Platine War
Part of Argentine Civil War and the Uruguayan Civil War
From top to bottom: Brazilian 1st Division in the Caseros; Uruguayan infantry aiding Entre Rios cavalry in Caseros; Beginning of the Passage of the Tonelero; Charge of Urquiza's cavalry in Caseros; Passage of the Tonelero.
Date 1851–1852 Location Uruguay Argentina northeast Río de la Plata Result Allied victory Brazilian hegemony in the Platine region[a][1][2]
Belligerents
Empire of Brazil  Uruguay  Entre Ríos  Corrientes Unitarians	Argentine Confederation Federalists Blancos
Commanders and leaders
Pedro II John Pascoe Grenfell Duke of Caxias Count of Porto Alegre Justo José de Urquiza Eugenio Garzón José Miguel Galán Bartolomé Mitre	Juan Manuel de Rosas Lucio Norberto Mansilla Ángel Pacheco Manuel Oribe
Strength
20,000 Brazilians 15,000+ Argentines and Uruguayans	34,500+ Argentines and Uruguayans
Casualties and losses
600+ dead and wounded	5,400+ dead and wounded 7,000 captured

The Platine War, also known as the War against Oribe and Rosas (18 August 1851 – 3 February 1852) was fought between the Argentine Confederation and an alliance consisting of the Empire of Brazil, Uruguay and the Argentine provinces of Entre Ríos and Corrientes. The war was part of a long-running contest between Argentina and Brazil for influence over Uruguay and Paraguay, and hegemony over the regions bordering the Río de la Plata (River Plate). The conflict took place in Uruguay, on the Río de la Plata and in the northeast of Argentina (the Platine region).

In 1850, the Platine region was politically unstable. The governor of Buenos Aires, Juan Manuel de Rosas, had used his position to gain dictatorial control over the other Argentine provinces. Though he dominated Argentina, a series of regional rebellions plagued Rosas' rule. Uruguay had been involved in civil war ever since gaining its independence from Brazil in 1828. Rosas saw Uruguay as being within Argentina's sphere of influence, and backed the Uruguayan Blanco party in the conflict. Rosas also desired to extend Argentine borders to encompass the area occupied by the old Spanish Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. This would mean asserting control over Uruguay, Paraguay and Bolivia. This objective also threatened Brazilian interests and sovereignty as the Viceroyalty had also included territories which had since been assimilated into Brazil's province of Rio Grande do Sul. The Brazilian government began actively pursuing ways to eliminate this threat.

Brazil allied with the Argentine breakaway provinces of Corrientes and Entre Rios (led by Justo José de Urquiza) in opposition to Rosas. They were joined by the anti-Rosas faction in Uruguay, and secured the northern flank by signing defensive alliances with Paraguay and Bolivia. Faced with an offensive alliance against the Argentine Confederation. Rosas declared war on Brazil. Allied forces then advanced into Uruguayan territory, defeating the Rosas-aligned faction led by Manuel Oribe.

The allied army was then split, with the main arm advancing by land into Argentine territory to engage Rosas's main defenses and the other launching a seaborne assault directed at the Argentine capital. The Platine War ended in 1852 with the allied victory at the Battle of Caseros. This established Brazilian hegemony over much of South America, and further ushered in a period of economic and political stability in the Empire of Brazil itself. With Rosas gone, Argentina began a process which would result in a more unified state. However, the end of the war did not completely resolve other issues within the Platine region. There was continued turmoil during subsequent years, with internal disputes among political factions in Uruguay, a long civil war in Argentina, and an emergent Paraguay asserting its claims. Two more major international wars followed during the next two decades, sparked by territorial ambitions and conflicts over influence.

Background[link]

Civil wars in Argentina[link]

Spain's Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in blue, and Portuguese-America in green. Viceroyalty lands split among Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay after independence.

Don Juan Manuel de Rosas became governor of Buenos Aires after the brief period of anarchy following the end of the Cisplatine War in 1828. In theory, Rosas only held as much power as governors of the other Argentine provinces, but in reality he ruled over the entire Argentine Confederation, as the country was then known. Although he was one of the Federalists, a faction which demanded greater provincial autonomy, in practice Rosas exercised control over the other provinces and become the virtual ruler of Argentina.^[b][c][3] During his 20-year government, the country witnessed the resurgence of armed conflicts between the Unitarians (his rival political faction) and the Federalists.^[3][4][5]

Rosas desired to recreate the former Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata. He aimed to build a powerful, republican state with Argentina placed at the its center.^{[d][e][f][g][6][7]} The defunct Viceroyalty had shattered into several separate nations following the gaining of independence at the beginning of the 19th century. To achieve reunification, the Argentine government needed to annex the three neighbouring nations of Bolivia, Uruguay and Paraguay, as well as to incorporate a portion of the southern region of Brazil.^[8] Rosas first had to gather allies across the region who shared his vision. In some instances, this meant that he had to become involved in the internal politics of neighboring countries, backing those sympathetic to union with Argentina, and occasionally even financing rebellions and wars.^[h][8]

Paraguay had considered itself a sovereign nation since 1811, but it was not recognized as such by any other nation. Argentina viewed it as a rebellious province. The Paraguayan dictator José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia decided that the best way to maintain his own rule and the independence of Paraguay from Argentina was to isolate the country from contacts with the outside world. It was for this reason that, up until 1840, Paraguay had avoided establishing diplomatic relations with other nations.^[9] With the death of Francia, this policy began to shift, and his successor Don Carlos Antonio López signed two treaties in July 1841. These were the "Friendship, Commerce and Navigation" and "Limits" agreements made with the Argentine province of Corrientes, which itself had broken away from Argentina under Rosas.^[10] Meanwhile, Rosas increasingly put pressure on Paraguay. He continued to refuse to recognize Paraguayan independence and placed a blockade on international traffic to and from Paraguay on the Paraná river.^[10]

La Guerra Grande[link]

View of the Río de la Plata (River Plate) from Buenos Aires, 1852. The Argentine capital was the center of Rosas' power.

