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Fatah فتح
Leader	Mahmoud Abbas
Founder	Yasser Arafat
Founded	1959
Headquarters	Ramallah, Palestinian National Authority
Youth wing	Fatah Youth
Ideology	Palestinian nationalism, Social Democracy, Anti-Zionism, Left wing nationalism
Political position	Left-wing/Centre-left
International affiliation	Socialist International
Legislative Council	45 / 132
Website
www.fateh.ps
Politics of Palestine Political parties Elections

Fataḥ (Arabic: فتح‎ Fatḥ) (also known as Fateh,^[1] Levantine Arabic: [ˈfateħ]) is a major Palestinian political party and the largest faction of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), a multi-party confederation. Though it is on the left wing of Palestinian politics, its character is primarily nationalist rather than social democratic.

Fatah is generally considered to have had a strong involvement in revolutionary struggle in the past and has maintained a number of militant/terrorist groups,^{[2][3][4][5][6]} although, unlike its rival Islamist faction Hamas, Fatah is not currently regarded as a terrorist organization by any government.^{[citation needed]} Until his death in 2004, Fatah had been closely identified with the leadership of Yasser Arafat, its founder. Since Arafat's departure, factionalism within the ideologically diverse movement has become more apparent.

In the January 25, 2006 parliamentary election, the party lost its majority in the Palestinian parliament to Hamas, and resigned all cabinet positions, instead of assuming the role as the main opposition party. Fatah's size is estimated at 6,000–8,000 fighters with 45–300 politicians.^{[citation needed]} However, the Hamas legislative victory led to a split between the two main Palestinian political parties, with Fatah retaining control of the Palestinian National Authority in the West Bank. In April 2011, officials from Hamas and Fatah announced that both parties had reached an initial deal to unify into one government, with plans for elections to be held in 2012.^[7]

Etymology[link]

The full name of the movement is حركة التحرير الوطني الفلسطيني ḥarakat al-taḥrīr al-waṭanī al-filasṭīnī, meaning the "Palestinian National Liberation Movement." From this was crafted the reverse acronym Fatḥ (or Fatah), meaning "opening," "conquering," or "victory."^[8] The word Fatah is used in religious discourse to signify the Islamic expansion in the first centuries of Islamic history – as in Fath al-Sham, the "conquering of the Levant" — and so has positive connotations for Muslims and a highly negative connotation for Jews. The term "Fatah" also has religious significance in that it is the name of the 48th sura (chapter) of the Qu'ran, which according to major Muslim commentators details the story of the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah. During the peaceful two years after the Hudaybiyyah treaty, many converted to Islam increasing the strength of the Muslim side. It was the breach of this treaty by the Quraish^[9][10] that triggered the conquest of Mecca. This Islamic precedent was cited by Yasser Arafat as justification for his signing the Oslo Accords with Israel.^[11][12]

Structure[link]

Two most important decision-making bodies is Central Committee of Fatah and the Fatah Revolutionary Council. Central Committee is mainly an executive body, while the Revolutionary Council is Fatah's legislative body.^[13][14]

Constitution[link]

<poem> Principles Article (1) Palestine is part of the Arab World, and the Palestinian people are part of the Arab Nation, and their struggle is part of its struggle. Article (2) The Palestinian people have an independent identity. They are the sole authority that decides their own destiny, and they have complete sovereignty on all their lands. Article (3) The Palestinian Revolution plays a leading role in liberating Palestine. Article (4) The Palestinian struggle is part and parcel of the world-wide struggle against Zionism, colonialism and international imperialism. Article (5) Liberating Palestine is a national obligation which necessitates the materialistic and human support of the Arab Nation. Article (6) UN projects, accords, and resolutions, or those of any individual country which undermines the Palestinian people's right in their homeland are illegal and rejected. Article (7) The Zionist Movement is racial, colonial and aggressive in ideology, goals, organization and method. Article (8) The Israeli existence in Palestine is a Zionist invasion with a colonial expansive base, and it is a natural ally to colonialism and international imperialism. Article (9) Liberating Palestine and protecting its holy places is an Arab, religious and human obligation. Article (10) The Palestinian National Liberation Movement, "FATEH", is an independent national revolutionary movement representing the revolutionary vanguard of the Palestinian people. Article (11) The crowds which participate in the revolution and liberation are the proprietors of the Palestinian land. Goals Article (12) Complete liberation of Palestine, and eradication of Zionist economic, political, military and cultural existence. Article (13) Establishing an independent democratic state with complete sovereignty on all Palestinian lands, and Jerusalem is its capital city, and protecting the citizens' legal and equal rights without any racial or religious discrimination. Article (14) Setting up a progressive society that warrants people's rights and their public freedom. Article (15) Active participation in achieving the Arab Nation's goals in liberation and building an independent, progressive and united Arab society. Article (16) Backing up all oppressed people in their struggle for liberation and self-determination in order to build a just, international peace. Methods Article (17) Armed public revolution is the inevitable method to liberating Palestine. Article (18) Entire dependence on the Palestinian people which is the pedestal forefront and on the Arab Nation as a partner in the fight, and realising actual interaction between the Arab Nation and the Palestinian people by involving the Arab people in the fight through a united Arab front. Article (19) Armed struggle is a strategy and not a tactic, and the Palestinian Arab People's armed revolution is a decisive factor in the liberation fight and in uprooting the Zionist existence, and this struggle will not cease unless the Zionist state is demolished and Palestine is completely liberated. Article (20) Achieving mutual understanding with all the national forces participating in the armed struggle to attain the national unity. Article (21) Revealing the revolutionary nature of the Palestinian identity at the international level, and this does not contradict the everlasting unity between the Arab Nation and the Palestinian people. Article (22) Opposing any political solution offered as an alternative to demolishing the Zionist occupation in Palestine, as well as any project intended to liquidate the Palestinian case or impose any international mandate on its people. Article (23) Maintaining relations with Arab countries with the objective of developing the positive aspects in their attitudes with the proviso that the armed struggle is not negatively affected. Article (24) Maintaining relations with all liberal forces supporting our just struggle in order to resist together Zionism and imperialism. Article (25) Convincing concerned countries in the world to prevent Jewish immigration to Palestine as a method of solving the problem. Article (26) Avoiding attempts to exploit the Palestinian case in any Arab or international problems and considering the case above all contentions. Article (27) "FATEH" does not interfere with local Arab affairs and hence, does not tolerate such interference or obstructing its struggle by any party. .^[1]</poem>

In August 2009 at Fatah's Sixth General Conference in Bethlehem, Fatah delegates drew up a new 'internal charter'.^[15]

History[link]

Establishment[link]

Yasser Arafat was the main founder of Fatah and led the movement until his death in 2004.

The Fatah movement, which espoused a Palestinian nationalist ideology in which Palestinian Arabs would be liberated by the actions of Palestinian Arabs, was founded in 1959 by members of the Palestinian diaspora – principally professionals working in the Persian Gulf States who had been refugees in Gaza and had gone on to study in Cairo or Beirut. The founders included Yasser Arafat who was head of the General Union of Palestinian Students (GUPS) (1952–56) in Cairo University, Salah Khalaf, Khalil al-Wazir, Khaled Yashruti was head of the GUPS in Beirut (1958–62).^[16]

Fatah became the dominant force in Palestinian politics after the Six-Day War in 1967. It dealt the coup de grâce to the pre-Baathist Arab nationalism that had inspired George Habash's Arab Nationalist Movement, the former dominant mainly Palestinian political party.^[16] The November 1959 edition of Fatah's underground journal, Filastinuna Nida al-Hayat, indicated that the movement was motivated by the status of the Palestinian refugees in the Arab world:

The youth of the catastrophe (shibab al-nakba) are dispersed... Life in the tent has become as miserable as death... [T]o die for our beloved Motherland is better and more honorable than life, which forces us to eat our daily bread under humiliations or to receive it as charity at the cost of our honour... We, the sons of the catastrophe, are no longer willing to live this dirty, despicable life, this life which has destroyed our cultural, moral and political existence and destroyed our human dignity.^[17]

From the beginning the armed struggle, as manifested in the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine and the military role of Palestinian fighters under the leadership of Abd al-Qadir al-Husayni in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, was central to Fatah's ideology of liberating Palestine by a Palestinian armed struggle.^[16]

Fatah joined the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1967. It was immediately allocated 33 of 105 seats in the PLO Executive Committee. Founder Yasser Arafat became Chairman of the PLO in 1969, after the position was ceded to him by Yahya Hammuda.^[16] According to the BBC, "Mr Arafat took over as chairman of the executive committee of the PLO in 1969, a year that Fatah is recorded to have carried out 2,432 guerrilla attacks on Israel."^[18]

