying, or financially support individual candidates or parties (such as the Labour Party in Britain) for public office. In some countries (e.g., the Nordic countries and the Philippines), trade unions may be invited to participate in government hearings about educational or other labour market reforms.

History[link]

The examples and perspective in this article or section might have an extensive bias or disproportional coverage towards USA. Please improve this article or discuss the issue on the talk page.

The origins of unions' existence can be traced from the 18th century, where the rapid expansion of industrial society drew women, children, rural workers, and immigrants to the work force in numbers and in new roles. This pool of unskilled and semi-skilled labour spontaneously organised in fits and starts throughout its beginnings,^[1] and would later be an important arena for the development of trade unions. Trade unions as such were endorsed by the Catholic Church towards the end of the 19th century. Pope Leo XIII in his "Magna Carta"—Rerum Novarum—spoke against the atrocities workers faced and demanded that workers should be granted certain rights and safety regulations.^[2] Industries like textile mills and railways companies had started in India in the latter half of the 19th century.

Origins and early history[link]

Trade unions have sometimes been seen as successors to the guilds of medieval Europe, though the relationship between the two is disputed.^[3] Medieval guilds existed to protect and enhance their members' livelihoods through controlling the instructional capital of artisanship and the progression of members from apprentice to craftsman, journeyman, and eventually to master and grandmaster of their craft. A trade union might include workers from only one trade or craft, or might combine several or all the workers in one company or industry. These things varied from region to region, based on the specific industrialisation path taken in the place in question.^[4]

Trade unions and/or collective bargaining were outlawed from no later than the middle of the 14th century when the Ordinance of Labourers was enacted in the Kingdom of England. Union organizing would eventually be outlawed everywhere and remain so until the middle of the 19th century.

Since the publication of the History of Trade Unionism (1894) by Sidney and Beatrice Webb, the predominant historical view is that a trade union "is a continuous association of wage earners for the purpose of maintaining or improving the conditions of their employment."^[1] A modern definition by the Australian Bureau of Statistics states that a trade union is "an organisation consisting predominantly of employees, the principal activities of which include the negotiation of rates of pay and conditions of employment for its members."^[5]

Yet historian R.A. Leeson, in United we Stand (1971), said:

Two conflicting views of the trade-union movement strove for ascendancy in the nineteenth century: one the defensive-restrictive guild-craft tradition passed down through journeymen's clubs and friendly societies, ... the other the aggressive-expansionist drive to unite all 'labouring men and women' for a 'different order of things'.

Recent historical research by Bob James in Craft, Trade or Mystery (2001) puts forward the view that trade unions are part of a broader movement of benefit societies, which includes medieval guilds, Freemasons, Oddfellows, friendly societies, and other fraternal organisations.

The 18th century economist Adam Smith noted the imbalance in the rights of workers in regards to owners (or "masters"). In The Wealth of Nations, Book I, chapter 8, Smith wrote:

We rarely hear, it has been said, of the combination of masters, though frequently of those of workmen. But whoever imagines, upon this account, that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of the world as of the subject. Masters are always and everywhere in a sort of tacit, but constant and uniform combination, not to raise the wages of labor above their actual rate[.] When workers combine, masters ... never cease to call aloud for the assistance of the civil magistrate, and the rigorous execution of those laws which have been enacted with so much severity against the combination of servants, labourers, and journeymen.

As Smith noted, unions were illegal for many years in most countries, although Smith argued that it should remain illegal to fix wages or prices by employees or employers. There were severe penalties for attempting to organize unions, up to and including execution. Despite this, unions were formed and began to acquire political power, eventually resulting in a body of labour law that not only legalized organizing efforts, but codified the relationship between employers and those employees organized into unions. Even after the legitimisation of trade unions there was opposition, as the case of the Tolpuddle Martyrs shows.

The right to join a trade union is mentioned in article 23, subsection 4 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which also states in article 20, subsection 2 that "No one may be compelled to belong to an association". Prohibiting a person from joining or forming a union, as well as forcing a person to do the same (e.g. "closed shops" or "union shops", see below), whether by a government or by a business, is generally considered a human rights abuse. Similar allegations can be levelled if an employer discriminates based on trade union membership. Attempts by an employer, often with the help of outside agencies, to prevent union membership amongst their staff is known as union busting.

The International Prevalence of Trade Unions[link]

The prevalence of unions in various countries can be assessed using the measure “union density”. The definition of union density is “the proportion of paid workers who are union members”.^[6] Thus, union density provides a rough picture of union membership only; it does not account for the circumstance that in some countries, also many persons under education, many unemployed persons, many retired persons and/or many persons who had to leave work due to occupational injuries may also be union members. (In some countries, such groups of persons may be strongly motivated to maintain union members if, e.g., educational, unemployment, retirement and/or even disability benefits are in part or totally union-administered.)

Trade union density figures are provided below for countries in every continent on the globe:^[7][8][9]

Europe[link]

In France, Germany, and other European countries, socialist parties and democrats played a prominent role in forming and building up trade unions, especially from the 1870s onwards. This stood in contrast to the British experience, where moderate New Model Unions dominated the union movement from the mid-19th century and where trade unionism was stronger than the political labour movement until the formation and growth of the Labour Party in the early years of the 20th century.

Government opposition to Trade unionism in the United Kingdom was a major factor in economic crises during the 1960s and in particular the 1970s, culminating some would argue in the Winter of Discontent of late 1978 and early 1979, when a significant percentage of the nation's public sector workers went on strike. By this stage, some 12,000,000 workers in the United Kingdom were trade union members. However, the election of the Conservative Party led by Margaret Thatcher at the general election in May 1979, at the expense of Labour's James Callaghan, saw substantial trade union reform which saw the level of strikes fall, but also the level of trade union membership fall.

At the height of the strikes, nearly 30,000,000 working days were lost in Britain during 1979, but that had fallen dramatically to some 5,000,000 during 1981 as a result of the Thatcher government's union reform policies. The number of working days lost in the country due to strikes rose sharply to more than 25,000,000 in 1984, though most of these were miners on strike, and from then on the number of working days lost in Britain due to strikes remained in the low millions.^[10]

By the end of the 1980s, membership had fallen to just over 6,000,000—little more than half the level of a decade earlier—and it also counted against the Labour Party's hopes of regaining power, as its relationship with the trade unions had traditionally been seen as a strength but after the Winter of Discontent it was seen as a liability. Manufacturing, the main source of union strength in the United Kingdom, had shrunk by half during the early 1980s recession pushing unemployment from 1,500,000 to more than 3,000,000.^[11]

Earlier in the 1970s, Conservative prime minister Edward Heath (elected in 1970) had attempted to reduce trade union powers due to the rising level of strikes across the country. However, he backed down with his stance against the unions following a backlash by the militant miners' union, which saw many of his own MPs turn against him. The strikes continued, and Heath responded by calling a snap election in February 1974. The election resulted in a hung parliament with the Tories having the most votes but Labour having slightly more seats, and failed attempts by Heath to form a coalition with the Liberals led to the resignation of his government and the return of Harold Wilson as prime minister of a minority Labour government, which gained a three-seat majority at a second election later in the year.^[12]