Uruguay's internal troubles, including the long civil war, "La Guerra Grande" (The Great War), were heavily influential factors leading up to the Platine War. The old Brazilian province of Cisplatina had become the Oriental Republic of Uruguay after the Cisplatine War of the 1820s.^[4] The country soon engulfed in a long civil war between its two political parties: the Blancos, led by Don Juan Antonio Lavalleja, and the Colorados, led by Don Fructuoso Rivera.^[4]

Lavalleja soon discovered that Rosas in neighbouring Buenos Aires was interested in aiding him financially and militarily.^[4] In 1832, Lavalleja began to receive aid^[11] from Bento Gonçalves, a soldier and farmer from the Brazilian province of Rio Grande do Sul. Gonçalves had been encouraged by Rosas to rebel against the Brazilian government in 1835, with the ultimate aim of enabling Argentina to annex the province of Rio Grande do Sul.^[12][13] Together, Lavalleja and Gonçalves initiated a military campaign in Uruguay which was characterised by extensive violence and pillage.^[14] Gonçalves betrayed Rosas and Lavalleja by becoming an ally of Rivera.^[6][15] Both then invaded Uruguay and overran most of the country outside the environs of the capital, Montevideo. Defeated, the then-Uruguayan president Manuel Oribe, like the betrayed Lavalleja a member of the Blanco party,^[14][16] resigned his position as president and decamped to Argentina.^[17]

Rosas was determined to restore Argentine suzerainty over Uruguay and take revenge on Gonçalves. A series of interventions resulted. In 1839 an army led by Lavalleja, Oribe and Justo José de Urquiza, (Governor of Entre Rios) was quickly defeated by Rivera. At this point, Lavalleja turned his back on the conflict and played no further part in the civil war.^[18] Rosas sent another army of Argentines and Uruguayans in 1845, led by Oribe^[16] and Urquiza,^[6] and this time defeated Rivera's forces, slaughtering the survivors. Rivera was one of the few who managed to escape,^[19] and went into exile in Rio de Janeiro.^[20][21] What remained of Rivera's Colorados held power only in the country's capital Montevideo as Oribe's forces began subjecting it to a siege.^[18] The violence in Uruguay escalated, with Oribe's men killing more than 17,000 Uruguayans and 15,000 Argentinians during the conflict.^[22]

Oribe's control of nearly all of Uruguay had been secured, enabling him to launch an invasion of southern Brazil, his forces stealing cattle, looting ranches, and liquidating political enemies as they went.^[21] More than 188 Brazilian farms were attacked, with 814,000 cattle and 16,950 horses stolen.^[23] Local Brazilians independently decided to retaliate, making raids into Uruguay which became known as "Califórnias",^[24][25][26] in reference to the violence in western North America during California's revolt against Mexico, its brief independence and subsequent annexation by the U.S.^[27][28] As conflict further escalated with the persistent support of Rosas for the Blancos, anarchy spread over wide areas in the region; with a growing threat to trade, the era's two greatest powers, France and Great Britain, were induced to declare war on Argentina.^[6] Buenos Aires suffered repeated attacks from Anglo-French fleets and endured several blockades. The Argentine government was able to mount effective resistance, however, leading to a peace accord in 1849.^[24][29]

Empire of Brazil reacts[link]

Emperor Dom Pedro II around the time of the Platine War

By the middle of the 19th century, the Empire of Brazil was the richest^[30] and most powerful nation in Latin America.^[31] It thrived under democratic institutions and a constitutional monarchy, and prided itself on the absence of the caudillos, dictators and coups d'état which were common across the rest of the continent.^[i] During the minority of emperor Dom Pedro II in the 1830s, however, there had been internal rebellions driven by local disputes for power within a few provinces.^[32] One of these, the War of Tatters, had been led by Gonçalves, as noted above.

For the Brazilian Empire, expansionist plans on the part of powerful, republican Argentina represented an existential menace. It also signified a threat to Brazilian hegemony across its southern borders. A successful Argentine bid to incorporate Paraguay and Uruguay into a reconstituted Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata (and control of the Platine river network consequently passing into entirely hostile hands^[33][34]) would have threatened to cut communication between the Brazilian province of Mato Grosso and Rio de Janeiro.^[33][34] With river transportation denied, the alternative land routes would require months of travel instead of days. Nor was Brazil keen to share a direct border with Argentina, fearing an increased vulnerability to an invasion by Rosas.^[33][35]

The members of the Brazilian Cabinet could not reach agreement as to how to address the danger posed by Rosas. Some ministers advocated seeking a peaceful resolution at any cost. These feared Brazil was unprepared for war and that a defeat would lead to a situation similar to the chaos following the loss of Cisplatine in the 1820s, which ended in abdication by Dom Pedro I, the Emperor's father. Other ministers took the position that only a military response would eliminate the threat. In 1849, however, Paulino José Soares de Sousa, a member of the pro-war faction and later Viscount of Uruguai, was chosen as the new minister of Foreign Affairs.^[36] Soares made clear his intent to deal with Argentina without foreign assistance, announcing that the "Imperial Government does not desire or judge convenient an alliance with France or any other European nation related to the matters in the Platine region. It understands that they must be resolved by the nations which [we] are closely connected with... It will not admit European influence over America." The Empire of Brazil was determined to extend its zone of influence over South America.^[37]

The cabinet settled upon a risky alternative to resolve the complicated situation in the Platine region. Instead of undertaking a period of conscription to build up the Brazilian Army, which would have been costly, the Council decided to rely on the standing army. It sent a contingent south to secure the region. Brazil held an advantage in possessing a powerful and modern navy, along with an experienced professional army hardened by years of internal and external warfare.^[38] Up until this point, no other nation in South America possessed true navies or regular armies. Rosas' and Oribe's forces were largely made up of irregular troops on loan from those caudillos who supported them.^[39] Even a decade later, Argentina could only field an army of 6,000 men.^[40] Brazil also decided to adopt Rosas' own tactics by financing his opponents to weaken him both internally and externally.^[7][41][42]

War begins[link]

Alliance against Rosas[link]

Justo José Urquiza, governor of Entre Rios.

The Brazilian government set about creating a regional alliance against Rosas, sending a delegation to the region led by Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão (later the Marquis of Paraná), who held plenipotentiary authority. He was assisted by José Maria da Silva Paranhos (later the Viscount of Rio Branco). Brazil signed a treaty with Bolívia in which Bolivia agreed to strengthen its border defenses to deter any attack by Rosas, though it declined to contribute troops to a war with Argentina.^[43] Isolationist Paraguay was more difficult to win over. Brazil made the initial overtures, becoming the first country to formally recognise Paraguayan independence in 1844.^[6] This soon led to the establishment of excellent diplomatic relations. The Brazilian ambassador in Paraguay, Pimenta Bueno, became a private councilor to Carlos López.^[10] A defensive alliance^[44] was signed on 25 December 1850^[24][45] between Brazil and Paraguay, in which López agreed to supply the Empire with horses for its army.^[35] But Paraguay also refused to contribute troops to fight Rosas, believing that Justo José Urquiza (who had invaded Uruguay in 1839 and in 1845), the ruler of the Argentine Entre Rios province, secretly wished to annex Paraguay.^[1]

Brazil's involvement in the Uruguayan civil war also began to deepen. Luis Alves de Lima e Silva, the Count of Caxias, assumed the presidency (governorship) of Rio Grande do Sul and the command of the four Brazilian Army divisions headquartered in the province.^[28] Beginning in 1849, the Imperial government directly assisted the besieged Colorado Uruguayan government in Montevideo, and on 6 September 1850 the Uruguayan representative Andres Lamas signed an agreement with Irineu Evangelista de Sousa^[j] to transfer money to the Montevideo government through his bank.^[35][46][47] On 16 March 1851, the Empire of Brazil openly declared its support of Colorado Uruguay against Oribe, something it had been covertly doing for more than two years. This did not please the Argentine government, and they began mobilizing for war.^[44][48]