Battle of Karameh[link]

Throughout 1968, Fatah and other Palestinian armed groups were the target of a major Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) operation in the Jordanian village of Karameh, where the Fatah headquarters – as well as a mid-sized Palestinian refugee camp – were located. The town's name is the Arabic word for "dignity," which elevated its symbolism to the Arab people, especially after the Arab defeat in 1967. The operation was in response to attacks against Israel, including rockets strikes from Fatah and other Palestinian militias into the occupied West Bank. Knowledge of the operation was available well ahead of time, and the government of Jordan (as well as a number of Fatah commandos) informed Arafat of Israel's large-scale military preparations. Upon hearing the news, many guerrilla groups in the area, including George Habash's newly formed group the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and Nayef Hawatmeh's breakaway organization the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), withdrew their forces from the town. Fatah leaders were advised by a pro-Fatah Jordanian divisional commander to withdraw their men and headquarters to nearby hills, but on Arafat's orders, Fatah remained, and the Jordanian Army agreed to back them if heavy fighting ensued.^[16]

On the night of 21 March, the IDF attacked Karameh with heavy weaponry, armored vehicles and fighter jets.^[16] Fatah held its ground, surprising the Israeli military. As Israel's forces intensified their campaign, the Jordanian Army became involved, causing the Israelis to retreat in order to avoid a full-scale war.^[19] By the end of the battle, nearly 150 Fatah militants had been killed, as well as twenty Jordanian soldiers and twenty-eight Israeli soldiers. Despite the higher Arab death toll, Fatah considered themselves victorious because of the Israeli army's rapid withdrawal.^[16]

Black September[link]

In the late 1960s, tensions between Palestinians and the Jordanian government increased greatly; heavily armed Arab resistance elements had created a virtual "state within a state" in Jordan, eventually controlling several strategic positions in that country. After their victory in the Battle of Karameh, Fatah and other Palestinian militias began taking control of civil life in Jordan. They set up roadblocks, publicly humiliated Jordanian police forces, molested women and levied illegal taxes – all of which Arafat either condoned or ignored.^[20][21]

In 1970, the Jordanian government moved to regain control over its territory, and the next day, King Hussein declared martial law.^[21] By 25 September, the Jordanian army achieved dominance in the fighting, and two days later Arafat and Hussein agreed to a series of ceasefires. The Jordanian army inflicted heavy casualties upon the Palestinians – including civilians – who suffered approximately 3,500 fatalities. Two thousand Fatah fighters managed to enter Syria. They crossed the border into Lebanon to join Fatah forces in that country, where they set up their new headquarters.^[22] A large group of guerrilla fighters led by Fatah field commander Abu Ali Iyad held out the Jordanian Army's offensive in the northern city of Ajlun until they were decisively defeated in July 1971. Abu Ali Iyad was executed and surviving members of his commando force formed the Black September Organization, a splinter group of Fatah. In November 1971, the group assassinated Jordanian prime minister Wasfi al-Tal as retaliation to Abu Ali Iyad's execution.^[23]

In the 1960s and the 1970s, Fatah provided training to a wide range of European, Middle Eastern, Asian, and African militant and insurgent groups, and carried out numerous attacks against Israeli targets in Western Europe and the Middle East during the 1970s. Some militant groups that affiliated themselves to Fatah, and some of the fedayeen within Fatah itself, carried out civilian plane hijackings and terrorist attacks, attributing them to Black September, Abu Nidal's Fatah-Revolutionary Council, Abu Musa's group, the PFLP, and the PFLP-GC. Fatah received weapons, explosives and training from the USSR and some Communist regimes of East European states. The People's Republic of China also provided munitions.^{[citation needed]}

Lebanon[link]

Since the death of Eljamal in 1968, the Palestinian cause had a large base of supporters in Lebanon. Although hesitant at first to take sides in the conflict, Arafat and Fatah played an important role in the Lebanese Civil War. Succumbing to pressure from PLO sub-groups such as the PFLP, DFLP and the Palestine Liberation Front (PLF), Fatah aligned itself with the Communist and Nasserist Lebanese National Movement (LNM). Although originally aligned with Fatah, Syrian President Hafez al-Assad feared a loss of influence in Lebanon and switched sides. He sent his army, along with the Syrian-backed Palestinian factions of as-Sa'iqa and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command (PFLP-GC) led by Ahmad Jibril to fight alongside the radical right-wing Christian forces against the PLO and the LNM. The primary component of the Christian militias was the Maronite Phalangists.^[24]

Phalangist forces killed twenty-six Fatah trainees on a bus in April 1975, marking the official start of the 15 year long Lebanese civil war. Later that year, an alliance of Christian militias overran the Palestinian refugee camp of Quarantina.^[25] The PLO and LNM retaliated by attacking the town of Damour, a Phalangist stronghold. Over 330 people were killed and many more wounded.^[24] As the civil war progressed over 2 years of urban warfare, both parties resorted to massive artillery duels and heavy use of sniper nests, while atrocities and war crimes were committed by both sides.

In 1976, with strategic planning help from the Lebanese Army, the alliance of Christian militias, spearheaded by the National Liberal Party of former President Cammille Chamoun militant branch, the noumour el ahrar (NLP Tigers), took a pivotal refugee camp in the Eastern part of Beirut, the Tel al-Zaatar camp, after a six-month siege, also known as Tel al-Zaatar massacre in which hundreds perished.^[26] Arafat and Abu Jihad blamed themselves for not successfully organizing a rescue effort.^[24]

PLO cross-border raids against Israel grew somewhat during the late 1970s.^{[citation needed]} One of the most severe – known as the Coastal Road Massacre – occurred on 11 March 1978. A force of nearly a dozen Fatah fighters landed their boats near a major coastal road connecting the city of Haifa with Tel Aviv-Yafo. There they hijacked a bus and sprayed gunfire inside and at passing vehicles, killing thirty-seven civilians.^[27] In response, the IDF launched Operation Litani three days later, with the goal of taking control of Southern Lebanon up to the Litani River. The IDF achieved this goal, and Fatah withdrew to the north into Beirut.^[28]

Israel invaded Lebanon again in 1982. Beirut was soon besieged and bombarded by the IDF;^[24] to end the siege, the US and European governments brokered an agreement guaranteeing safe passage for Arafat and Fatah – guarded by a multinational force – to exile in Tunis. Despite the exile many Fatah commanders and fighters remained in Lebanon.^[24]

When Israel invaded Lebanon in 1982, the faction was dispersed to several Middle Eastern countries with the help of US and other Western governments: Tunisia, Yemen, Algeria, Iraq and others. In the period 1982–1993, Fatah's leadership resided in Tunisia.^{[citation needed]}

Presidential and legislative elections[link]

Until his death, Arafat was the head of the Palestinian National Authority — the provisional entity that was created as a result of Oslo. Farouk Kaddoumi is the current Fatah chairman, elected to the post soon after Arafat's death in 2004.

Fatah has "Observer Party" status at the Socialist International.

Since 2000, the group has been a member of the Palestinian National and Islamic Forces,^[29] which includes both PLO and non-PLO factions, including Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, both listed as terrorist organizations in the West.^[30]

Fatah endorsed Mahmoud Abbas in the Palestinian presidential election of 2005.

In 2005, Hamas won in nearly all the municipalities it contested. Political analyst Salah Abdel-Shafi told BBC about the difficulties of Fatah leadership: "I think it's very, very serious – it's becoming obvious that they can't agree on anything." Fatah is "widely seen as being in desperate need of reform," as "the PA's performance has been a story of corruption and incompetence – and Fatah has been tainted."^[31]

Internal discord[link]

In December 2005, jailed Intifada leader Marwan Barghouti broke ranks with the party and announced that he had formed a new political list to run in the elections called the al-Mustaqbal ("The Future"), mainly composed of members of Fatah's "Young Guard." These younger leaders have repeatedly expressed frustration with the entrenched corruption in the party, which has been run by the "Old Guard" who returned from exile in Tunisia following the Oslo Accords. Al-Mustaqbal was to campaign against Fatah in the 2006 Palestinian legislative election, presenting a list including Mohammed Dahlan, Kadoura Fares, Samir Mashharawi and Jibril Rajoub.^[32] However, on 28 December 2005, the leadership of the two factions agreed to submit a single list to voters, headed by Barghouti, who began actively campaigning for Fatah from his jail cell.^[33][34]

There have been numerous other expressions of discontent within Fatah, which is just holding its first general congress in two decades. Because of this, the movement remains largely dominated by aging cadres from the pre-Oslo era of Palestinian politics. Several of them gained their positions through the patronage of Yasser Arafat, who balanced above the different factions, and the era after his death in 2004 has seen increased infighting among these groups, who jockey for influence over future development, the political line, funds, and constituencies. The prospect of Abbas leaving power in the coming years has also exacerbated tensions.^{[citation needed]}

There have been no open splits within the older generation of Fatah politicians since the 1980s, though there is occasional friction between members of the top leadership. One founding member, Faruq al-Qaddumi (Abu Lutf), continues to openly oppose the post-Oslo arrangements and has intensified his campaign for a more hardline position from exile in Tunis. Since Arafat's death, he is formally head of Fatah's political bureau and chairman, but his actual political following within Fatah appears limited. He has at times openly challenged the legitimacy of Abbas and harshly criticized both him and Mohammed Dahlan, but despite threats to splinter the movement, he remains in his position, and his challenges have so far been fruitless. Another influential veteran, Hani al-Hassan, has also openly criticized the present leadership.