After the Winter of Discontent and the subsequent fall of the Labour government, many corners of the public and media believed that the trade unions were running the Labour Party - an image which Neil Kinnock was keen to shake off after becoming party leader in 1983. By the time Labour returned to government in 1997 after 18 years in opposition, Tony Blair (leader since 1994) had abandoned the Labour policy of going back on Tory-led union reforms, as well as ending the commitment of nationalisation of industries and utilities.^[13]

In the rest of Europe, in the wake of the neo-liberal turn in politics ushered in by British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and US President Ronald Reagan, union membership has also been declining. As noted by the Federation of European Employers:

“Over the last twenty years there has been a widespread decline in trade union membership throughout most of western Europe. Since the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989, unionisation in many eastern European states has collapsed at an even more dramatic rate. In Poland, for example, today’s 14 % level of unionisation is in marked contrast to that of the Soviet-controlled era, when almost all workplaces were unionised. Most of those who remain trade union members in Poland work for former state-owned companies.

In only 8 out of the current 27 member states of the European Union (EU) are more than half of the employed population members of a trade union. In fact, the EU’s four most populated states all have modest levels of unionisation, with Italy at 30%, the UK 29%, Germany 27% and France at only 9%.

As a consequence, three out of every four people employed in the EU are now not members of a trade union. Furthermore, in every EU country outside Scandinavia (except Belgium), trade union membership is either static or continues to decline.”^[14]

Unions in the United States[link]

19th-century American unionism[link]

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In the early 19th century, many men from large cities put together the organisation which we now call the Trade Union Movement. Individuals who were members of unions at this time were skilled, experienced, and knew how to get the job done. Their main reasoning for starting this movement was to put on strikes. However, they did not have enough men to fulfil their needs and the unions which began this trendy movement collapsed quickly. The Mechanics’ Union Trade Association was the next approach to bring workers together. In 1827, this union was the first US labour organization which brought together workers of divergent occupations. This was "the first city-wide federation of American workers, which recognised that all labour, regardless of trades, had common problems that could be solved only by united efforts as a class."^[15] This organisation took off when carpentry workers from Philadelphia went on strike to protest their pay wages and working hours. This union strike was only a premonition of what was to come in the future.

According to history.com:^[16]

Workers realized what unionism was all about through the configuration of mechanics association and many people followed in their footsteps. The strike gave others hope that they could get their concerns out by word of mouth. Before this time many people did not speak about their concerns because of the lack of bodies. However, with more people comes more confidence. Strikes were a new way of speaking your mind and getting things accomplished.

The next established union which made an impact on the trade movement was the Grand National Consolidated Trade Union. This union was founded in 1834 as the first domestic association. However, this union was short lived due to the panic of 1837. "[Andrew] Jackson thought the Bank of the United States hurt ordinary citizens by exercising too much control over credit and economic opportunity, and he succeeded in shutting it down. But the state banks' reckless credit policies led to massive speculation in Western lands. By 1837, after Van Buren had become president, banks were clearly in trouble. Some began to close, businesses began to fail, and thousands of people lost their land." ^[17] This collapse of financial support and businesses left workers unemployed. Many of these workers, who became affected by the 1837 disaster, were members of a union. It was very hard for them to stay together in an economic hardship and the trade union movement came to a bump in the road. But the economy was restored by the early 1840s and trade unions started doing better. National labour unions were forming, different than ones in the past, consisting now of members of the same occupation.

The work force was drastically impacted by the Civil War and the economy was thriving. Many workers gained employment because of this economic boom and unions increased greatly. "More than 30 national craft unions were established during the 1860s and early '70s."^[16] One of the significant national craft unions to be formed during this time was the National Labor Union (NLU). It was created in 1866 and included many types of workers.^[19] Although relatively short-lived, the NLU paved the way for future American unions. Following the decline of the NLU, the Knights of Labor became the leading countrywide union in the 1860s. This union did not include Chinese, and partially included black people and women.^[20]

Knights of Labor[link]

The Noble and Holy Order of the Knights of Labor (KOL) was founded in Philadelphia in 1869 by Uriah Stephens and six other men. The union was formed for the purpose of organizing the flyers, educating and directing the power of the industrial masses, according to their Constitution of 1878.^[21] The Knights gathered people to join the Order who believed in creating "the greatest good to the greatest amount of people". The Knights took their set goals very seriously. Some of which consisted of "productive work, civic responsibility, education, a wholesome family life, temperance, and self-improvement."^[22]

The Knights of Labor worked as a secret fraternal society until 1881. The union grew slowly until the economic depression of the 1870s, when large numbers of workers joined the organisation.^[23] The Knights only permitted certain groups of individuals into their Order which promoted social division amongst the people around them. Bankers, speculators, lawyers, liquor dealers, gamblers, and teachers were all excluded from the union. These workers were known as the "non-producers" because their jobs did not entail physical labour. Factory workers and business men were known as the "producers" because their job constructed a physical product. The working force producers were welcomed into the Order. Women were also welcome to join the Knights, as well as black workers by the year 1883.^[24] However, Asians were excluded. In November 1885, the Knights of a Washington city pushed to get rid of their Asian population. The knights were strongly for the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 because it greatly helped them deteriorate the Asian community. "The Act required the few non-labourers who sought entry to obtain certification from the Chinese government that they were qualified to immigrate. But this group found it increasingly difficult to prove that they were not labourers because the 1882 act defined excludables as ‘skilled and unskilled labourers and Chinese employed in mining.’ Thus very few Chinese could enter the country under the 1882 law." ^[25]

The act also stated that if an Asian left the country, they needed a certificate to re-enter.

Although Asians were not welcomed in the union, black workers who joined the union brought a large number of blacks into the white labour movement. In 1886, the Union exceeded 700,000 members, 60,000 of them black. The Knights were told that they "broke the walls of prejudice"; the "color line had been broken and black and white were found working in the same cause.

American Federation of Labor[link]

The American Federation of Labor (AFL),founded by Samuel Gompers, was established due to the vexation of many Knights who parted from the KOL. Many Knights joined the AFL because they set themselves apart from the KOL. The KOL "tried to teach the American wage-earner that he was a wage-earner first and a bricklayer, carpenter, miner [...] after. This meant that the Order was teaching something that was not so in the hope that sometime it would be.’ But the AFL affiliates organised carpenters as carpenters, bricklayers as bricklayers, and so forth, teaching them all to place their own craft interests before those of other workers."^[26]

The AFL also differed from the KOL because it only allowed associations to be formed from workers and workers were the only people permitted to join them. Unlike the AFL, the knights also allowed small businesses to join. A small business is "An independently owned and operated business that is not dominant in its field of operation and conforms to standards set by the Small Business Administration or by state law regarding number of employees and yearly income called also small business concern."^[27]

Since the knights allowed an array of members into their association, they ended up getting rid of many because they did not fit the title. However, the AFL was right behind them picking up their pieces. This was another way in which the AFL helped to destroy the Knights. Once an associate was no longer a knight, and they fit the description of an AFL member, they hunted them down and offered them a spot. Many times spots were offered to men who were still Knights. This allowed the AFL to grow very strong with a diverse set of members.