Brazil had also been searching for support against Rosas inside Argentina, with some success. On 1 May 1851, the province of Entre Rios, still governed by Urquiza, declared to Rosas that "it is the will of its people to reassume the entire exercise of its own sovereignty and power which had been delegated to the governor of Buenos Aires." It was followed by the province of Corrientes, governed by Benjamín Virasoro, which sent the same message.^[49] Brazil encouraged and financially supported both uprisings. One of the reasons for Urquiza's betrayal of Rosas was a long-running rivalry. Rosas had tried to remove him from power several times since 1845, suspecting that the caudillo was nurturing designs for his overthrow.^[24] This was the trigger for military intervention, and Brazil sent a naval force to the Platine region, basing it near the port of Montevideo. The British Rear admiral John Pascoe Grenfell, a veteran of the Brazilian War of Independence and of the Cisplatine War, was appointed to lead the fleet,^[43] which reached Montevideo on 4 May 1851. His command included 1 frigate, 7 corvettes, 3 brigs and 6 steamships.^[48][50] The Brazilian Armada had a total of 59 vessels of various types in 1851, including 36 armed sailing ships, 10 armed steamships, 7 unarmed sailing ships and 6 sailing transports.^[51]

Uruguay, Brazil and the Argentine provinces of Entre Rios and Corrientes joined in an offensive alliance against Rosas on 29 May 1851. The text of the treaty declared that the objective was to protect Uruguayan independence, pacify its territory, and expel Oribe's forces.^[25] Urquiza would command the Argentine forces and Eugenio Garzón would lead the Colorado Uruguayans, with both receiving financial and military aid from the Empire of Brazil.^[48] This was followed on 2 August 1851 by landings of the first Brazilian detachments in Uruguay, consisting of approximately 300 soldiers of the 6th Battalion of Skirmishers sent to protect Fuerte del Cerro (Cerro Fort).^[52] In response, Rosas declared war against Brazil on 18 August 1851.^[53]

Allied invasion of Uruguay[link]

Movement of the Allied forces into Uruguayan (left) and Argentine (right) territory

The Count of Caxias led a Brazilian army of 16,200 professional soldiers across the border between Rio Grande do Sul and Uruguay on 4 September 1851. His force consisted of four divisions, with 6,500 infantrymen, 8,900 cavalrymen, 800 artillerymen and 26 cannons,^[54] a little under half the total Brazilian army (37,000 men);^[55] while another 4,000 of his men remained in Brazil to protect its border.^[54]

The Brazilian Army entered Uruguay in three groups: the main force, consisting of the 1st and 2nd divisions left from Santana do Livramento—around 12,000 men under Caxias's personal command. The second force, under the command of Colonel David Canabarro departed from Quaraim, comprising the 4th division, protecting Caxias' right flank. The third force, the 3rd Division under Brigadier General José Fernandes, left from Jaguarão, protecting Caxias' left. Canabarro's 4th Division joined Caxias's troops shortly after arriving at the Uruguayan town of Frutuoso, the combined force then joining up with Fernandes just before reaching Montevideo.^[56]

Defeat of Oribe[link]

Meanwhile, the troops of Urquiza and Eugenio Garzón had surrounded the army of Oribe near Montevideo. Their forces numbered roughly 15,000 men, almost double Oribe's 8,500. Realising that the Brazilians were approaching and knowing that there was no hope of victory, Oribe orderered his troops to surrender without a fight^[43] on 19 October,^[49] and retreated into seclusion on his farm in Paso del Molino. The Brazilian fleet, with their ships scattered throughout the River Plate and tributaries, prevented the defeated army of Oribe from escaping into Argentina.^[48][57] Urquiza suggested to Grenfell that they should simply kill the resulting prisoners of war, but Grenfell refused to harm any of them.^[58] Instead, Oribe's Argentine soldiers were incorporated into the army of Urquiza, and the Uruguayans into Garzon's.^[59]

The Brazilian army easily took the remaining Blanco Uruguayan territory, fending off remnants of Oribe's troops who attacked its flanks in several skirmishes.^[57] On 21 November the representatives of Brazil, Uruguay, Entre Rios and Corrientes then formed another alliance^[60] in Montevideo with the objective of "freeing the Argentine people from the oppression it suffers under the tyrant rule of Governor Rosas”.^[61]

Allied invasion of Argentina[link]

Allied army advance[link]

Shortly after the surrender of Oribe, the allied forces split into two groups, the plan being for one force to manoeuver upriver and sweep down on Buenos Aires from Santa Fe, while the other would make a landing at the port of Buenos Aires itself. The first of these groups, was composed of Uruguayan and Argentine troops, along with the 1st Division of the Brazilian Army under Brigadier General Manuel Marques de Sousa (later the Count of Porto Alegre). It was initially based in the town of Colonia del Sacramento in the south of Uruguay across the Río de la Plata estuary from the city of Buenos Aires.^[62]

Brazilian warships passing the Tonelero.

On 17 December 1851, a squadron of Brazilian ships, consisting of four steamships, three corvettes and one brig under the command of Grenfell, forced a passage of the Paraná River in the battle which became known as the Passage of the Tonelero. The Argentines had formed a powerful defensive line at Tonelero, near the cliffs of Acevedo, protected by 16 pieces of artillery and 2,000 riflemen under the command of general Lucio Norberto Mansilla.^[61] The Argentine troops exchanged fire with the Brazilian warships but were unable to prevent from them from progressing upriver.^[63] The following day, the Brazilian ships returned and broke their way through Tonelero's defenses, carrying the remaining troops of Marques de Sousa's Brazilian division upstream towards Gualeguaichu. This second influx of ships caused Mansilla and his soldiers to withdraw in chaos, abandoning their artillery, believing that the allies were intending to land and attack their positions from the rear.^[64]

The allied army continued to make its way to the assembly point at Gualeguaichu. Urquiza and his cavalry traveled overland from Montevideo, while the infantry and artillery were carried by Brazilian warships up the Uruguay River. After meeting up, they marched west until they reached the city of Diamante on the east side of the Paraná River in the middle of December 1851.^[65] Eugenio Garzón and his the Uruguayan troops were taken from Montevideo up to Potrero Perez by Brazilian warships and continued on foot until arriving at Diamante on 30 December 1851, when all the allied forces were finally reunited.^[65] From Diamante contingents were ferried to the other side of the Paraná River, landing at Santa Fé.^[65] The Confederate Argentine troops in the region ran away without offering any resistance.^[65] The Allied Army, or the “Grand Army of South America” as it was officially called by Urquiza, marched on towards Buenos Aires.^[65]

Meanwhile, the second force, comprising the majority of the Brazilian troops (about 12,000 men) under the command of Caxias, had remained in Colonia del Sacramento. The Brazilian commander took the steamship Dom Afonso (named in honor of the late Prince Afonso) and entered the port at Buenos Aires to select the best place to disembark his troops. He expected to have to defeat the Argentine flotilla anchored there, but the force did nothing to stop him and he safely returned to Sacramento to plan his assault.^[66] The attack was prematurely aborted, however, when news arrived of the allied victory at Caseros.^[64][67]

Rosas defeat[link]

Litography showing the Battle of Caseros and focusing on the Brazilian 1st Division.