Fatah's internal conflicts have also, due to the creation of the Palestinian Authority, merged with the turf wars between different PA security services, e.g., a longstanding rivalry between the West Bank (Jibril Rajoub) and Gaza (Muhammad Dahlan) branches of the powerful Preventive Security Service. Foreign backing for different factions contribute to conflict, e.g., with the United States generally seen as supportive of Abbas's overall leadership and of Dahlan's security influence, and Syria alleged to promote Faruq al-Qaddumi's challenge to the present leadership. The younger generations of Fatah, especially within the militant al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades, have been more prone to splits, and a number of lesser networks in Gaza and the West Bank have established themselves as either independent organizations or joined Hamas. However, such overt breaks with the movement have still been rather uncommon, despite numerous rivalries inside and between competing local Fatah groups.^{[citation needed]}

The 2009 Fatah Movement Assembly[link]

The Sixth General Assembly of the Fatah Movement, nearly 16 years after the Oslo Conference and 20 years since the last Fatah convention began on 4 August 2009, in Bethlehem, West Bank after being repeatedly postponed over conflicts ranging from who would be represented, to what venue would be acceptable.^[35] More than 2,000 delegates attended the three-day meeting.^[36]

The internal dissension was immediately obvious.^{[citation needed]} Saudi King Abdullah told Fatah delegates meeting in Bethlehem that divisions among the Palestinians were more damaging to their cause of an independent state than the Israeli "enemy."^[37]

Fatah delegates resolved not to resume Israeli-Palestinian peace talks until preconditions were met. Among the 14 preconditions, included the release of all Palestinian prisoners from Israeli jails, freezing all Israeli settlement construction, and lifting the Gaza blockade.^[38]

Some 400 Fatah members from the Gaza Strip were unable to attend the conference in Bethlehem after Hamas barred them from traveling to the West Bank.^[37]

Fatah was appealing to Palestinians who want a more hardline response to Israel by reaffirming its option for "armed resistance" against Israel.^[39] Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak described the adopted Fatah platform as not very promising. However, he added that there was no other way but to sit down and strike a deal, calling on Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to enter negotiations.

Officials on the third day of the Fatah convention in Bethlehem unanimously accepted the proposal put forth by the chairman of the Araft Institute stating that Israel had been behind the "assassination" of the late Palestinian Authority Chairman and affirmed Fatah's request for international aid to probe the issue. Deputy Foreign Minister of Israel, Danny Ayalon, said the conference was a "serious blow to peace" and "was another lost opportunity for the Palestinian leadership to adopt moderate views."^{[citation needed]}

Elections to Central Committee and Revolutionary Councils[link]

Delegates voted to fill 18 seats on the 23-seat Central Committee of Fatah, and 81 seats of the 128-seat Revolutionary Council after a week of deliberations. At least 70 new members entered the latter, with 20 seats going to Fatah representatives from the Gaza Strip, 11 seats filled by women (the highest number of votes went to one woman who spent years in Israeli jails for her role in the resistance), four seats went to Christians, and one was filled by a Jewish-born convert to Islam, Uri Davis, the first Jewish-born person to be elected to the Revolutionary Council since its founding in 1958. Fatah activists from the Palestinian diaspora were also represented and included Samir Rifai, Fatah's secretary in Syria, and Khaled Abu Usba.

Elected to the central council was Fadwa Barghouti, the wife of Marwan Barghouti who is serving five life sentences in Israel for his role in terrorist attacks on civilians in Israel during the Second Intifada.^[40]

Armed factions[link]

Fatah has maintained a number of militant groups since its founding. Its mainstream military branch is al-Assifa. Fatah is generally considered to have had a strong involvement in terrorism in the past,^{[2][3][4][5][6]} though unlike its rival Islamist faction Hamas, Fatah is no longer regarded as a terrorist organization by any government. Fatah used to be designated terrorist under Israeli law and was considered terrorist by the United States Department of State and United States Congress until it renounced terrorism in 1988.^{[41][42][43][44][45]}

Fatah has since its inception created, led or sponsored a number of armed groups and militias, some of which have had an official standing as the movement's armed wing, and some of which have not been publicly or even internally recognized as such. The group has also dominated various PLO and Palestinian Authority forces and security services which were/are not officially tied to Fatah, but in practice have served as wholly pro-Fatah armed units, and been staffed largely by members. The original name for Fatah's armed wing was al-Assifa (The Storm), and this was also the name Fatah first used in its communiques, trying for some time to conceal its identity. This name has since been applied more generally to Fatah armed forces, and does not correspond to a single unit today. Other militant groups associated with Fatah include:

• Force 17 – Force 17 was created by Yassir Arafat, and plays a role akin to the Presidential Guard for senior Fatah leaders.^{[citation needed]}
• Black September – Black September was a group formed by leading Fatah members in 1971, following the "Black September" events in Jordan, to clandestinely organize attacks that Fatah did not want to be openly associated with. These included strikes against leading Jordanian politicians, as a means of exacting vengeance and raising the price for attacking the Palestinian movement; and also, most controversially, for "international operations" (e.g. the Munich Olympics attack), intended both to put pressure on the US, European countries and Israel, and to raise the visibility of the Palestinian cause, and to upstage radical rivals such as the PFLP. Fatah publicly disassociated itself from the group, but it is widely believed that it enjoyed Arafat's direct or tacit backing. It was discontinued in 1973–1974, as Fatah's political line shifted again, and the Black September operations and the strategy behind them were seen as having become a political liability, rather than an asset.
• Fatah Hawks – The Fatah Hawks was an armed militia active mainly until the mid-90s.
• Tanzim – The Tanzim (Organization) was a branch of Fatah under the leadership of Marwan Barghouti, with roots in the activism of the First Intifada, which carried out armed attacks in the early days of the Second Intifada. It has later been subsumed by or sidlined by the al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade.
• Al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigades – The al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades were created in the Second Intifada to bolster the organization's militant standing vis-à-vis the rival Hamas movement, which had taken the lead in attacks on Israel after 1993, and was gaining rapidly in popularity with the advent of the Intifada. The Brigades are locally organized and have been said to suffer from poor cohesion and internal discipline, at times ignoring ceasefires and other initiatives announced by the central Fatah leadership. They are generally seen as tied to the "young guard" of Fatah politics, organizing young members on the street level, but it is not clear that they form a faction in themselves inside Fatah politics; rather, different Brigades units may be tied to different Fatah factional leaders.

See also[link]

• Israeli-Palestinian conflict
• List of political parties in the Palestinian National Authority
• List of Fatah members
• Palestinian Civil War (disambiguation)
• West Bank
• Hamas-Fatah conflict
• Palestinian political violence

References[link]

• Baumgarten, Helga (2005). "The three faces/phases of Palestinian nationalism, 1948–2005". Journal of Palestine Studies 34 (4): 25–48. DOI:10.1525/jps.2005.34.4.25. 

Bibliography[link]

• Seale, Patrick (1992). Abu Nidal: a gun for hire. Random House. ISBN 0-679-40066-4. http://www.naderlibrary.com/lit.abunidalpatseale.4.htm. 