The diversity in the AFL faltered when many of the black members were excluded. Gompers only wanted skilled workers representing his union and many black people were not considered skilled. The AFL claimed to not exclude the black members because of their race but because they were not qualified for the part. "So as long as wages rose, and they did, hours fell, and they did, security increased, and it appeared to, the AFL could grow fat while neglecting millions of labourers doomed to lives of misery and want."^[26] Even black workers considered skilled enough to fit the part were generally excluded from the Union. The AFL conducted literacy tests which had the effect of excluding immigrants and blacks. Regardless of black members being excluded, the AFL was the most prevalent union federation in America before the mid-1940s. The union was composed of over 10 million members before it combined with the Congress of Industrial Organization (CIO).

Congress of Industrial Organizations[link]

The CIO was put forth by Mr. John Kamau when troubles with the AFL persisted, after the death of Gompers in 1924. Many members of the union requested that they switch the rules which were laid out by Gompers. They wanted to support inexperienced workmen rather than only focusing on experienced workers of one occupation. John L. Lewis was the first member of the AFL to act upon this issue in 1935. He was the founder of the Committee for the Industrial Organization which was an original union branched from the AFL. The Committee for the Industrial Organization transformed into the Congress of Industrial Organization. The Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) encompassed the largest sustained surge of worker organisation in American history.^[28] In the 1930s, the CIO grabbed many of their member’s attention through victorious strikes. In the 1935, employees of Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company formed their own union called the United Rubber Workers. The Rubber Workers went on strike in 1936 to protest an increase in product with lower pay wages. "There were forty-eight strikes in 1936 in which the strikers remained at their jobs for at least one day; in twenty-two of these work stoppages, involving 34,565 workers, the strikers stayed inside the plants for more than twenty-four hours."^[29] This tactic was called a "sit-down" strike which entailed workers to stop doing their job and sit in their place of employment. During these strikes, business owners were unable to bring in new workers to replace the ones who were on strike because they were still in their seats at the factory. This was unlike any strikes in the past. Before this time, workers showed their fury by leaving their factory and standing in picket lines. Walter Reuther was in control of the union at this time and moved forward to higher roles during 1955.

AFL-CIO[link]

On 5 May 1955, union delegates gathered in New York on behalf of 16 million workers, to witness and support the merger of The American Federation of Labor and The Congress of Industrial Organization. The merger is a result of 20 years of effort put forth by both the AFL and CIO presidents, George Meany and Walter Reuther. The gathered delegates applauded loudly when the time came to nominate officers for the new AFL-CIO. Reuther who was named one of the 37 vice presidents of the union, nominated Meany for President. After Meany’s retirement in 1979, Lane Kirkland took over his position. President Dwight D. Eisenhower, who was elected in 1952, was the first to publicly address and congratulate the new union, which was now the largest in the world.

In Eisenhower’s telephone broadcast to the United States he acknowledged the impact union members had made to better the nation and one of these impacts was "the development of the American philosophy of labour."^[30] Eisenhower states three principles which he feels apply to the philosophy of labour. The first principles states that: "the ultimate values of mankind are spiritual; these values include liberty, human dignity, opportunity and equal rights and justice."^[30] Eisenhower was stating that every individual deserves a job with decent compensation, practical hours, and good working conditions that leave them feeling fulfilled. His second principle speaks of the economic interest of the employer and employee being a mutual prosperity.^[30] The employers and employees must work together in order for there to be the greatest amount of wealth for all. Workers have a right to strike when they feel their boundaries are being crossed and the best way for the employer to fix the employees unhappiness is to come to a mutual agreement. His last principle which he preached stated: "labour relations will be managed best when worked out in honest negotiation between employers and unions, without Government’s unwarranted interference."^[30] Eisenhower was saying that when both parties cooperate and act in mature fashion, it will be easier to work out situations and a better outcome will result because of it. Once he was done delivering the speech, everyone across the U.S. knew of the new AFL-CIO whose "mission [was] to bring social and economic justice to our nation by enabling working people to have a voice on the job, in government, in a changing global economy and in their communities."^[31]

This new alliance is made up of 56 nationwide and intercontinental labour unions. The unions which are a part of this alliance are composed of 2.5 million working Americans and 8.5 million other affiliated members. These members do not fall under one job title but they are very diversely spread out among the working area. Their jobs go from doctors to truck drivers and painters to bankers. The mission of these workers and the AFL-CIO "is to improve the lives of working families—to bring economic justice to the workplace and social justice to our nation. To accomplish this mission we will build and change the American labour movement."^[32] The AFL-CIO also has many goals which coincide with their mission:

"We will build a broad movement of American workers by organizing workers into unions. We will build a strong political voice for workers in our nation. We will change our unions to provide a new voice to workers in a changing economy. We will change our labour movement by creating a new voice for workers in our communities."^[32]

The association was willing to go to any extent to help out their employers which is why the membership was so high. Members started to slowly disappear after 25 successful years of a steady membership. Starting out with 16 million members in 1955 and dropping down to 13 million by 1984 is a significant loss. This loss of members is in large part due to the 1957 removal of the Teamsters’ Union who were long time members of the AFL. The Teamsters’ were involved in organized crime and manipulating employers with strong force. The Teamsters’ philosophy was to

"Let each member do his duty as he sees fit. Let each put his shoulder to the wheel and work together to bring about better results. Let no member sow seeds of discord within our ranks, and let our enemies see that the Teamsters of this country are determined to get their just rewards and to make their organization as it should be—one of the largest and strongest trade unions in the country now and beyond."^[33]

This philosophy did not work well for Teamster presidents Beck, Hoffa, and Williams who were all accused of criminal acts and sent to prison. In 1987 the AFL-CIO membership grew to 14 million members when the Teamsters Union was restored to the association.

The AFL-CIO also lost many members due to financial struggles in the United States. During the late 20th century the U.S. dollar began to oscillate due to rivalry with foreign countries and their currencies. This affects global trafficking and results in job loss for American citizens. The issues between the United States and foreign countries cannot be resolved by Eisenhower’s third principle, which entailed honest negotiations. Consequently, the association has been dynamically supportive in administration policies which deal with global trafficking, the production of goods, and many other issues, which are optimistic policies that will add to an established financial system.