The Allied army had been advancing on the Argentinian capital of Buenos Aires by land, while the Brazilian Army commanded by Caxias planned a supporting attack by sea. On 29 January at the Battle of Alvarez Field the Allied vanguard defeated a force of 4,000 Argentines led by two colonels which General Ángel Pacheco had sent to slow down the advance.^[68] Pacheco retreated. Two days later, troops under his personal command were defeated at the Battle of Marques Bridge by two allied divisions.^[68][69] On 1 February 1852, the Allied troops encamped approximately nine kilometers from Buenos Aires. The next day a brief skirmish between the vanguards of both armies ended with a retreat by the Argentines.^[70][71]

Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, future President of Argentina. He is wearing the Brazilian Order of the Southern Cross given to him by Pedro II during his exile in Petrópolis in 1852.^[72]

On 3 February the Allied army encountered the main Argentine force commanded by Rosas himself. On paper, the two sides were well-matched. The Allies included 20,000 Argentines, 2,000 Uruguayans, 4,000^[2] Brazilian elite^[73] troops totalling 26,000 men and 45 cannon (16,000 cavalrymen, 9,000 infantrymen and 1,000 artillerymen).^[74] On the Argentine side, Rosas had 15,000 cavalrymen, 10,000 infantrymen and 1,000 artillerymen, totalling 26,000 men and 60 cannon.^[75] Rosas had been able to select the best positions for his army, choosing the high ground on the slopes of a hill at Caseros, which lay on the other side of the Morón creek. His headquarters were based in a mansion at the top of Caseros.^[74]

The Allied commanders were de Sousa, Manuel Luis Osório (later the Marquis of Erval), Jose Maria Pirán, Jose Miguel Galán (who replaced Garzón after his unexpected death in December 1851), Urquiza, and the future Argentine presidents Bartolomé Mitre and Domingo Sarmiento—the latter both leading the Argentine Unitarians. These men formed a War Council, and gave orders to commence the attack.^[2] Almost immediately the forward units of the two armies began to engage in battle.^[74]

The Battle of Caseros, as the clash between the Allied and Argentine armies became known, resulted in a huge victory for the opponents of Rosas. Although they started with the inferior position on the battlefield, the Allied soldiers managed to annihilate Rosas's troops in a fight that lasted for most of the day. A few minutes before the Allied forces reached Rosas' headquarters, the Argentine dictator escaped the battlefield. Disguised as a sailor,^[67] he sought out Robert Gore, British ambassador in Buenos Aires, and requested asylum. The ambassador agreed to have de Rosas and his daughter Manuelita taken to the United Kingdom, where he would spend the last twenty years of his life.^[43][2] The official report stated that 600 men on the Allied side had been wounded or died, while the Argentine losses were 1,400 killed and 7,000 captured. Given the duration and scale of the battle, however, this may be an underestimate.^[76][77]

To mark their victory, the Allied troops marched in triumph through the streets of Buenos Aires. The parades included the Brazilian Army, which insisted that their triumphal procession take place on 20 February, to mark payback for the defeat it had suffered at the Battle of Ituzaingó twenty five years before on that date. The population of Buenos Aires was said to have looked on silently with a combination of shame and hostility as the Brazilians passed.^[2]

Aftermath[link]

In Brazil[link]

The triumph in Caseros was a pivotal military victory for Brazil. The independence of Paraguay and Uruguay was secured, and the planned Argentine invasion of Rio Grande do Sul was blocked.^[78] In a period of three years, the Empire of Brazil had destroyed any possibility of reconstituting a state encompassing the territories of old Viceroyalty of the Rio de la Plata, a goal cherished by many in Argentina since independence.^[49] Brazil's army and fleet had accomplished what Great Britain and France, the great powers of that time, had not achieved through interventions by their powerful navies.^[79] This represented a watershed for the history of the region as it not only ushered in Imperial hegemony over the Platine region,^[1][2] but, according to Brazilian historian J. F. Maya Pedrosa, also in the rest of South America.^[31] The victory over Paraguay eighteen years later would only be a confirmation of Brazilian dominance.^[k]

Bartolomé Mitre (photo of 1854) led Buenos Aires against the Argentine Confederation until he reunified Argentina after his victory in the Battle of Pavón in 1861.

Hispanic American nations from Mexico to Argentina suffered from coups d'état, revolts, dictatorships, political upheavals, economic instability, civil wars and secessions. Brazil, on the other hand, came out of the conflict with its system of constitutional monarchy strengthened and the cessation of internal revolts. The problematic province of Rio Grande do Sul had actively participated in the war effort. As a consequence, there was increased identification with Brazil among its populace, quelling of separatist feeling, and an easier and effective integration with the rest of the nation.^[75] Internal stability also allowed Brazil to begin assuming a respected place on the international scene, coinciding with the parallel emergence of the United States which was only now establishing its own borders. The European powers perceived in the Empire of Brazil a rare exception in a continent afflicted by civil wars and dictatorships.^[80] Brazil entered into a period of great economic, scientific and cultural prosperity, lasting from 1850 until the end of its monarchy.^[81][82]

In Argentina[link]

Soon after Caseros, the San Nicolás Agreement was signed. It was meant to comply with the constitutional mandate of the Federal pact that presided over the Argentine Confederation, convening a Constitutional Assembly to meet in Santa Fe. This agreement was not accepted by the province of Buenos Aires, since it reduced its influence and power over the other provinces. Buenos Aires thereupon seceded from the confederation, thus Argentina got divided into two rival, independent states which fought to establish dominance.^[1][83] On the one side were the Federalists of the Argentine Confederation, led by Justo José de Urquiza. On the other, the Autonomists of Buenos Aires. The civil war was only brought to an end with the decisive victory of Buenos Aires over the Federation at the 1861 Battle of Pavón. The bonaerense liberal leader Bartolomé Mitre was elected the first President of a united Argentine Republic in 1862.^[84][85]

In Paraguay and Uruguay[link]

With the opening of the Platine rivers, Paraguay now found it possible to contract with European technicians and Brazilian specialists to aid in its development. Unhindered access to the outside world also enabled it to import more advanced military technology.^[35] During the greater part of the 1850s, the dictator Carlos López harassed Brazilian vessels attempting to freely navigate the Paraguay River. López feared that the province of Mato Grosso might become a base from which an invasion from Brazil could be launched. This dispute was also leverage with the Imperial government for acceptance of his territorial demands in the region.^[86] The nation also experienced difficulties in delimiting its borders with Argentina. Argentina wanted the Gran Chaco placed completely under its flag: a demand which Paraguay could not accept, as this would entail surrendering more than half of its national territory.^[86]