External links[link]

• Fatah's Intellectual office website
• Fatah's Constitution
• Al-Krama Newspaper (Fatah's PR Office) (in Arabic)
• Definition of Fatah
• Interview on Radio France International Fatah Central Committee member Abdallah Al Frangi
• Collection of over 300 Fatah posters
• The 2009 Fatah Charter
• Haghshenas, Seyyed Ali, "social and political structure of Lebanon and its influence on appearance of Amal Movement, " Iran, Tehran.2009
• Attacks attributed to FATAH on the START terrorism database

v t e Political parties in the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) Major parties Fatah Hamas Minor parties Palestine Democratic Union (FIDA) Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) Palestinian National Initiative (PNI) Palestinian People's Party (PPP) Palestinian Popular Struggle Front (PPSF/PSF) Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command The Future Third Way As-Sa'iqa Arab Liberation Front Palestinian Arab Front Palestinian Islamic Jihad Palestine Liberation Front Portal:Politics List of political parties Politics of the Palestinian National Authority

Tarek Fatah
Tarek Fatah
Born	November 20, 1949 Karachi, Pakistan
Nationality	Canadian
Alma mater	University of Karachi
Occupation	political activist, writer, and broadcaster

Tarek Fatah (Urdu: طارق فتح) (born November 20, 1949), is a Canadian political activist, writer, and broadcaster. He is the author of Chasing a Mirage: The Tragic Illusion of an Islamic State^[1] published by John Wiley & Sons. In the book Fatah challenges the notion that the establishment of an Islamic state is a necessary prerequisite to entering the state of Islam. He suggests that the idea of an Islamic state is merely a mirage that Muslims have been made to chase for over a millennium. Chasing a Mirage was shortlisted for the $35,000 Donner Prize for 2008–09.^[2]

Fatah's second book, titled The Jew Is Not My Enemy: Unveiling the Myths that Fuel Muslim Anti-Semitism,^[3] was published by McClelland & Stewart in October 2010. The book won the 2010 Annual Helen and Stan Vine Canadian Book Award in Politics and History.

In May 2009, Fatah joined CFRB 1010. Later that fall, he joined John Moore's morning show as a contributor.^[4] Currently, he hosts "The Tarek Fatah Show" on CFRB NewsTalk 1010' on Sundays.

Fatah is the founder of the Muslim Canadian Congress. Fatah advocates gay rights, a separation of religion and state, opposition to sharia law, and advocacy for a "liberal, progressive form" of Islam. Some of his activism and statements have met with considerable criticism from Canadian Muslim groups.

Personal life[link]

Born in Karachi, Pakistan, Fatah was a student Marxist leftist radical in the 1960s and 1970s. Although he graduated with a degree in biochemistry from the University of Karachi, Fatah entered journalism as a reporter for the Karachi Sun in 1970, and was an investigative journalist for Pakistani Television. He left Pakistan and settled in Saudi Arabia, before emigrating to Canada.

Fatah married Nargis Tapal, and they have two daughters, Natasha and Nazia. Natasha Fatah is a producer for CBC Radio's As It Happens. His younger daughter Nazia Fatah, who is autistic, is a partner in a co-operative catering business for young adults with disabilities. In February, 2011, it was discovered Fatah had a massive tumour on his spine and underwent surgery to remove it. He has recovered and is currently considered cancer free.

Political activity[link]

He became involved in the Ontario New Democratic Party (NDP) and worked on the staff of Premier Bob Rae. Fatah was an NDP candidate in the 1995 provincial election but was unsuccessful. He subsequently worked for Howard Hampton. In July 2006, he left the NDP to support Bob Rae's candidacy for the Liberal Party of Canada's leadership. In an opinion piece published in Toronto's Now Magazine, Fatah wrote that he decided to leave the NDP because of the establishment of a "faith caucus" which he believes will open the way for religious fundamentalists to enter the party.^[5] However, after Rae's defeat by Stéphane Dion, Fatah condemned similar racial and religious organizing activity in the Liberal Party, arguing in a Globe and Mail editorial that Tamil, Sikh, Kurdish and Islamist Muslim leaders had engaged in "racial and religious exploitation" to "sell" the votes of their blocs of delegates "to the highest bidder."^[6]

At a press conference on October 2, 2008, Fatah sharply criticized the New Democratic Party (NDP). Fatah stated that he was a lifetime social democrat who had supported the NDP for 17 years but that he could no longer be affiliated with that party. He stated that the NDP began opening its doors to Islamists under Alexa McDonough and now, under Jack Layton, he has seen them "flood" into the party. Fatah stated that Islamists in the NDP have pursued a campaign to instill a sense of victimhood in Muslim youth.^[7]

Media activity[link]

From 1996 he hosted Muslim Chronicle, a Toronto-based current affairs discussion show focusing on the Muslim community. This program is no longer managed by Fatah, and another Muslim organization has ostensibly taken over the TV time available to him.^{[citation needed]} Fatah interviewed notables such as journalist Husain Haqqani, author Tariq Ali, and Mubin Shaikh on his program, which aired on the Crossroads Television System on Saturday nights at 8:00 PM.

Fatah has also written opinion pieces for various publications including TIME Magazine, the Toronto Star, the National Post and the Globe and Mail.

He has also been a guest host of TVO's The Agenda filling in for Steve Paikin. In February 2007, Fatah was included by Maclean's magazine on a list of 50 Canadians described as "Canada’s most well known and respected personalities.".^[8] In December 2008, Canada's largest circulating newspaper, the Toronto Star, suggested to Prime Minister Stephen Harper that he appoint Fatah to one of the vacant seats in the Canadian Senate.^[9] Toronto Star's senior editor Bob Hepburn wrote this about Fatah: "A prominent spokesperson for secular and progressive Muslim issues who would bring a much-needed unique perspective to the Senate."

From May to September 2009, Fatah co-hosted the "Strong Opinions Show" on Toronto's CFRB 1010. After the show's cancellation he joined CFRB's Moore in the Morning program as a commentator.

Starting in September, 2010, Fatah joined Ryan Doyle as a co-host of "Friendly Fire," the evening show on CFRB 1010

Muslim Canadian Congress[link]

He was one of the founders of the Muslim Canadian Congress in 2001 and served as its communications director and spokesperson until 2006. In this capacity, he has spoken out against the introduction of Sharia law as an option for Muslims in civil law in Ontario, Sharia banking in Canada, which he has described as a 'con-job', promoted social liberalism in the Muslim community and the separation of religion from the state, and endorsed same-sex marriage. He resigned as the communications director of the MCC in August 2006, claiming that his public profile as a socially liberal Muslim had put him and his family at risk.^{[citation needed]}

The large majority of the founding members left the Muslim Canadian Congress over the years. This culminated in a dramatic split in the summer of 2006 when the remaining founders, including the entire executive and several other Board members left to form the Canadian Muslim Union (CMU). According to the Globe and Mail,^[10] the split occurred when some members of the MCC's former board marched in a Toronto anti-war rally where banners and photographs supporting Hezbollah's Hassan Nasrallah and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad were paraded. While the current members of the MCC wanted nothing to do with Hezbollah, it was claimed that other executive members participated or supported the demonstrations, and resigned and formed the new CMU the next day.

This version of events is challenged in the resignation statement published by the exiting board members, which cited their belief that the Muslim Canadian Congress could no longer achieve its goal of influencing the Muslim community.^[11] According to some who split with Fatah, he and other Board members had participated in several earlier demonstrations where the same banners were displayed by some members of the crowd, including two just weeks before the split.

The CMU's philosophy of Liberal Islam is similar to the MCC's, but with an intention to work "with and within the Muslim community", as opposed to MCC's tendency to attack the Muslim community from outside.^{[citation needed]}

Break with Irshad Manji[link]

In 2003, Fatah engaged in a high-profile break with Irshad Manji in the pages of the Globe and Mail in which he repudiated the thanks she gave him in the acknowledgment section of her book The Trouble with Islam. Fatah wrote of Manji's book that it "is not addressed to Muslims; it is aimed at making Muslim-haters feel secure in their thinking."^[12] Manji replied saying that he told her in front of witnesses that "This book was written by the Jews for the Jews!"^[13]

However, Fatah recently said that he regrets his remarks and that he was unfair in slamming Manji's book. He now says that she was "right about the systematic racism in the Muslim world" and that "there were many redeeming points in her memoir, which I overlooked in my rush to judge it."^{[dead link]}

Tarek Fatah and Imam Sheharyar Shaikh[link]

Fatah was criticized after he failed to appear for a scheduled debate with Imam Sheharyar Shaikh, the President of North American Muslim Foundation (NAMF) and Imam of Masjid Qurtabah, despite confirming his attendance two hours prior to the scheduled start time. A heavily advertised debate was scheduled for January 21, 2011.^[14] Shaikh, who has openly defended polygamy and opposed secular education for Muslims, is a sharp critic of Fatah's moderate views. Fatah later stated that he cancelled his appearance because the moderator was changed shortly before the event was to begin, angering Mr. Fatah, who described the audience as “hostile.” His associates with the Muslim Canadian Congress then requested one of their replacement moderators be called in, angering Farooq Khan, executive director of NAMF, who described MCC members as full of “hyperbole and imaginary fear.” Fatah also claimed that he was warned by police of threats to his safety, though he added he has no proof.^[15]