The AFL-CIO is now governed by a gathering of delegates who are present on behalf of association members who meet every four years. The delegates who are the spokespeople of the federation members are chosen by union members. While the delegates vote for new representatives every four years, they also lay down the goals and policies for the union. The most recent representatives for the organisation along with 45 vice presidents are President John J. Sweeny, Secretary-treasurer Richard Trumka, and executive vice president Arlene Holt Baker

In the United States there are a total of 15.4 million union members, "11 million of whom belong to unions affiliated with the AFL-CIO."^[34] This number has grown rapidly since the beginning of the union movement because today, all individuals with different occupations are welcomed to join unions. "Today's unions include manufacturing and construction workers, teachers, technicians and doctors—and every type of worker in between. No matter what you do for a living, there's a union that has members who do the same thing."^[34] Educating union members about issues that shape lives of functioning families on a daily basis is one of the AFL-CIO’s policies. They give them confidence to have their voices heard for political purposes. They also prioritize in

"creating family-supporting jobs by investing tax dollars in schools, roads, bridges and airports; improving the lives of workers through education, job training and raising the minimum wage; keeping good jobs at home by reforming trade rules, reindustrializing the U.S. economy and redoubling efforts at worker protections in the global economy; strengthening Social Security and private pensions; making high-quality, affordable health care available to everyone; and holding corporations more accountable for their actions."^[34]

The AFL-CIO is very supportive of political issues and they show their concern^{[POV? – Discuss]} by giving out information about existing political issues to families. This information is spread by volunteers and activists and includes where all the candidates stand on the issues.

Japan[link]

2011 National Trade Union Council (Zenrokyo) May Day march, Tokyo.

Labour unions emerged in Japan in the second half of the Meiji period as the country underwent a period of rapid industrialization.^[35] Until 1945, however, the labour movement remained weak, impeded by lack of legal rights,^[36] anti-union legislation,^[35] management-organized factory councils, and political divisions between “cooperative” and radical unionists.^[37] In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, the US Occupation authorities initially encouraged the formation of independent unions.^[36] Legislation was passed that enshrined the right to organize,^[38] and membership rapidly rose to 5 million by February, 1947.^[36] The organization rate, however, peaked at 55.8% in 1949 and subsequently declined to 18.2% (2006).^[39] The labour movement went through a process of reorganization from 1987 to 1991^[40] from which emerged the present configuration of three major labour union federations, Rengo, Zenroren, and Zenrokyo along with other smaller national union organizations.

Mexico[link]

Before the 1990s, unions in Mexico had been historically part of a state institutional system. Between the end of the Mexican revolution in 1940, till the 1980s worldwide spread of neo-liberalism through the Washington Consensus, the Mexican unions did not operate independently, but instead as part of a state institutional system, largely controlled by the ruling party.^[41]

During these 40 years, the primary aim of the labour unions was not to benefit the workers, but to carry out the state's economic policy under their cosy relationship with the ruling party. This economic policy, which peaked in the 1950-60s with the so called Mexican Miracle, saw rising incomes and rising standards of living. Only a minor part went to the workers, while the primary beneficiaries had been the wealthy.^[41]

In the 1980s, Mexico began to follow the Washington Consensus, and sell off state industries (railroad, telecommunication) to private industries. The new owners had an antagonist attitude towards unions, and the unions, accustomed to the comfortable relationship with the state, were not prepared to fight back. A movement of new unions began to emerge with a more independent model, while the old institutionalised unions had become very corrupt, violent and gangster led. From the 1990s, the new model of independent unions prevailed, and a number of them were represented by the National Union of Workers.^[41]

Current old institutions like the Oil Workers Union and the National Education Workers Union (Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educacion) are sordid demonstrations of how the use of government benefits are not being applied to improve the quality in the investigation of the use of oil or the basic education in Mexico as long as their leaders show publicly that they are living wealthly and in the case of the Teachers Union represented by Elba Esther Gordillo, they are not allowing goverment to input a way to evaluate and improve the knowledge of the mexican teachers allowing to incompetent elements to use those places to escalate in the Union or to avoid the responsibility for they were hired.

Australia[link]

A video retrospective from the ABC on one of Australia's largest disputes in recent years, the 1998 Australian waterfront dispute.

Supporters of Unions, such as the ACTU or Australian Labor Party, often credit trade unions with leading the labour movement in the early 20th century, which generally sought to end child labour practices, improve worker safety, increase wages for both union workers and non-union workers, raise the entire society's standard of living, reduce the hours in a work week, provide public education for children, and bring other benefits to working class families.^[42]

Structure and politics[link]

Union structures, politics, and legal status vary greatly from country to country. For specific country details see List of trade unions.

A rally of the trade union UNISON in Oxford during a strike on 2006-03-28.

Unions may organize a particular section of skilled workers (craft unionism, traditionally found in Australia, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK and the USA^[4]), a cross-section of workers from various trades (general unionism, traditionally found in Australia, Canada, Denmark, Netherlands, the UK and the USA^[43]), or attempt to organize all workers within a particular industry (industrial unionism, found in Australia, Belgium, Canada, Germany, Finland, Norway, South Korea, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK, and the USA^[44]). These unions are often divided into "locals", and united in national federations. These federations themselves will affiliate with Internationals, such as the International Trade Union Confederation. However, in Japan, union organisation is slightly different due to the presence of enterprise unions, i.e. unions that are specific to a specific plant or company. These enterprise unions, however, join industry-wide federations which in turn are members of Rengo, the Japanese national trade union confederation.^[45]

In Western Europe, professional associations often carry out the functions of a trade union. In these cases, they may be negotiating for white-collar and/or professional workers, such as physicians, engineers, or teachers. Typically such trade unions refrain from politics or pursue a more liberal politics than their blue-collar counterparts.^[46]

A union may acquire the status of a "juristic person" (an artificial legal entity), with a mandate to negotiate with employers for the workers it represents. In such cases, unions have certain legal rights, most importantly the right to engage in collective bargaining with the employer (or employers) over wages, working hours, and other terms and conditions of employment. The inability of the parties to reach an agreement may lead to industrial action, culminating in either strike action or management lockout, or binding arbitration. In extreme cases, violent or illegal activities may develop around these events.

In other circumstances, unions may not have the legal right to represent workers, or the right may be in question. This lack of status can range from non-recognition of a union to political or criminal prosecution of union activists and members, with many cases of violence and deaths having been recorded both historically and contemporarily.^[47][48]

Unions may also engage in broader political or social struggle. Social Unionism encompasses many unions that use their organisational strength to advocate for social policies and legislation favourable to their members or to workers in general. As well, unions in some countries are closely aligned with political parties.

Unions are also delineated by the service model and the organizing model. The service model union focuses more on maintaining worker rights, providing services, and resolving disputes. Alternately, the organizing model typically involves full-time union organizers, who work by building up confidence, strong networks, and leaders within the workforce; and confrontational campaigns involving large numbers of union members. Many unions are a blend of these two philosophies, and the definitions of the models themselves are still debated.