The end of the Platine War did not bring a halt to conflict in the region. Peace remained out of reach in Uruguay, which remained unstable and in a state of constant crisis due to continuing internecine strife between the Blancos and Colorados. Border disputes, power struggles among diverse regional factions, and attempts to establish regional and internal influence would eventually spark the Uruguayan War as well as the later Paraguayan War.^[87][88]

See also[link]

• Cisplatine War
• Uruguayan War
• Paraguayan War

Endnotes[link]

Footnotes[link]

References[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Platine War

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• Lynch, John (2001). Argentine caudillo: Juan Manuel de Rosas. Lanham: SR Books. ISBN 978-0-8420-2898-1. 
• Lyra, Heitor (1977) (in Portuguese). História de Dom Pedro II (1825–1891): Ascenção (1825–1870). 1. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia. 
• Lyra, Heitor (1977) (in Portuguese). História de Dom Pedro II (1825–1891): Fastígio (1870–1880). 2. Belo Horizonte: Itatiaia. 
• Magalhães, João Batista (1978) (in Portuguese). Osório : síntese de seu perfil histórico. Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca do Exército. 
• Maia, João do Prado (1975) (in Portuguese). A Marinha de Guerra do Brasil na Colônia e no Império (2nd ed.). Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Editora Cátedra. 
• Palmerlee, Danny (2008). Argentina (6th ed.). Lonely Planet. ISBN 978-1-74104-702-8. 
• Pedrosa, J. F. Maya (2004) (in Portuguese). A Catástrofe dos Erros. Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca do Exército. ISBN 978-85-7011-352-8. 
• Scheina, Robert L. (2003). Latin America's Wars: The age of the caudillo, 1791–1899. Dulles: Brassey's. ISBN 978-1-57488-450-0. 
• Títara, Ladislau dos Santos (1852) (in Portuguese). Memórias do grande exército alliado libertador do Sul da América. Rio Grande do Sul: Tipografia de B. Berlink. http://books.google.com/?id=mWECAAAAYAAJ. 
• Vainfas, Ronaldo (2002) (in Portuguese). Dicionário do Brasil Imperial. Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva. ISBN 978-85-7302-441-8. 
• Vianna, Hélio (1994) (in Portuguese). História do Brasil: período colonial, monarquia e república (15th ed.). São Paulo: Melhoramentos. 

v t e Empire of Brazil General topics History Politics Economy Armed Forces Nobility Wars Independence of Brazil (1822–1824) Cisplatine War (1825–1828) Platine War (1851–1852) Uruguayan War (1864–1865) Paraguayan War (1864–1870) Emperors Pedro I Pedro II Statesmen José Bonifácio de Andrada Marquis of Paraná Viscount of Rio Branco Military Duke of Caxias Marquis of Erval Count of Porto Alegre Marquis of Tamandaré Count of Eu Abolitionists Isabel, Princess Imperial of Brazil André Rebouças Joaquim Nabuco

Bob Marley
Bob Marley performing in concert, circa 1980.
Background information
Birth name	Robert Nesta Marley
Also known as	Tuff Gong
Born	(1945-02-06)6 February 1945 Nine Mile, Saint Ann, Jamaica
Died	11 May 1981(1981-05-11) (aged 36) Miami, Florida, U.S.
Genres	Reggae, ska, rocksteady
Occupations	Singer-songwriter, musician
Instruments	Vocals, guitar, piano, saxophone, harmonica, percussion
Years active	1962–1981
Labels	Studio One, Upsetter, Tuff Gong
Associated acts	Bob Marley & The Wailers, Wailers Band, The Upsetters, I Threes
Website	bobmarley.com

Robert Nesta "Bob" Marley, OM (6 February 1945 – 11 May 1981) was a Jamaican singer-songwriter and musician. He was the rhythm guitarist and lead singer for the ska, rocksteady and reggae band Bob Marley & The Wailers (1963–1981). Marley remains the most widely known and revered performer of reggae music, and is credited with helping spread both Jamaican music and the Rastafari movement to a worldwide audience.^[1]

Marley's music was heavily influenced by the social issues of his homeland, and he is considered to have given voice to the specific political and cultural nexus of Jamaica.^[2] His best-known hits include "I Shot the Sheriff", "No Woman, No Cry", "Could You Be Loved", "Stir It Up", "Get Up Stand Up", "Jamming", "Redemption Song", "One Love" and, "Three Little Birds",^[3] as well as the posthumous releases "Buffalo Soldier" and "Iron Lion Zion". The compilation album Legend (1984), released three years after his death, is reggae's best-selling album, going ten times Platinum which is also known as one Diamond in the U.S.,^[4] and selling 25 million copies worldwide.^[5][6]

Early life and career[link]

Bob Marley was born in the village of Nine Mile in Saint Ann Parish, Jamaica as Nesta Robert Marley.^[7] A Jamaican passport official would later swap his first and middle names.^[8] His father, Norval Sinclair Marley, was a white Jamaican of mixed and English descent whose family came from Sussex, England. Norval was a captain in the Royal Marines,^{[citation needed]} as well as a plantation overseer, when he married Cedella Booker, an Afro-Jamaican then 18 years old.^[9] Norval provided financial support for his wife and child, but seldom saw them, as he was often away on trips. In 1955, when Bob Marley was 10 years old, his father died of a heart attack at age 70.^[10] Marley faced questions about his own racial identity throughout his life. He once reflected:

I don't have prejudice against meself. My father was a white and my mother was black. Them call me half-caste or whatever. Me don't deh pon nobody's side. Me don't deh pon the black man's side nor the white man's side. Me deh pon God's side, the one who create me and cause me to come from black and white.^[11]

The Bob Marley House in Nine Mile is a home that he shared with his mother during his youth

Although Marley recognised his mixed ancestry, throughout his life and because of his beliefs, he self-identified as a black African, following the ideas of Pan-African leaders. Marley stated that his two biggest influences were the African-centered Marcus Garvey and Haile Selassie. A central theme in Bob Marley's message was the repatriation of black people to Zion, which in his view was Ethiopia, or more generally, Africa.^[12] In songs such as "Black Survivor", "Babylon System", and "Blackman Redemption", Marley sings about the struggles of blacks and Africans against oppression from the West or "Babylon".^[13]

Marley and his step brother Bunny Wailer (Bob's mother had a daughter with Bunny's father, younger sister to both of them) started to play music while he was still at school, which he left at the age of 14 to make music with Joe Higgs, a local singer and devout Rastafari. At a jam session with Higgs and Livingston, Marley met Peter McIntosh (later known as Peter Tosh), who had similar musical ambitions.^[14] In 1962, Marley recorded his first two singles, "Judge Not" and "One Cup of Coffee", with local music producer Leslie Kong. These songs, released on the Beverley's label under the pseudonym of Bobby Martell,^[15] attracted little attention. The songs were later re-released on the box set Songs of Freedom, a posthumous collection of Marley's work. Marley was also known to use an Epiphone guitar for much of his career.

Bob Marley Epiphone guitar at his birthplace in Nine Mile, Jamaica.