Israel and the Middle East[link]

Denunciation of Iranian President[link]

In October 2005, Fatah, in his role as communications director of the Muslim Canadian Congress, denounced Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for calling for the destruction of Israel.^[16]

Fatah stated that "The mullahs who control Iran with an iron grip merely use the pain of the Palestinian occupation for their own advantage in diverting people's attention from other pressing matters. They talk about wiping out Israel, but in reality the only people they have wiped out are fellow Iranians by the tens of thousands. After a reign of terror that killed thousands and drove many more into exile, they have used torture, arbitrary arrest, vigilante justice and murder to silence fellow Muslims in Iran."^[16]

Fatah added that Ahmadinejad "insults Islam by usurping it to serve his own narrow political interests" and that "with friends like the Iranian ruling ayatollahs, the Palestinians do not need enemies."^[16]

Opposition to Israeli policies[link]

Although Fatah condemned Ahmadinejad for calling for Israel's destruction, he also stated that "we cannot remain silent about Israel's continued occupation of Palestinian territories."^[16] While Fatah believes in Israel's right to exist, he has called the Israeli occupation as "illegal" and "immoral". He believes Israel is fueling antisemitism.^[17]

The Muslim Canadian Congress, which Tarek Fatah founded and led till August 2006, supported the campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions against Israel as of May 2006. The Congress also compared Israeli policies to South African apartheid.^[18]

Opposition to US war in Iraq[link]

Fatah also condemned US President George W. Bush "for posturing as a deliverer of freedom while occupying Iraq." Regarding Iraq, Fatah wrote that "both Iran and the U.S. have helped destroy a nation."^[16]

Comments on Islam and Muslims[link]

Islamic radicalism[link]

In a discussion hosted by the Globe and Mail in 2007, Fatah stated that "most of the Islamic radicalism that you see today stems from the empowering of Saudi based Jihadi groups that were funded and backed by the U.S. and the CIA throughout the Afghan war against the Soviet Union."^[19]

Fatah argues that "Most secular and liberal institutions were destroyed piece by piece and what we are left with is the result of huge amounts of cash and weapons in the hands of the Taliban type, or Al-Qaeda groups that get their intellectual sustenance from the political teachings of the Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan Al-Banna and the leader of the Jamaat-e-Islami, Abul ala Maudoodi, both of who preached Jehad as an obligation for all Muslims if they saw another Muslim under attack."^[19]

He has stated that converts adopting the niqab face covering is indicative of joining "a cult", and offensive to Islam.^[20]

Support for the Quran and opposition to Shariah[link]

Fatah stressed that "The poison is not coming from the Quran, but from the man-made shariah laws of the 8th and 9th centuries as well as the works of such 20th century scholars as Syed Qutb, Hassan Banna and Maudoodi" and that "The swamp that needs to be drained is the swamp created by Saudi Arabia and Iran and their call for imposition of Shariah."^[19]

Statement that Islam does not need to be reformed[link]

Fatah also stated that "it is not Islam that needs to be reformed, it is the need for Muslims to reconcile with modernity and the notion of the secular nation state … Unfortunately, whereas the religious right in Islam is well funded and well organised, the liberal secular Muslim is too busy leading a 9-to-5 life, paying his mortgage and providing for his family and thus has no time or resources to challenge the Islamist extremists."^[19]

Location of Cordoba House Mosque[link]

Writing with author Raheel Raza, a fellow board member of the Muslim Canadian Congress, about the location of the proposed Cordoba House mosque near Ground Zero, he stated:

We Muslims know the ... mosque is meant to be a deliberate provocation, to thumb our noses at the infidel. The proposal has been made in bad faith, ... as "Fitna," meaning "mischief-making" that is clearly forbidden in the Koran.... As Muslims we are dismayed that our co-religionists have such little consideration for their fellow citizens, and wish to rub salt in their wounds and pretend they are applying a balm to sooth the pain.^[21]

Honour killing[link]

In November 2011, 60 Muslim groups and two dozen imams endorsed a statement that called for action against domestic violence, condemned honour killing as a notion that had "absolutely nothing to do with Islam". Tarek Fatah refused to endorse the statement, according to the National Post, arguing that the statement didn't address gender inequality and that honour killing has roots in Islam. According to Fatah Islam deems the relationship of an unmarried woman as "adultery" and imams must distance themselves from punishing such actions by death.^[22]

Praise of Tarek Fatah[link]

Michael Coren, a Catholic television host, has praised Fatah for being "brave" enough to admit the "faults and failings" of Islam.^[23]

For writing the book The Jew Is Not My Enemy, which discusses "Muslim animosity towards the Jewish people", Fatah has been awarded the Helen and Stan Vine Canadian Book Award in Politics and History.^[23]

Criticism of Tarek Fatah[link]

Wael Haddara, president of the Muslim Association of Canada, said that he "respect[s]" Fatah for his passion but that it was "hard, if not downright impossible, to find something positive that he has ever said about Muslims." As a result, Haddara argues, Muslims are no longer listening to Fatah.^[23]

Imam Syed Soharwardy of Calgary said that while Fatah's views are valuable, he stereotypes. According to Soharwardy, Fatah uses the behavior of a few extremists and considers it representative of the whole of Islam.^[23]

Position on homosexuality[link]

Fatah stated that "The issue that has resulted in all the threats and allegations against us is our support for same-sex marriage. It's the central point on which the Muslim Canadian Congress and I have faced outright hostility, verging on violence. There is near unanimity in any religious group that this is the ultimate sin and, for them, this amounts to the ultimate betrayal." Regarding Islam and homosexuality, Fatah stated that "Our human rights cannot revolve around religion. It's not about our rights, it's about human rights."^[24]

Fatah also criticized the support of some gay and lesbian Muslims for Hezbollah, "There's the sudden romanticization of Hezbollah. But I cannot walk with, cannot even build a coalition with, a group which thinks gays and lesbians should be killed… I haven't ever heard them condemn what's happening in Iran and Saudi Arabia. I would like to see a demonstration outside the Iranian embassy by the gay and lesbian community."^[24]

Criticism of Ontario Human Rights Commission (OHRC)[link]

In April 2008, the Ontario Human Rights Commission (OHRC) dismissed a complaint about allegedly Islamophobic articles in Maclean's magazine. However, the commission denounced the newsweekly for publishing articles that were "inconsistent with the spirit" of the Ontario Human Rights Code, and doing "serious harm" to Canadian society by "promoting societal intolerance" and disseminating "destructive, xenophobic opinions."^[25]

Fatah stated that for the Commission "to refer to Maclean's magazine and journalists as contributing to racism is bullshit, if you can use that word" and that the Commission has unfairly taken sides against freedom of speech in a dispute within the Canadian Muslim community between moderates and fundamentalists. "There are within the staff [of the Ontario Human Rights Commission], and among the commissioners, hardline Islamic supporters of Islamic extremism, and this [handling of the Maclean's case] reflects their presence over there" and that "In the eyes of the Ontario human rights commission, the only good Muslim is an Islamist Muslim. As long as we hate Canada, we will be cared for. As soon as we say Canada is our home and we have to defend her traditions, freedoms and secular democracy, we will be considered as the outside."^[25]

In a press conference on October 2, 2008, Fatah stated that the OHRC has been "infiltrated by Islamists" and that some of its commissioners are closely linked to the Canadian Islamic Congress and the Canadian Arab Federation, both of which, according to Fatah, have "contempt for Canadian values."^[7]

Canadian Islamic Congress (CIC)[link]

Mohamed Elmasry[link]

Regarding a controversy in October 2004 involving CIC President Mohamed Elmasry, in which Elmasry stated that all Israelis over 18 are legitimate targets, Fatah stated that "…to believe all Israelis are targets is the height of hypocrisy" and called on Elmasry to resign from the CIC.^[26]

Fatah also stated that: "In refusing to step aside, Elmasry and the CIC have demonstrated the authoritarian and dictatorial nature of their structure.…They purport to speak for Canada's 600,000 Muslims, but are not accountable or answerable to them.…We demand he [Elmasry] not…masquerade as leader of the community."^[27]