Although their political structure and autonomy varies widely, union leaderships are usually formed through democratic elections.

Some research, such as that conducted by the ACIRRT,^[49] argues that unionized workers enjoy better conditions and wages than those who are not unionized.

In Britain, the perceived left-leaning nature of trade unions has resulted in the formation of a reactionary right-wing trade union called Solidarity which is supported by the far-right BNP. In Denmark, there are some newer apolitical "discount" unions who offer a very basic level of services, as opposed to the dominating Danish pattern of extensive services and organising.^[50]

In contrast, in several European countries (e.g. Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands, and Switzerland), religious unions have existed for decades. These unions typically distanced themselves from some of the doctrines of orthodox Marxism, such as the preference of atheism and from rhetoric suggesting that employees' interests always are in conflict with those of employers. Some of these Christian unions have had some ties to centrist or conservative political movements and some do not regard strikes as acceptable political means for achieving employees' goals.^[4]

Shop types[link]

Companies that employ workers with a union generally operate on one of several models:

• A closed shop (US) or a "pre-entry closed shop" (UK) employs only people who are already union members. The compulsory hiring hall is an example of a closed shop—in this case the employer must recruit directly from the union, as well as the employee working strictly for unionized employers.
• A union shop (US) or a "post-entry closed shop" (UK) employs non-union workers as well, but sets a time limit within which new employees must join a union.
• An agency shop requires non-union workers to pay a fee to the union for its services in negotiating their contract. This is sometimes called the Rand formula. In certain situations involving state public employees in the United States, such as California, "fair share laws" make it easy to require these sorts of payments.
• An open shop does not require union membership in employing or keeping workers. Where a union is active, workers who do not contribute to a union still benefit from the collective bargaining process. In the United States, state level right-to-work laws mandate the open shop in some states. In Germany only open shops are legal; that is, all discrimination based on union membership is forbidden. This affects the function and services of the union. An EU case concerning Italy extended this principle to the rest of the EU in that it stated that, "The principle of trade union freedom in the Italian system implies recognition of the right of the individual not to belong to any trade union ("negative" freedom of association/trade union freedom), and the unlawfulness of discrimination liable to cause harm to non-unionized employees."^[51]

In Britain, also previous to this EU jurisprudence, a series of laws introduced during the 1980s by Margaret Thatcher's government restricted closed and union shops. All agreements requiring a worker to join a union are now illegal. In the United States, the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 outlawed the closed shop, and the union shop was deemed illegal by the Supreme Court.[46]

Diversity of international unions[link]

Union law varies from country to country, as does the function of unions. For example, German and Dutch unions have played a greater role in management decisions through participation in corporate boards and co-determination than have unions in the United States.^[52] Moreover, in the United States, collective bargaining is most commonly undertaken by unions directly with employers, whereas in Austria, Denmark, Germany, or Sweden, unions most often negotiate with employers associations.

Concerning labour market regulation in the EU, Gold (1993)^[53] and Hall (1994)^[54] have identified three distinct systems of labour market regulation, which also influence the role that unions play:

“In the Continental European System of labour market regulation, the government plays an important role as there is a strong legislative core of employee rights, which provides the basis for agreements as well as a framework for discord between unions on one side and employers or employers’ associations on the other. This model was said to be found in EU core countries such as Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Italy, and it is also mirrored and emulated to some extent in the institutions of the EU, due to the relative weight that these countries had in the EU until the EU expansion by the inclusion of 10 new Eastern European member states in 2004.

In the Anglo-Saxon System of labour market regulation, the government’s legislative role is much more limited, which allows for more issues to be decided between employers and employees and any union and/or employers’ associations which might represent these parties in the decision-making process. However, in these countries, collective agreements are not widespread; only a few businesses and a few sectors of the economy have a strong tradition of finding collective solutions in labour relations. Ireland and the UK belong to this category, and in contrast to the EU core countries above, these countries first joined the EU in 1973.

In the Nordic System of labour market regulation, the government’s legislative role is limited in the same way as in the Anglo-Saxon system. However, in contrast to the countries in the Anglo-Saxon system category, this is a much more widespread network of collective agreements, which covers most industries and most firms. This model was said to encompass Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. Here, Denmark joined the EU in 1973, whereas Finland and Sweden joined in 1995.”^[55]

The United States takes a more laissez-faire approach, setting some minimum standards but leaving most workers' wages and benefits to collective bargaining and market forces. Thus it comes closest to the above Anglo-Saxon model. Also the Eastern European countries that have recently entered into the EU come closest to the Anglo-Saxon model.

In contrast, in Germany, the relation between individual employees and employers is considered to be asymmetrical. In consequence, many working conditions are not negotiable due to a strong legal protection of individuals. However, the German flavour or works legislation has as its main objective to create a balance of power between employees organized in unions and employers organized in employers associations. This allows much wider legal boundaries for collective bargaining, compared to the narrow boundaries for individual negotiations. As a condition to obtain the legal status of a trade union, employee associations need to prove that their leverage is strong enough to serve as a counterforce in negotiations with employers. If such an employees association is competing against another union, its leverage may be questioned by unions and then evaluated in a court trial. In Germany, only very few professional associations obtained the right to negotiate salaries and working conditions for their members, notably the medical doctors association Marburger Bund and the pilots association Vereinigung Cockpit. The engineers association Verein Deutscher Ingenieure does not strive to act as a union, as it also represents the interests of engineering businesses.

Beyond the classification listed above, unions' relations with political parties vary. In many countries unions are tightly bonded, or even share leadership, with a political party intended to represent the interests of working people. Typically this is a left-wing, socialist, or social democratic party, but many exceptions exist, including some of the aforementioned Christian unions.^[4] In the United States, by contrast, although it is historically aligned with the Democratic Party, the union movement is by no means monolithic on that point; this is especially true among the individual "rank and file" members. For example, the International Brotherhood of Teamsters has supported Republican Party candidates on a number of occasions and the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) endorsed Ronald Reagan in 1980. In Britain the union movement's relationship with the Labour Party frayed as party leadership embarked on privatisation plans at odds with what unions see as the worker's interests. However, it has strengthened once more after the Labour party's election of Ed Milliband who beat his brother David Milliband, to become leader of the party after Ed secured the trade unions votes. Additionally, in the past there, was been a group known as the Conservative Trade Unionists or CTU. A group formed of people who sympathized with right wing Tory policy but were Trade Unionists.

Historically, the Republic of Korea has regulated collective bargaining by requiring employers to participate but collective bargaining has been legal only if held in sessions before the lunar new year.