Bob Marley & The Wailers[link]

1963–1974[link]

Marley in concert in 1980, Zurich, Switzerland

In 1963, Bob Marley, Bunny Wailer, Peter Tosh, Junior Braithwaite, Beverley Kelso, and Cherry Smith formed a ska and rocksteady group, calling themselves "The Teenagers". They later changed their name to "The Wailing Rudeboys", then to "The Wailing Wailers", at which point they were discovered by record producer Coxsone Dodd, and finally to "The Wailers". By 1966, Braithwaite, Kelso, and Smith had left The Wailers, leaving the core trio of Bob Marley, Bunny Wailer, and Peter Tosh.^[16]

In 1966, Marley married Rita Anderson, and moved near his mother's residence in Wilmington, Delaware in the United States for a short time, during which he worked as a DuPont lab assistant and on the assembly line at a Chrysler plant, under the alias Donald Marley.^[17]

Though raised in the Catholic tradition, Marley became captivated by Rastafarian beliefs in the 1960s, when away from his mother's influence.^[18] Formally converted to Rastafari after returning to Jamaica, Marley began to wear his trademark dreadlocks (see the religion section for more on Marley's religious views). After a conflict with Dodd, Marley and his band teamed up with Lee "Scratch" Perry and his studio band, The Upsetters. Although the alliance lasted less than a year, they recorded what many consider The Wailers' finest work. Marley and Perry split after a dispute regarding the assignment of recording rights, but they would remain friends and work together again.

Bob Marley's flat in 1972 at 34 Ridgmount Gardens, Bloomsbury, London, his first UK address.^[19][20]

Between 1968 and 1972, Bob and Rita Marley, Peter Tosh and Bunny Wailer re-cut some old tracks with JAD Records in Kingston and London in an attempt to commercialise The Wailers' sound. Bunny later asserted that these songs "should never be released on an album ... they were just demos for record companies to listen to". Also in 1968, Bob and Rita visited the Bronx to see Johnny Nash's songwriter Jimmy Norman.^[21] A three-day jam session with Norman and others, including Norman's co-writer Al Pyfrom, resulted in a 24-minute tape of Marley performing several of his own and Norman-Pyfrom's compositions. This tape is, according to Reggae archivist Roger Steffens, rare in that it was influenced by pop rather than reggae, as part of an effort to break Marley into the American charts.^[21] According to an article in The New York Times, Marley experimented on the tape with different sounds, adopting a doo-wop style on "Stay With Me" and "the slow love song style of 1960's artists" on "Splish for My Splash".^[21] An artist yet to establish himself outside his native Jamaica, Marley lived in Ridgmount Gardens, Bloomsbury, London during 1972.^[19][20]

In 1972, the Wailers entered into an ill-fated deal with CBS Records and embarked on a tour with American soul singer Johnny Nash. Broke, the Wailers became stranded in London. Marley turned up at Island Records founder and producer Chris Blackwell's London office, and asked him to advance the cost of a new single. Since Jimmy Cliff, Island's top reggae star, had recently left the label, Blackwell was primed for a replacement. In Marley, Blackwell recognized the elements needed to snare the rock audience: "I was dealing with rock music, which was really rebel music. I felt that would really be the way to break Jamaican music. But you needed someone who could be that image. When Bob walked in he really was that image."^[22] Blackwell told Marley he wanted The Wailers to record a complete album (essentially unheard of at the time). When Marley told him it would take between £3,000 and £4,000, Blackwell trusted him with the greater sum. Despite their "rude boy" reputation, the Wailers returned to Kingston and honored the deal, delivering the album Catch A Fire.

Primarily recorded on eight-track at Harry J's in Kingston, Catch A Fire marked the first time a reggae band had access to a state-of-the-art studio and were accorded the same care as their rock'n'roll peers.^[22] Blackwell desired to create "more of a drifting, hypnotic-type feel than a reggae rhythm",^[23] and restructured Marley's mixes and arrangements. Marley travelled to London to supervise Blackwell's overdubbing of the album, which included tempering the mix from the bass-heavy sound of Jamaican music, and omitting two tracks.^[22]

The Wailers' first major label album, Catch a Fire was released worldwide in April 1973, packaged like a rock record with a unique Zippo lighter lift-top. Initially selling 14,000 units, it didn't make Marley a star, but received a positive critical reception.^[22] It was followed later that year by Burnin', which included the standout songs "Get Up, Stand Up", and "I Shot the Sheriff", which appealed to the ear of Eric Clapton. He recorded a cover of the track in 1974 which became a huge American hit, raising Marley's international profile.^[24] Many Jamaicans were not keen on the new "improved" reggae sound on Catch A Fire, but the Trenchtown style of Burnin' found fans across both reggae and rock audiences.^[22]

During this period, Blackwell gifted his Kingston residence and company headquarters at 56 Hope Road (then known as Island House) to Marley. Housing Tuff Gong Studios, the property became not only Marley's office, but also his home.^[22]

The Wailers were scheduled to open 17 shows for the number one black act in the States, Sly and the Family Stone. After 4 shows, the band was fired because they were more popular than the acts they were opening for.^[25] The Wailers broke up in 1974 with each of the three main members pursuing solo careers. The reason for the breakup is shrouded in conjecture; some believe that there were disagreements amongst Bunny, Peter, and Bob concerning performances, while others claim that Bunny and Peter simply preferred solo work.

1974–1981[link]

Bob Marley & The Wailers live at Crystal Palace Park during the Uprising Tour

Despite the break-up, Marley continued recording as "Bob Marley & The Wailers". His new backing band included brothers Carlton and Aston "Family Man" Barrett on drums and bass respectively, Junior Marvin and Al Anderson on lead guitar, Tyrone Downie and Earl "Wya" Lindo on keyboards, and Alvin "Seeco" Patterson on percussion. The "I Threes", consisting of Judy Mowatt, Marcia Griffiths, and Marley's wife, Rita, provided backing vocals. In 1975, Marley had his international breakthrough with his first hit outside Jamaica, "No Woman, No Cry", from the Natty Dread album. This was followed by his breakthrough album in the United States, Rastaman Vibration (1976), which spent four weeks on the Billboard Hot 100.^[26] On 3 December 1976, two days before "Smile Jamaica", a free concert organised by the Jamaican Prime Minister Michael Manley in an attempt to ease tension between two warring political groups, Marley, his wife, and manager Don Taylor were wounded in an assault by unknown gunmen inside Marley's home. Taylor and Marley's wife sustained serious injuries, but later made full recoveries. Bob Marley received minor wounds in the chest and arm.^[27] The shooting was thought to have been politically motivated, as many felt the concert was really a support rally for Manley. Nonetheless, the concert proceeded, and an injured Marley performed as scheduled, two days after the attempt. When asked why, Marley responded, "The people who are trying to make this world worse aren’t taking a day off. How can I?" The members of the group Zap Pow, which had no radical religious or political beliefs, played as Bob Marley's backup band before a festival crowd of 80,000 while members of The Wailers were still missing or in hiding.^[28][29]