Fatah wrote that "Elmasry accused his Muslim opponents of being traitors to their faith—an allegation that is read as a charge of apostasy, with all its ugly consequences" and that "It is especially sad that Mohamed Elmasry and his allies have chosen the holy month of Ramadan to launch their broadside on progressive Muslims."^[28]

In June 2006, Elmasry named four public figures – Fatah among them – of taking every opportunity to bad-mouth Islam. Specifically, Elmasry stated that Fatah is "well known in Canada for smearing Islam and bashing Muslims." Fatah blasted Elmasry, stating that "[t]his is a classic threat to label anyone as an apostate and then marginalize them," … "and this is what Mr. Elmasry has done by listing me as the top anti-Islam Muslim." Fatah stated that he views the label from Elmasry as tantamount to a death sentence. However, some Islamic scholars disagreed with Fatah's characterization of Elmasry's comments. Leonard Librande, professor of religion at Carleton University, told CTV News "There's nothing particularly Islamic in this… There are differences of opinion frequently in the community. It doesn't mean somebody is going to kill you."^[29]

However, Fatah has argued that "in the Muslim world … allegations of apostasy are used to silence critics and human rights workers" and that "Some interpretations of Sharia call for apostates to be killed. Such views have forced many Muslims to flee their countries of birth and take refuge in tolerant Western nations such as Canada. To now find ourselves harassed in Canada by some Muslims here is alarming and ironic."^[28]

Fatah supported his concern by noting that a book, distributed for free at a Toronto Conference in September 2005 by the Islamic Council of North America, stated that "Jihad is as much a primary duty as are daily prayers or fasting. One who avoids it is a sinner. His every claim to being a Muslim is doubtful. He is plainly a hypocrite who fails in the test of sincerity and all his acts of worship are a sham, a worthless, hollow show of deception."^[28]

Wahida Valiante[link]

Wahida C. Valiante, President of the Canadian Islamic Congress, told the Globe and Mail that "Tarek Fatah's views are diametrically opposed to most Muslims. There is a tremendous amount of discussion in the community. His point of view contradicts the fundamentals of Islam." ^[30] Fatah has written to the RCMP to complain about the CIC's article claiming that it "is as close as one can get to issuing a death threat as it places me as an apostate and blasphemer."^[31]

Canadian Arab Federation (CAF)[link]

In February 2009, Fatah sharply criticized the Canadian Arab Federation (CAF) in an article published in the National Post. Fatah, who received the CAF's highest award in December 2001, stated that the CAF's current leadership has turned the organization "into a mouthpiece for Hamas and Hezbollah in Canada." Fatah stated that the CAF used to sponsor debates on the pros and cons of the Oslo peace accord but today labels "any backer of the two-state solution [as] a traitor to the Muslim cause."^[32]

Fatah opened by sharply criticizing CAF President Khaled Mouammar for calling Immigration Minister Jason Kenney a "professional whore" because Mr. Kenney criticized the display of Hamas and Hezbollah flags at a CAF-backed protest rally. Fatah also claimed that the CAF also referred to Liberal leader Michael Ignatieff by the same label. Fatah also criticized Mouammar for sending out an email during 2006 Liberal party leadership campaign which stated that "[Bob] Rae's wife is a vice-president of the CJC Canadian Jewish Congress, a lobby group which supports Israeli apartheid." Fatah also stated that Mouammar sent Muslim delegates a flyer that stated: "Bob Rae supports Israeli apartheid. Don't elect a leader who supports apartheid."^[32]

Fatah stated that CAF's vice-president in Ontario, Ali Mallah, referred to the Muslim Canadian Congress in an online forum as "house negros (sic)." He also claimed that Mallah sent out an e-mail message that was headlined: "Dion, Rae & Cotler: pro-Apartheid & anti-Human Rights." Fatah claimed the message also contained the following remarks:

Liberal Leader Stéphane Dion's handpicked human rights critic, Irwin Cotler, advises Israeli military officials on war planning, on how to spin the media following Israeli war crimes and on how to oppose Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights; 2 Dion's handpicked critic for foreign affairs and co-writer of the Liberal party platform, the unelected Bob Rae is a committee member of the Racist Jewish National Fund. As Israel's leading newspaper Ha'aretz reports: "it's well known that the 'national institutions'—the Jewish Agency and Jewish National Fund—primarily exist to enable institutional discrimination based on ethnicity.^[32]

Fatah also claimed that Mallah attacked him personally, claiming that he has "no shred of decency of integrity left" and claiming that he served "Zionist masters."^[32]

Fatah concluded by stating that Canada's Arab community should demand that Khaled Mouammar and Ali Mallah step down and "not bring further shame to their community." He then called for a new leadership in the tradition of former leaders John Asfour Jim Kafieh, Jehad Aliweiwi and Raja Khouri.."^[32]

Response[link]

In response to Fatah's article, CAF Vice-President Ali Mallah emailed a response to a large group of recipients. The National Post later posted it in its original form. In the message Mallah wrote that:

Tarek Fatah has earned the the [sic] perfect description by Late Malcom X and prove to be a very loyal "house Negro". In this desperate attempt to malign CAF on the pages of Zionist mouth piece National Post, he is saying one thing correct: Yes, CAF awarded him that award, but that was when Tarek Fatah was cheating his way through and pretending to be pro-palestine, pro-social justice, pro-multiculturalis m and Anti-Liberal Party…etc (I am sure that every one knows this sell out, is fully aware of the shameless transformation of this sorry case of human being). I admit that I was duped by his fake lies and nominated him for that award. Now, since he is totally exposed and has no cloth left, He should return that Award as he does not deserve the honour associated with it.^[33]

Threats[link]

Fatah says he has been attacked for his views, verbally at an Islamic conference in 2003 where dozens of young Muslim men mobbed him while a cleric shouted out that he had insulted the Prophet Muhammad's name and in 2006 when he was accosted on Yonge Street by a man who accused him of being an apostate. His car windows have also been smashed.^[31] On August 4, 2006, Fatah announced his resignation as the MCC's communications director because of concerns for his safety and the safety of his family, stating that "it's not just for me. It's for my wife and my daughters."^[34][35]

In early 2011, Fatah received a threat via Twitter from a sender signed herself as Mariama AnnaLitical, who included a picture of herself wearing a purple hijab, stating that "This is an open threat to Xaar Boy @Tarek Fatah...I know where you live & and where your office is.” She later sent a second Twitter message, reiterating that "This is an open threat. I know where you live/work @TarekFatah.” Fatah contacted the Toronto Police Department and later met with two uniformed policemen from 51 Division. However, Fatah stated that barely one minute later, that "Two men entered the room and told everybody else to leave. They did not identify themselves, but five minutes into what amounted to a two-hour interrogation, I realized they were police intelligence officers. One of them, I recognized by reputation – a Muslim officer who had shut down a previous investigation into a death threat against me in 2008." After the intelligence officers left, Fatah stated that "the original officers confided to me that it was unusual for “intel” to act before a report had even been filed. I realized this was now about politics, and nothing would be done to help me. Later that night, the same Muslim officer called me to say AnnaLitical posed no danger. “She didn’t mean to say it,” the officer said. I asked if any charges were laid. “No,” he said. “I didn’t think it was necessary.”"^[36][37]

Fatah sharply criticized the Toronto Police over this incident, stating that:

"The Toronto police, in their wish to promote an image of diversity and outreach, have dedicated themselves to serving and protecting the the [sic] radical Islamist elements within our city. Meanwhile, Muslims like myself, who do their best to promote the equality and respect that the police claim to cherish, are left without legal protection when radicals explicitly and publicly threaten us with violence. In Toronto, anybody can issue an “open threat” against a man laying helpless in a hospital bed and be assured they will not face charges, so long as the person making the threat is a black Muslim woman wearing a hijab."^[36]

On October 9th, 2011 Tarek Fatah reported on his Facebook page that he had received threats from a Kahane Chai member warning him that if he does not within "48 hours" make his Facebook status: "I accept Israel as a Jewish state", or else his party would be over. On his weekly talk show with Newstalk 1010 he brushed off the threat and hosted Zach Paikin who provided in-depth analysis into radical Jewish groups in Canada, such as the Jewish Defence League and Kahane Chai.^[38]

Authorship[link]

Fatah is the author of Chasing a Mirage: The Tragic Illusion of an Islamic State, published in 2008. In the book Fatah challenges the notion that the establishment of an Islamic state is a necessary prerequisite to entering the state of Islam. He suggests that the idea of an Islamic state is merely a mirage that Muslims have been made to chase for over a millennium.