Criticism[link]

Many union members were illegally fired during the 1980s in the United States due to government opposition to unions.^[56]

Trade unions have been accused of benefiting insider workers, those having secure jobs, at the cost of outsider workers, consumers of the goods or services produced, and the shareholders of the unionized business.^[57]

In the United States, the outsourcing of labour to Asia, Latin America, and Africa has been partially driven by increasing costs of union partnership, which gives other countries a comparative advantage in labour, making it more efficient to perform labour-intensive work there.^[58] Milton Friedman, Nobel economist and advocate of laissez-faire capitalism, sought to show that unionisation produces higher wages (for the union members) at the expense of fewer jobs, and that, if some industries are unionized while others are not, wages will tend to decline in non-unionized industries.^[59]

Trade unions have been said to have ineffective policies on racism and sexism, such that a union is justified in not supporting a member taking action against another member. This was demonstrated by the 1987 judgment in the Weaver v NATFHE case in the UK, in which a black Muslim woman brought a complaint of workplace racist harassment against a co-trade unionist. The court found that the union, had it offered assistance to the plaintiff, would be in violation of its duty to protect the tenure of the accused member, and this judgment remains the precedent for cases in which union members who make complaints to the employer of racist or sexist harassment against member(s) of the same union cannot obtain union advice or assistance; this applies irrespective of the merit of the complaint.^[60]

International unionisation[link]

The largest trade union federation in the world is the Brussels-based International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), which has approximately 309 affiliated organisations in 156 countries and territories, with a combined membership of 166 million. The ITUC is a federation of national trade union centres, such as the AFL-CIO in the United States and the Trades Union Congress in the United Kingdom. Other global trade union organisations include the World Federation of Trade Unions.

National and regional trade unions organizing in specific industry sectors or occupational groups also form global union federations, such as Union Network International, the International Transport Workers Federation, the International Federation of Journalists or the International Arts and Entertainment Alliance.

Union publications[link]

Several sources of current news exist about the trade union movement in the world. These include LabourStart and the official website of the international trade union movement Global Unions.

Another source of union news is the Workers Independent News, a news organisation providing radio articles to independent and syndicated radio shows in the United States.

A source of international news about unions is RadioLabour which provides daily (Monday to Friday) news reports.

Labor Notes is the largest circulation cross-union publication remaining in the United States. It reports news and analysis about union activity or problems facing the labour movement.

In film[link]

• The 2000 film Bread and Roses by British director Ken Loach depicted the struggle of cleaners in Los Angeles to fight for better pay, and working conditions, and the right to join a union.
• Hoffa—A Danny DeVito film (1992): The man who was willing to pay the price for power. "Jack Nicholson gives a gigantic powerhouse performance"—The New York Times
• The 1985 documentary film Final Offer by Sturla Gunnarsson and Robert Collision shows the 1984 union contract negotiations with General Motors.
• The 1979 film Norma Rae, directed by Martin Ritt, is based on the true story of Crystal Lee Jordan's successful attempt to unionize her textile factory.
• Bastard Boys, a 2007 dramatisation of the 1998 Australian waterfront dispute.
• Other documentaries: Made in L.A. (2007); American Standoff (2002); The Fight in the Fields (1997); With Babies and Banners: Story of the Women's Emergency Brigade (1979); Harlan County, USA (1976); The Inheritance (1964)
• Other dramatisations: 10,000 Black Men Named George (2002); Matewan (1987); American Playhouse—"The Killing Floor" (1985); Salt of the Earth (1954); The Grapes of Wrath (1940); Black Fury (1935)

See also[link]

Organized labour portal

• List of trade unions

General

• Eight-hour day
• Anarcho-syndicalism
• Political Catholicism
• Labour aristocracy
• New Unionism
• Solidarity
• Strike action
• Salt (union organizing)
• Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act
• Syndicalism
• Workers' Memorial Day
• Labour Day
• Labour movement
• Hazards Campaign
• Opposition to trade unions
• Union busting
• Employers' organization

Types of unions

• Craft unionism
• Directly Affiliated Local Union
• General union
• Industrial unionism
• Labour council
• Trades Hall
• National trade union center
• Anarcho-syndicalism

Union federation

• AFL-CIO
• Change to Win Federation
• Labor federation competition in the United States
• International Trade Union Confederation
• International Labor Rights Forum
• International Workers Association

References[link]

Constructs such as ibid., loc. cit. and idem are discouraged by Wikipedia's style guide for footnotes, as they are easily broken. Please improve this article by replacing them with named references (quick guide), or an abbreviated title. (May 2012)

Further reading[link]

Books[link]

• The Government of British Trade Unions: A study of Apathy and the Democratic Process in the Transport and General Worker Union by Joseph Goldstein^[1]
• European Commission, Directorate General for Employment, Social Affairs & Inclusion (2010): Industrial Relations in Europe 2010. Brussels, Belgium: European Commission, available at: http://ec.europa.eu/social/keyDocuments.jsp?type=0&policyArea=0&subCategory=0&country=0&year=0&advSearchKey=IRIE&mode=advancedSubmit&langId=en
• The Early English Trade Unions: Documents from Home Office Papers in the Public Record Office by A. Aspinall^[2]
• Magnificent Journey: The Rise of the Trade Unions, by Francis Williams^[3]
• Trade Unions by Allan Flanders^[4]
• Trade Union Government and Administration in Great Britain by B C Roberts^[5]
• Union Power: The Growth and Challenge in Perspective by Claud Cockburn^[6]
• Directory of Employer's Associations, Trade Unions, Joint Organisations—No author and produced in paperback^[7]
• The History of the TUC (Trades Union Congress) 1868–1968: A pictorial Survey of a Social Revolution—Illustrated with Contemporary Prints, Documents and Photographs, edited by Lionel Birch^[8]
• Clarke, T.; Clements, L. (1978). Trade Unions under Capitalism. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press. ISBN 0-391-00728-9. 
• Panitch, Leo & Swartz, Donald (2003). From consent to coercion: The assault on trade union freedoms, third edition. Ontario: Garamound Press.
• Phil Dine (2007). State of the Unions: How Labor Can Strengthen the Middle Class, Improve Our Economy, and Regain Political Influence, McGraw-Hill Professional. ISBN 978-0-07-148844-0

Articles[link]

• Charles A. Orr, "Trade Unionism in Colonial Africa" Journal of Modern African Studies, 4 (1966), pp. 65–81

Notes

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Trade unions

International

• LabourStart international trade union news service
• RadioLabour
• New Unionism Network
• Younionize Global Union Directory

Australia

• Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU)- Australian Council of Trade Unions

Europe

• Trade union membership 1993–2003—European Industrial Relations Observatory report on membership trends in 26 European countries
• Trade union membership 2003–2008—European Industrial Relations Observatory report on membership trends in 28 European countries
• Trade Union Ancestors—Listing of 5,000 UK trade unions with histories of main organisations, trade union "family trees" and details of union membership and strikes since 1900.
• TUC History online—History of the British union movement
• Trade EU—European Trade Directory
• Short history of the UGT in Catalonia

United States

• Labor rights in the USA
• Labor Notes magazine

Alex Davison
V8 Supercar Record
Nationality	Australian
Series Championships	0
Races	59
Round Wins	0
Podium finishes	2
Race Wins	0
Pole positions	1
2011 Championship position	11th (1850 pts)

Alex Davison, born 3 November 1979, in Melbourne, Australia, is best known as a racing driver. Davison currently races for McElrea Racing driving a Porsche 997 GT3 Cup R in the Australian Carrera Cup Championship.