Marley left Jamaica at the end of 1976, and after a month-long "recovery and writing" sojourn at the site of Chris Blackwell's Compass Point Studios in Nassau, Bahamas, arrived in England, where he spent two years in self-imposed exile. Whilst there he recorded the albums Exodus and Kaya. Exodus stayed on the British album charts for 56 consecutive weeks. It included four UK hit singles: "Exodus", "Waiting in Vain", "Jamming", and "One Love" (a rendition of Curtis Mayfield's hit, "People Get Ready"). During his time in London, he was arrested and received a conviction for possession of a small quantity of cannabis.^[30] In 1978, Marley returned to Jamaica and performed at another political concert, the One Love Peace Concert, again in an effort to calm warring parties. Near the end of the performance, by Marley's request, Michael Manley (leader of then-ruling People's National Party) and his political rival Edward Seaga (leader of the opposing Jamaica Labour Party), joined each other on stage and shook hands.^[31]

Under the name Bob Marley and the Wailers eleven albums were released, four live albums and seven studio albums. The releases included Babylon by Bus, a double live album with thirteen tracks, were released in 1978 and received critical acclaim. This album, and specifically the final track "Jamming" with the audience in a frenzy, captured the intensity of Marley's live performances.^[32]

Survival, a defiant and politically charged album, was released in 1979. Tracks such as "Zimbabwe", "Africa Unite", "Wake Up and Live", and "Survival" reflected Marley's support for the struggles of Africans. His appearance at the Amandla Festival in Boston in July 1979 showed his strong opposition to South African apartheid, which he already had shown in his song "War" in 1976. In early 1980, he was invited to perform at the 17 April celebration of Zimbabwe's Independence Day. Uprising (1980) was Bob Marley's final studio album, and is one of his most religious productions; it includes "Redemption Song" and "Forever Loving Jah".^[34] Confrontation, released posthumously in 1983, contained unreleased material recorded during Marley's lifetime, including the hit "Buffalo Soldier" and new mixes of singles previously only available in Jamaica.^[35]

Personal life[link]

Religion[link]

Bob Marley was a member of the Rastafari movement, whose culture was a key element in the development of reggae. Bob Marley became an ardent proponent of Rastafari, taking their music out of the socially deprived areas of Jamaica and onto the international music scene. He once gave the following response, which was typical, to a question put to him during a recorded interview:

• Interviewer: "Can you tell the people what it means being a Rastafarian?"
• Bob: "I would say to the people, Be still, and know that His Imperial Majesty, Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia is the Almighty. Now, the Bible seh so, Babylon newspaper seh so, and I and I the children seh so. Yunno? So I don't see how much more reveal our people want. Wha' dem want? a white God, well God come black. True true."^[36]

Observant of the Rastafari practice Ital, a diet that shuns meat, Marley was a vegetarian.^[37] According to his biographers, he affiliated with the Twelve Tribes Mansion. He was in the denomination known as "Tribe of Joseph", because he was born in February (each of the twelve sects being composed of members born in a different month). He signified this in his album liner notes, quoting the portion from Genesis that includes Jacob's blessing to his son Joseph. Marley was baptised by the Archbishop of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in Kingston, Jamaica, on 4 November 1980.^[38][39]

Family[link]

Bob Marley had a number of children: three with his wife Rita, two adopted from Rita's previous relationships, and several others with different women. The Bob Marley official website acknowledges eleven children.

Those listed on the official site are:

1. Sharon, born 23 November 1964, to Rita in previous relationship
2. Cedella born 23 August 1967, to Rita
3. David "Ziggy", born 17 October 1968, to Rita
4. Stephen, born 20 April 1972, to Rita
5. Robert "Robbie", born 16 May 1972, to Pat Williams
6. Rohan, born 19 May 1972, to Janet Hunt
7. Karen, born 1973 to Janet Bowen
8. Stephanie, born 17 August 1974; according to Cedella Booker she was the daughter of Rita and a man called Ital with whom Rita had an affair; nonetheless she was acknowledged as Bob's daughter
9. Julian, born 4 June 1975, to Lucy Pounder
10. Ky-Mani, born 26 February 1976, to Anita Belnavis
11. Damian, born 21 July 1978, to Cindy Breakspeare

Makeda was born on 30 May 1981, to Yvette Crichton, after Marley's death.^[40] Meredith Dixon's book lists her as Marley's child, but she is not listed as such on the Bob Marley official website.

Various websites, for example,^[41] also list Imani Carole, born 22 May 1963 to Cheryl Murray; but she does not appear on the official Bob Marley website.^[40]

Final years and death[link]

Marley performing in Dalymount Park in the late 1970s

In July 1977, Marley was found to have a type of malignant melanoma under the nail of one of his toes. Contrary to urban legend, this lesion was not primarily caused by an injury during a football match in that year, but was instead a symptom of the already existing cancer. Marley turned down doctors' advice to have his toe amputated, citing his religious beliefs.^[42] Despite his illness, he continued touring and was in the process of scheduling a world tour in 1980. The intention was for Inner Circle to be his opening act on the tour but after their lead singer Jacob Miller died in Jamaica in March 1980 after returning from a scouting mission in Brazil this was no longer mentioned.^[43]

The album Uprising was released in May 1980 (produced by Chris Blackwell), on which "Redemption Song" is particularly considered to be about Marley coming to terms with his mortality.^{[citation needed]} The band completed a major tour of Europe, where they played their biggest concert, to a hundred thousand people in Milan. After the tour Marley went to America, where he performed two shows at Madison Square Garden as part of the Uprising Tour.

The final concert of Bob Marley's career was held 23 September 1980 at the Stanley Theater (now called The Benedum Center For The Performing Arts) in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The audio recording of that concert is now available on CD, vinyl, and digital music services.

Shortly after, Marley's health deteriorated and he became very ill; the cancer had spread throughout his body. The rest of the tour was cancelled and Marley sought treatment at the Bavarian clinic of Josef Issels, where he received a controversial type of cancer therapy (Issels treatment) partly based on avoidance of certain foods, drinks, and other substances. After fighting the cancer without success for eight months, Marley boarded a plane for his home in Jamaica.^[44]

While flying home from Germany to Jamaica, Marley's vital functions worsened. After landing in Miami, Florida, he was taken to the hospital for immediate medical attention. He died at Cedars of Lebanon Hospital in Miami (now University of Miami Hospital) on the morning of 11 May 1981, at the age of 36. The spread of melanoma to his lungs and brain caused his death. His final words to his son Ziggy were "Money can't buy life".^[45] Marley received a state funeral in Jamaica on 21 May 1981, which combined elements of Ethiopian Orthodoxy and Rastafari tradition.^[46] He was buried in a chapel near his birthplace with his red Gibson Les Paul (some accounts say it was a Fender Stratocaster).^[47]

On 21 May 1981, Jamaican Prime Minister Edward Seaga delivered the final funeral eulogy to Marley, declaring:

His voice was an omnipresent cry in our electronic world. His sharp features, majestic looks, and prancing style a vivid etching on the landscape of our minds. Bob Marley was never seen. He was an experience which left an indelible imprint with each encounter. Such a man cannot be erased from the mind. He is part of the collective consciousness of the nation.^[48]

Legacy[link]

Marley has remained popular for decades after his death—one of many memorials to him is this representation at Madame Tussaud Wax Museum in Amsterdam

Bob Marley was the Third World's first pop superstar. He was the man who introduced the world to the mystic power of reggae. He was a true rocker at heart, and as a songwriter, he brought the lyrical force of Bob Dylan, the personal charisma of John Lennon, and the essential vocal stylings of Smokey Robinson into one voice.