The Toronto Star introduced the book to its readers as "A cri de coeur… succinctly yet with power." In a review of a chapter in the book titled, "The Prophet is Dead," the Toronto Star said, "Fatah had broached the mother of all taboos."^[39]

Emran Qureshi wrote a critique of the book in the Globe and Mail.^[40] The book was praised by the Mackenzie Institute, which stated that it is "is a direct challenge to the fanatics of the Wahhabi, Deobandi, and Khomeinist traditions. His exposition is solidly rooted in the oldest texts and histories of Islam and argues that the pursuit of an imperial Islamic state has soiled the religion, and violates the intentions of Mohammed himself."^[41]

In February, 2011, Fatah was scheduled to have a debate with Imam Sheheryar Shaikh of the North American Muslim Foundation (NAMF). Amidst much controversy, Fatah did not show up for the debate event and left many of his supporters disappointed.

On March 31, 2009, the Donner Foundation announced "Chasing a Mirage" had been shortlisted for their $35,000 prize awarded to non-fiction texts covering public policy.^[2]

References[link]

External links[link]

• Transcript of Fatah being interviewed by CNN's Glenn Beck
• The Macleans.ca Interview: Tarek Fatah, Kate Lunau, Macleans, November 29, 2007
• Special feature interview with Tarek Fatah - November 4, 2010

Zafar Bangash
Bangash in 2009
Born	1950[1]
Occupation	Imam

Zafar Bangash (Urdu: ظفر بنگش) is a noted Islamic movement journalist and commentator and a leader of the Muslim community in Toronto, Canada, and a strong advocate of Muslim unity.^[2]

Bangash is Director of the Institute of Contemporary Islamic Thought (ICIT),^[3] and president of the Islamic Society of York Region, a suburb of Toronto. He is Imam^[4] at the Islamic Society of York Region's Mosque and community centre in Richmond Hill, Ontario. He is a former editor of Crescent International newsmagazine, and a Trustee and formerly assistant director of the Muslim Institute, London, where he worked with Dr Kalim Siddiqui (1931–1996), the founder of the Muslim Institute and Leader of the Muslim Parliament of Great Britain. Bangash is also co-founder of the Muslim Unity Group.^[5][6]

He is best known for his commentaries current affairs while editor of Crescent International. Though he stepped down as editor since joining the ICIT, he continues as a columnist and contributor to Crescent.

Activities[link]

In 2007, as a spokesperson for the Muslim Unity Group in Toronto, Bangash appeared with other Muslim leaders at a Toronto press conference calling for the Ontario government and Toronto District School Board to address the problem of increased harassment of Muslims and racial minorities since 9-11.^[6]

He was the keynote speaker at a 2007 Marxist conference in Toronto prompting Bangash critic Tarek Fatah of the liberal Muslim Canadian Congress to comment "For atheists, considered worthy of the death penalty by Islamists, to team up with their ultimate opponents in attacking Canadian civic society, demonstrates the fundamental bankruptcy of these two political ideologies."^[3] Bangash justified his collaboration with secular leftists saying "The issues of justice, inequality and poverty are common themes we can work together on. They are concerns of conscience."^[3]

Bangash was the focus of controversy when his association with a planned mosque in Newmarket, Ontario was used as a rallying point by opponents attempting to convince the municipality to rescind zoning approval for the building. A group called "Concerned Citizens Against Terror for Citizens of Newmarket" led by Ron Banerjee of the Hindu Conference of Canada and Meir Weinstein of the Jewish Defence League organized protests and a public meeting against the mosque's construction. Banerjee claimed that Bangash himself posed a "clear and present danger to the safety and security" of the country. The protest group was accused by one community member of not being members of the community and coming in from outside for the purpose of "stirring the pot".^[7] Mosque leaders have said that while Bangash is president of the Islamic Society of York Region to which the new mosque belongs, he is not the mosque's imam and has no direct involvement with the facility.^[8]

In June 2007, the Canadian Arab Federation (CAF) honoured Bangash at a gala dinner for his "unwavering" support of Palestine. CAF President Khaled Mouammar also defended Bangash, stating that "he is a man of dignity" and that "he has no blood on his hands like those Israeli war criminals who come to Canada and are received by our politicians, like Ariel Sharon." ^[9]

On February 14, 2010, at a conference entitled "Media War on Islam," Bangash stated the "Israeli-owned" International Consultants on Targeted Security runs security at Amsterdam airport, and therefore "the Israelis are in control of security," and thus allowed Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab to board a Detroitbound plane with concealed exposives.^[10]

Views[link]

Islamic revolution[link]

Bangash is a staunch supporter of the 1979 Islamic revolution in Iran^[11] and has called for Islamic revolutions in other countries, stating that "Muslims must strive to overthrow the oppressive systems in their societies through Islamic revolutions, and not by participating in fraudulent elections organized by the elites operating through various political parties that actually divide the people."^[12] Tarek Fatah describes him as the "unofficial spokesperson for the Iranian regime in Canada." ^[12] However, Bangash has denied being an advocate of creating an Islamic theocracy telling the Toronto Star "I am suggesting not necessarily an Iranian-style theocracy but I am advocating that people in the Muslim world should get rid of their corrupt regimes in the same way as the people of Iran got rid of the corrupt regime of the shah, of course."^[7]

Homosexuality[link]

In 2004, the Toronto District School Board proposed the introduction of "anti-homophobia education" at a downtown Toronto school. Bangash supported the right of Muslim parents to exclude their children from classes discussing families with same-sex parents. "We don't want our children subject to that kind of thinking. It's very clear in our belief that marriage is between a man and a woman. It goes against the core beliefs of Muslims; our understanding springs directly from the Qur'an," said Bangash.^[13]

United States[link]

Bangash opposes the United States calling it "the greediest, most exploitative, most manipulative, most hypocritical and most ruthless power that the world has ever known." ^[12] He has also written that "unless the US and Israel realise that their murderous policies, far from cowing the Muslims, will only intensify hatred for them, there will be peace neither in the Muslim world nor for the US and its zionist surrogate, Israel."^[14]

In an interview with on the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), Bangash stated that:

"the imam's [Ayatollah Khomeini] designation of the U.S. as a great Satan was very precise. It emerged from a very careful study and understanding of the behaviour of the United States government and its policies down the generations...It has perpetrated over there [in Iraq] under the guise of delivering democracy and freedom when tens of thousands if not hundred of thousands of innocent people have been murdered in cold blood similar crimes are being perpetrated in Palestine by the US support of the Zionist occupiers of Palestine... It is an evil power that it needs to be dealt with and it needs to be continued and put in its place."^[15]

He told the National Post that he believes that the U.S. government knew of Osama bin Laden's plans to launch the 9/11 attacks in advance and allowed them to occur in order to provide a pretext for attacking Afghanistan.^[8]

In an interview with the Islam Times, Bangash stated that "There is little doubt that the US is in terminal decline. Financially it is bankrupt and living on borrowed money. Its military has been defeated in Iraq and Afghanistan and stretched to the limit...Politically, the US is virtually in a state of civil war." He further stated that "As the US and the West suffer defeat at the hands of Muslims in such places as Iraq, Afghanistan, Lebanon and elsewhere, they will become more oppressive toward Muslims living in their midst." He also stated that the decline of the United States "offers a great opportunity for Muslims to reclaim the high moral ground in global politics and lead errant humanity to its salvation."^[16]

Israeli-Palestinian conflict[link]

In an article published in 2001, Banagash rejected the idea of a two-state solution or a power-sharing arrangement between Jews and Palestinians; Bangash referred to Israelis as "thieves and bandits from Europe and America" and should go "back where they came from:the US, Canada Europe, Russia, or whoever is willing to take them in." ^[11][17] Bangash has also stated that "Zionist thugs will have to vacate every inch of Palestine if there is to be justice (and therefore peace) in that tortured land."^[18] At the Toronto Peace & Justice Conference in March 2006, Bangash gave a speech in which he stated that "for the state of Israel, peace would mean when all the Palestinians have been put into the graveyard, six feet down."^[19]

On the question of suicide bombing Bangash told the Vancouver Sun that he opposes the targeting of innocent civilians. He argues that suicide bombing is an act of desperation by a people who do not have the tanks, aircraft and advanced weaponry - "it's the Israelis who have them, they are using them, and people under occupation have the right under international law to resist their occupiers." He also claimed that suicide bombers usually attack military targets.^[20]

At an Al-Quds Day Rally at Queen's Park in August 2011, Bangash stated that "This black man in the White House, Barack Obama... He would rather have Americans starve to death but he cannot say no to the Zionist parasitical state...That is what makes them racists, that is what makes them inhuman, that is what makes them barbarians."^[21]