The son of Australian Formula 2 champion Richard Davison, and grandson of four times Australian Grand Prix winner Lex Davison and brother to Will Davison, he has the sport running through his veins. His uncle Jon Davison, and cousins James Davison and Charlie Davison also are linked with the sport.

Starting in karts at a young age, he progressed to Formula Ford in 1998 racing a used 1995 Van Diemen. Davison, with the backing of Wynn's, upgraded to a year old car for 1999 and finished third in one of the most competitive Australian Formula Ford seasons behind champion Greg Ritter and tying on points with Steve Owen, but losing second place on a countback. After two years of Formula Ford, Davison's eyes turned to Europe.

Carrera Cup[link]

Unable to break into an open wheel series Davison found a role with German Sports Car team Manthey Racing. After initially racing Porsche Carrera Cup in the German national series, Davison was promoted to the Porsche Supercup, a pan-European series supporting several legs of the Formula 1 World Drivers' Championship and finished sixth. Two more years with Manthey in the German series saw no significant improvement and Davison returned home to Australia during 2003 and made some appearances in the 2003 Australian Carrera Cup Championship. After breaking through for a round win at the end of 2003, Davison dominated the 2004 Australian Carrera Cup. In 2012, Davison driving the Simjen 'Silver Bullet' in the Carrera Cup. In round one of the 2012, Davison took first place and secured silver in the round two.

Perkins Motorsport[link]

Davison's Carrera Cup form led to him join Perkins Motorsport for the 2004 V8 Supercar endurance racing season, sharing Tony Longhurst's regular season car with Jamie Whincup. Davison later replaced Longhurst when the veteran left the team prior to season's end. This in turn led to a full time seat with Perkins in 2005 but with results not forthcoming Davison too found himself replaced before seasons end.

Sports Cars[link]

Unable to find a full-time role in V8 Supercar, Davison returned to the Australian Carrera Cup, joining Paul Cruickshank Racing, taking up the seat of outgoing champion Fabian Coulthard and finished second to Craig Baird in 2006. Into 2007 Davison took over the seat Jim Richards vacated from his own team as Richards concentrated on other series. Davison again finished runner up this time to David Reynolds. During this time Davison raced with Dick Johnson Racing regularly during the endurance racing season.

An opportunity to return to Europe beckoned and Davison took up a drive with Team Felbermayr-Proton in the 2008 Le Mans Series season. Despite not winning a single race Davison and co-driver Marc Lieb finished runner-up in the GT2 class in their Porsche 997 GT3-RSR behind Ferrari driver Rob Bell. Some guest drives in the American Le Mans Series also cropped up though to no significant result.

Stone Brothers Racing[link]

Davison returned to Australia for a full time V8 Supercar seat with Stone Brothers Racing. The year was largely disappointing, finishing the year 17th in the standings but had a second place finish in Darwin due to the right tyre strategy. 2010 has not been an improvement with a ninth place finish at the Clipsal 500 in Adelaide being a season highlight result. Pole position came on his return to Hidden Valley but a good finish was overlooked by an unexpected Electrical problem.

Career results[link]

The Ford FG Falcon of Alex Davison at the 2010 Clipsal 500 Adelaide

The Ford FG Falcon of Alex Davison at the 2011 Clipsal 500 Adelaide

Davison is contesting the 2012 Australian Carrera Cup Championship in this Roma Caravans entry

Complete Porsche Supercup results[link]

(key) (Races in bold indicate pole position) (Races in italics indicate fastest lap)

24 Hours of Le Mans results[link]

Year	Class	No	Tyres	Car	Team	Co-Drivers	Laps	Pos.	Class Pos.
2008	GT2	77	M	Porsche 997 GT3-RSR Porsche 3.8L Flat-6	Team Felbermayr-Proton	Horst Felbermayr, Sr. Wolf Henzler	309	27th	5th

References[link]

• Cup Car Australia
• Speedsport Magazine
• Conrad Bio

Steven Hill
Hill as Dan Briggs.
Born	Solomon Krakovsky (1922-02-24) February 24, 1922 (age 90) Seattle, Washington, U.S.
Occupation	actor
Spouse	Selma Stern (1951–1964); Rachel (1967-present)

Steven Hill (born February 24, 1922) is an American film and television actor. His two better-known roles are District Attorney Adam Schiff on the NBC TV drama series Law & Order, whom he portrayed for ten seasons (1990–2000), and Dan Briggs, the original team leader of the Impossible Missions Force on CBS's television series Mission: Impossible, whom he portrayed only in the initial season of the show (1966–1967).

Early life and career[link]

Hill was born Solomon Krakovsky in Seattle, Washington.^[1] After serving four years in the Naval Reserve, Hill made his first New York stage appearance in Ben Hecht's A Flag Is Born in 1946, which also featured a young Marlon Brando.^[1] Hill says his big break came when he landed a small part in the hit Broadway show Mister Roberts.^[1] "The director, Joshua Logan, thought I had some ability, and he let me create one of the scenes," says Hill.^[1] "So, I improvised dialog and it went in the show. That was my first endorsement. It gave me tremendous encouragement to stay in the business."^[1] Hill said this was a thrilling time in his life when, fresh out of the service, he played the hapless sailor Stefanowski.^[2] "You could almost smell it from the very first reading that took place; this is going to be an overwhelming hit," said Hill.^[2] "We all felt it and experienced it and were convinced of it, and we were riding the crest of a wave from the very first day of rehearsals."^[2]

In 1947, Hill became a founding member of Lee Strasberg's Actors Studio alongside such other actors as Marlon Brando, Montgomery Clift, and Julie Harris.^[3]

Hill made his film debut in 1950 in Lady Without a Passport.^[3] He then re-enlisted in the Navy in 1952 for two years and, when he completed his service, resumed his acting in earnest.^[3] Strasberg later said, "Steven Hill is considered one of the finest actors America has ever produced".^[3] When he was starting out as an actor, Hill sought out roles that had a social purpose.^[1] "Later, I learned that show business is about entertaining," he says.^[1] "So, I've had to reconcile my idealistic feelings with reality".^[1]

Hill was particularly busy in the so-called "Golden Age" of live TV drama, appearing in such prestigious video offerings as The Trial of Sacco and Vanzetti in 1960 earning him an Emmy nomination for his portrayal of Bartolomeo Vanzetti.^[3] "When I first became an actor, there were two young actors in New York: Marlon Brando and Steven Hill," said Martin Landau.^[3] "A lot of people said that Steven would have been the one, not Marlon. He was legendary. Nuts, volatile, mad, and his work was exciting".^[3]