— Jann Wenner, at Marley’s 1994 posthumous introduction into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame^[49]

In 1999 Time magazine chose Bob Marley & The Wailers' Exodus as the greatest album of the 20th century.^[50] In 2001, he was posthumously awarded the Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award, and a feature-length documentary about his life, Rebel Music, won various awards at the Grammys. With contributions from Rita, The Wailers, and Marley's lovers and children, it also tells much of the story in his own words.^[51] A statue was inaugurated, next to the national stadium on Arthur Wint Drive in Kingston to commemorate him. In 2006, the State of New York renamed a portion of Church Avenue from Remsen Avenue to East 98th Street in the East Flatbush section of Brooklyn "Bob Marley Boulevard".^[52] In 2008, a statue of Marley was inaugurated in Banatski Sokolac, Serbia.^[53]

Internationally, Marley’s message also continues to reverberate amongst various indigenous communities. For instance, the Aboriginal people of Australia continue to burn a sacred flame to honor his memory in Sydney’s Victoria Park, while members of the Native American Hopi and Havasupai tribe revere his work.^[54] There are also many tributes to Bob Marley throughout India, including restaurants, hotels, and cultural festivals.^[55][56]

Marley has also evolved into a global symbol, which has been endlessly merchandised through a variety of mediums. In light of this, author Dave Thompson in his book Reggae and Caribbean Music, laments what he perceives to be the commercialized pacification of Marley's more militant edge, stating:

Bob Marley ranks among both the most popular and the most misunderstood figures in modern culture ... That the machine has utterly emasculated Marley is beyond doubt. Gone from the public record is the ghetto kid who dreamed of Che Guevara and the Black Panthers, and pinned their posters up in the Wailers Soul Shack record store; who believed in freedom; and the fighting which it necessitated, and dressed the part on an early album sleeve; whose heroes were James Brown and Muhammad Ali; whose God was Ras Tafari and whose sacrament was marijuana. Instead, the Bob Marley who surveys his kingdom today is smiling benevolence, a shining sun, a waving palm tree, and a string of hits which tumble out of polite radio like candy from a gumball machine. Of course it has assured his immortality. But it has also demeaned him beyond recognition. Bob Marley was worth far more.^[57]

Film adaptations[link]

In February 2008, director Martin Scorsese announced his intention to produce a documentary movie on Marley. The film was set to be released on 6 February 2010, on what would have been Marley's 65th birthday.^[58] However, Scorsese dropped out due to scheduling problems. He was replaced by Jonathan Demme,^[59] who dropped out due to creative differences with producer Steve Bing during the beginning of editing. Kevin Macdonald replaced Demme^[60] and the film, Marley, was released on 20 April 2012.

In March 2008, The Weinstein Company announced its plans to produce a biopic of Bob Marley, based on the book No Woman No Cry: My Life With Bob Marley by Rita Marley. Rudy Langlais will produce the script by Lizzie Borden and Rita Marley will be executive producer.^[61]

Ex-girlfriend and filmmaker Esther Anderson, along with Gian Godoy, made the documentary Bob Marley: The Making of a Legend, which premiered at the Edinburgh International Film Festival in 2011.^[62]

Discography[link]

• The Wailing Wailers (1965)
• The Best of The Wailers (1970)
• Soul Rebels (1970)
• Soul Revolution (1971)
• Catch a Fire (1973)
• Burnin' (1973)
• Natty Dread (1974)
• Rastaman Vibration (1976)
• Exodus (1977)
• Kaya (1978)
• Survival (1979)
• Uprising (1980)
• Confrontation (1983)

Awards and honors[link]

Marley's star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame

• 1976: Band of the Year (Rolling Stone).
• June 1978: Awarded the Peace Medal of the Third World from the United Nations.^[54]
• February 1981: Awarded Jamaica's third highest honour, the Jamaican Order of Merit.
• March 1994: Inducted into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame.
• 1999: Album of the Century for Exodus by Time Magazine.
• February 2001: A star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame.

• February 2001: Awarded Grammy Lifetime Achievement Award.
• 2004: Rolling Stone ranked him No.11 on their list of the 100 Greatest Artists of All Time.^[63]
• "One Love" named song of the millennium by BBC.
• Voted as one of the greatest lyricists of all time by a BBC poll.^[64]
• 2006: A blue plaque was unveiled at his first UK residence in Ridgmount Gardens, London, dedicated to him by Nubian Jak community trust and supported by Her Majesty's Foreign Office.^[65]
• 2010: "Catch a Fire" inducted into the Grammy Hall of Fame (Reggae Album).^[66]

References[link]

Further reading[link]

External links[link]

Biography portal

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Bob Marley

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: Bob Marley

• Official website
• Bob Marley at the Internet Movie Database
• The Bob Marley Foundation
• Online Home of the Marleys
• Bob Marley at Rolling Stone
• Marley Elected one of the Greatest Songwriters BBC News, 23 May 2001
• Showcase: Bob Marley by James Estrin, The New York Times, 18 May 2009
• Interview with Heather Marley in Bob Marley Magazine
• Extensive discography

v t e Pan-Africanism Proponents Politicians Nnamdi Azikiwe Amílcar Cabral Muammar Gaddafi Marcus Garvey David Comissiong Kenneth Kaunda Jomo Kenyatta Patrice Lumumba Thabo Mbeki Abdias do Nascimento Gamal Abdel Nasser Kwame Nkrumah Julius Nyerere John Nyathi Pokela Thomas Sankara Haile Selassie Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe Ahmed Sékou Touré I. T. A. Wallace-Johnson Others Marimba Ani Molefi Kete Asante Steve Biko Edward Wilmot Blyden John Henrik Clarke Cheikh Anta Diop W. E. B. Du Bois Frantz Fanon John G. Jackson Leonard Jeffries Yosef Ben-Jochannan Maulana Karenga Fela Kuti Bob Marley Malcolm X Zephania Mothopeng George Padmore Motsoko Pheko Runoko Rashidi Paul Robeson Walter Rodney Burning Spear Henry Sylvester-Williams Stokely Carmichael Omali Yeshitela Concepts United States of Africa Afrocentrism Kwanzaa Pan-African colours Pan-African flag Négritude African nationalism African socialism African Century Africanization Kawaida Ujamaa Harambee Ubuntu Zikism Black nationalism Organizations African Union Organization of African Unity Uhuru Movement UNIA-ACL African Unification Front International African Service Bureau