2006 Israel-Lebanon War[link]

Bangash was active in protests against the 2006 Israel-Lebanon war at one point eliciting cheers when he announced the number of Israeli soldiers killed by Hezbollah forces during the conflict.^[22]

Criticism of Taliban and Osama bin Laden[link]

Bangash has criticized the Taliban and Osama bin Laden saying their strategy was "the most stupid approach to take because you cannot convince the U.S. by attacking the U.S. You cannot force the U.S. to change its policies; you have to change your own situation in Muslim countries."^[11] He has also criticized Bin Laden's call for jihad against the West saying "An individual cannot issue a jihad... Only highly qualified scholars respected through the Muslim world can do that, not somebody sitting on some mountain."^[23]

Canadian intervention in Afghanistan[link]

Bangash has spoken out at rallies against Canada's role in the invasion of Afghanistan calling for a national referendum on Canada's continued participation in the war.^[5]

Relationship with non-Muslims[link]

Bangash told the Toronto Star that when his Richmond Hill mosque opened, he and his congregation "went out of our way to contact the neighbours, contact the churches, Jewish groups, all kinds of people. We have invited to this centre United Church ministers to come and speak, Mennonite pastors to come and speak."^[12] In 2005, the mosque held a service in which every member of the congregation was asked to bring someone who was non-Muslim. Speaking to reporter Michael Valpy, Bangash said that the mosque was packed and that “The congregation was thrilled by the result". Following the 9-11 attacks a Mennonite pastor, Gordon Alton, contacted the mosque. Bangash, in his words, "stretched the rules of Islam" to the limit and asked Alton to preach at the mosque. “I think never in history had that been done before,” Bangash said, “but I felt we needed to return [his] gesture.”^[24]

Peter Leibovitch, who is Jewish and a long-time friend of Bangash, has defended him against his critics saying "we live in a free society and have the right to different positions," adding that many in the Jewish community don't support decisions made by the Israeli government. "And a lot of Jews are not happy with (U.S. President) George Bush's new militarism... Zafar Bangash doesn't agree with American foreign policy nor do millions of Canadians. I didn't know it's a crime not to agree with George Bush."^[25]

References[link]

External links[link]

• IRIB radio
• [1]
• 1989 Four-way interview with Norman Finkelstein, Wolf Blitzer, and Lawrence Martin Jenco

Alaa Abd El-Fattah علاء عبدالفتاح
Born	علاء أحمد سيف عبد الفتاح (1981-11-18) 18 November 1981 (age 30)[1] Cairo, Egypt
Residence	Cairo
Nationality	Egyptian
Ethnicity	Egyptian
Religion	Muslim
Spouse	Manal
Children	Khaled
Parents	Ahmad Seif and Laila Suief
Relatives	Mona Seif (sister)
Website
manalaa.net

Alaa Abd El-Fattah (Arabic: علاء أحمد سيف عبد الفتاح‎, IPA: [ʕæˈlæːʔ ˈæħmæd ˈseːf ʕæbdelfatˈtæːħ]; also presented in English as Alaa Abdel Fattah) is an Egyptian blogger, software developer, and political activist. He is known for co-founding along with his wife Manal Hassan, daughter of activist Bahi El-Din Hassan,^[2] the Egyptian blog aggregator "Manalaa" and "Omraneya", the first Arab blog aggregators that did not restrict inclusion based on the content of the blog.^[3][4] In 2005 the "Manalaa" blog won the Special Reporters Without Borders Award in Deutsche Welle's Best of Blogs competition.^[5] He has been active in developing Arabic-language versions of important software and platforms.^[6]

Background[link]

El-Fattah grew up in a family of activists and activism was a constant topic of discussion in his childhood. His father, Ahmed Seif El-Islam Hamad, a human rights attorney who had been arrested in 1983 by State Security Investigations Service officers and tortured and imprisoned for five years, is one of the founders of the Hisham Mubarak Law Center.^[7] His mother Laila Soueif, sister of Ahdaf Soueif,^[8] is a professor of mathematics at Cairo University and a political activist. His parents' activism dates to the days of Anwar Sadat.^[9] During a demonstration in 2005 his mother, along with other women, were attacked by Mubarak supporters; El-Fattah was said to have protected her.^[10]

May 2006 arrest and reaction[link]

A picture of El-Fattah that was used by activists demanding his release

On 7 May 2006, El-Fattah was arrested during a peaceful protest after he called for an independent judiciary. His arrest, along with that of several other bloggers and activists, spurred solidarity protests by others around the world,^[11][12] some of whom created the blog "Free Alaa" devoted to calling for his release from jail.^[13][14] El-Fattah was released on 20 June 2006, after spending 45 days in jail. His wife Manal was quoted by the The Independent as saying: "There's no going back now, we'll definitely be continuing our activities."^[15]

2011 revolution[link]

El-Fattah in Tahrir Square.

According to Egyptian newspaper al-Ahram Weekly, El-Fattah's name "is in many ways synonymous with Egypt's 25 January Revolution." El-Fattah took part in nearly every demonstration since the revolution began.^[16] He was not in Egypt on 25 January 2011, when the anti-regime protests began and when the Egyptian government shut down the internet in the country. However, he was able to collect information from family and friends by land-line phones and published to the outside world the events occurring in Egypt during the first days of the revolution.^{[citation needed]} A few days later he returned to Egypt and was in Tahrir Square, the epicenter of the protests, on 2 February. While demonstrating there, he participated in defending the square from attacks by security forces and pro-regime assailants, an event known in Egypt as "camel battle."^[17]

El-Fattah continued his participation in the Egyptian revolution, until Mubarak stepped down from presidency. He thereafter settled in Egypt, where he maintained his participation in the demonstrations against the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces' (SCAF) way of running the country after Mubarak's fall.^[15]

Second arrest[link]

On October 30, El-Fattah was arrested on charges of inciting violence against the military during the October 9 Maspero demonstrations, during which hundreds of people were injured and 27 died in the worst violence since Mubarak left office. El-Fattah refused to recognise the legitimacy of his interrogators or answer their questions and was then to be held for 15 days, a period that indefinitely renewable.^[18] He was accused of having incited fighting in Maspero, of assaulting soldiers and damaging military property.^[19] As in his 2006 imprisonment, his mother spoke out in his support, and initiated a hunger strike in opposition to the court-martialling of civilians on November 6.^[20] His father and sisters also participated in the 2011 protests.^[9] His sister Mona Seif is a founding member of the 'No Military Trials for Civilians', a group raising awareness for the civilian detainees summoned by military prosecutors and investigating torture allegations involving military police.^[21] At his first hearing, Abd El Fattah's father, Ahmed Seif Al Islam - a human rights attorney - presented the military court with video tapes, one of which contained footage of Armored Personnel Carriers running over protesters and another of state television anchors "inciting violence." He also accused the head of military police of being directly responsible for the violence and accused the Supreme Council of Armed Forces of obstruction of justice for instituting a curfew the night of the attack in order to "hide all the evidence of the army's crimes."^[22]

The United Nations Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) called for the release of El-Fattah and all others imprisoned for exercising free speech,^[23] while Amnesty International issued a condemnation of his imprisonment and accusing SCAF of involvement in the Maspero clashes.^[24] In reaction to his imprisonment, thousands of protesters took part in demonstrations in Cairo and Alexandria demanding El-Fattah's release. Human rights activists and bloggers outside of Egypt have also called for his release.^[16] While incarcerated in the Bab al-Khalq Prison, he wrote a letter to fellow Egyptian activists, claiming that SCAF had "hijacked" the revolution. He also compared his current imprisonment with the jail time he served in 2006, saying "I never expected to repeat the experience of five years ago. After a revolution that deposed the tyrant, I go back to his jails?"^[24]

Following protests against El-Fattah's incarceration, military authorities allowed his case to be handled by a civilian court instead of military tribunal. On December 13, the court dropped two charges against him, including incitement and illegal assembly. The court extended his detention for another 15 days and maintained the charges of stealing weapons and shooting at soldiers. While El-Fattah remained in custody, his son Khaled was born, named after Khaled Said, the slain blogger who had become a symbol of the Egyptian revolution.^[25]

On Sunday 25 December 2011, a judge representing the public prosecutor’s office ordered the release of Alaa Abd El-Fattah to take place the following day. He remained under a travel ban.^[26][27]

References[link]

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Alaa Abd El-Fatah

• manalaa.net
• Alaa Abd El-Fatah Twitter account