In 1961, Hill had an unusual experience when he appeared as Sigmund Freud on Broadway in Henry Denker's A Far Country,^[4] portraying Freud at the age of 35.^[5] On April 12, 1961, Hill was stricken with a virus the night of a sold-out performance for the Masters Children's Center of Dobbs Ferry.^[6] As a result, the producers decided to cancel the performance just as the curtain was about to go up.^[6] Among the notables in the audience were Joseph P. Kennedy, Jack Benny, and Richard Rodgers.^[6] The audience was invited to exchange its ticket stubs for other performances.^[6] The understudy was not ready to replace Hill, so Alfred Ryder, the play's director, stepped into the role of Freud for one performance.^[7] Hill guested in the original Robert Stack series The Untouchables episode: 'Jack 'Legs' Diamond' as the title gangster character giving a compelling cold evil performance, and a similar sinister role as a confined to bed (following an accident) ruthless manipulative millionaire in 'The White Knight' a 1966 black & white third season episode of The Fugitive, starring David Janssen.

Hill's early screen credits include The Goddess and A Child Is Waiting.

[edit] Mission: Impossible

Hill was the original leader of the Impossible Missions Force, Dan Briggs in the series Mission: Impossible beginning in 1966. The phrase "Good morning, Mr. Briggs..." was a fixture early in each episode as it began a tape recording he retrieved which detailed the task he must accomplish, however he left the show in 1967 after the end of the first season. As one of the few Orthodox Jewish actors working in Hollywood, he made it clear in advance of production that he was not able to work on the Sabbath (i.e., sundown Friday to dusk Saturday), and that he would be leaving the set every Friday before sundown. However, despite Hill's advance warnings, the show's producers were unprepared for his rigid adherence to the Sabbath, and on at least one occasion Hill left the set while an episode was still in the midst of filming. The producers used a number of ways of reducing the role of Hill's character Dan Briggs whereby his character would only obtain and hand out the mission details at the start of certain episodes being unable to take further part as he was 'known' to people they would encounter (used at least three times), or Briggs would need to don a disguise and another actor would then play his role incognito until the conclusion of the mission (and episode) when Briggs peeled off a face mask. On other occasions Briggs would be waiting to pick up the team at the end; usually Martin Landau's character 'Rollin Hand' would take over as the team leader for missions in Briggs' absence (Martin Landau being initially a 'special guest star' for the first season, not even included in the show's original opening credits).

According to Desilu executive Herb Solow, once William Shatner burst into his office, claiming "Steve asked me how many Jews worked on Star Trek. He was recruiting a prayer group of ten guys to worship together on top of the studio's highest building and only had six Jews so far from Mission. He asked if I would come and bring Nimoy and Justman and you."^[8]

Hill was briefly suspended from the show near the end of the season, during the production of episode no. 23 (entitled 'Action!'- where for the only time Barbara Bain's character 'Cinnamon Carter' obtained the mission via the taped instructions, though Landau's 'Rollin Hand' then led the team). The suspension was imposed after he refused to climb the rafters via a soundstage staircase, as was called for in the script.^[9] (This incident was unrelated to any religious observances of Hill's.) Consequently, Hill was written out of that episode, and when he returned to Mission: Impossible for the five remaining episodes of the season, his role was severely reduced. Hill was not asked to return for season 2, and was replaced as the show's star by Peter Graves.^[10] No onscreen explanation was ever given regarding Dan Briggs' later absence from the series. Steven Hill was however featured prominently as Dan Briggs in around 17 or so of the first season episodes.

Hiatus and return to acting[link]

After appearing in Mission: Impossible, Hill did no acting work for the following ten years. Hill had what he calls "tremendous periods of unemployment" in his career.^[1] "What we have here is a story of profound instability and impermanence," he said of his own career.^[1] "This is what you learn at the beginning in show business; then it gets planted in you forever".^[1] Hill left acting in 1967 and moved to a Jewish community in Rockland County, New York where he worked in writing and real estate.^[11] Patrick J. White, in The Complete "Mission: Impossible" Dossier, quoted Hill as having said later, "I don't think an actor should act every single day. I don't think it's good for the so-called creative process. You must have periods when you leave the land fallow, let it revitalize itself."^[11] After ten years, he was ready to begin acting again. "They say you can't quit show business," he said in 1977. "It took ten years, but I couldn't get it out of my system. So I called an agent and put him to work."

Hill returned to work in the 1980s and 1990s, playing parental and authority-figure roles in such films as Yentl (1983), Garbo Talks (1984), Neil Simon's Brighton Beach Memoirs, Heartburn (1986), and Billy Bathgate (1991). Hill also appeared as a mob kingpin in Raw Deal (1986), an action vehicle for Arnold Schwarzenegger.

[edit] Law & Order

Hill is best known as Adam Schiff in the NBC TV drama series Law & Order, a part that he played for ten seasons (1990–2000). Hill's character is loosely modeled after the real former district attorney of New York, Robert Morgenthau^[12] and it is reported that Morgenthau was a fan of the character.^[13][14] Hill says playing Adam Schiff is the hardest role he's ever had because of all the legal jargon he has to learn.^[1] "It's like acting in a second language," says Hill.^[1] Hill adds that he agrees with the show's philosophy.^[1] "There's a certain positive statement in this show," Hill says.^[1] "So much is negative today. The positive must be stated to rescue us from pandemonium. To me it lies in that principle: law and order."^[1] Hill earned another Emmy nomination for Best Supporting Actor In a Dramatic Series in 1997. At the time of his departure, Hill was the longest-serving cast member. Along with Law & Order castmate Sam Waterston, Hill has also appeared in commercials for T.D. Waterhouse, an investment brokerage.

Personal life[link]

Hill and his first wife, Selma Stern, were married in 1951 and had four children before divorcing in 1964. Hill married his second wife, Rachel, in 1967 and they have five children.

His Orthodox Judaism[link]

Steven Hill (left) at his grandson's wedding in New Square, New York

Appearing in the play A Far Country in 1961 had a profound effect on Hill's later life. In one scene, a patient screams at Freud, "You are a Jew!" This caused Hill to think about his religion.^[3] "In the pause that followed I would think, 'What about this?' I slowly became aware that there was something more profound going on in the world than just plays and movies and TV shows. I was provoked to explore my religion."^[3] He was inspired by Rabbi Yakov Yosef Twersky (1900–1968), the late Skverrer Rebbe,^[15] to adhere to strict Orthodox Judaism, observing a kosher diet, praying three times a day, wearing a four-cornered fringed garment beneath his clothes, and strictly observing Shabbat.^[3] This made Hill unavailable for Friday night or Saturday matinee performances, effectively ending his stage career and closing many roles to him in the movies, most notably The Sand Pebbles.^[3]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Steven Hill at the Internet Movie Database