Secession in the United States can refer to secession of a state from the United States, secession of part of a state from that state to form a new state, or secession of an area from a city or county.

Attempts at or aspirations of secession from the United States have been a feature of the country's politics since its birth. Some have argued for a constitutional right of secession and others for a natural right of revolution. The United States Supreme Court ruled unilateral secession unconstitutional while commenting that revolution or consent of the states could lead to a successful secession.

The one serious secession movement was defeated in the American Civil War. In 1860-1861, eleven of the fifteen southern states where slavery was legal declared their secession from the United States and joined together as the Confederate States of America. It collapsed in 1865 after losing the war with the northern states.

A 2008 Zogby International poll revealed that 22% of Americans believed that "any state or region has the right to peaceably secede and become an independent republic."

American Revolution

The Declaration of Independence states:

Historian Pauline Maier argues that this sentence “asserted one right, the right of revolution, which was, after all, the right Americans were exercising in 1776.” The chosen language was Thomas Jefferson’s way of incorporating ideas “explained at greater length by a long list of seventeenth-century writers that included such prominent figures as John Milton, Algernon Sidney, and John Locke, as well as a host of others, English and Scottish, familiar and obscure, who continued and, in some measure, developed that �?Whig’ tradition in the eighteenth century. then they could defend themselves. This justification had antecedents in the Two Treatises, 1690, Fairfax Resolves, 1774, Summary Views, 1774, Virginia Constitution, 1776, and Common Sense, 1776.

Gordon S. Wood quotes John Adams, “Only �?repeated, multiplied oppressions’ placing it beyond all doubt �?that their rulers had formed settled plans to deprive them of their liberties,’ could warrant the concerted resistance of the people against their government.”

Antebellum American political and legal views on secession

Overview

The issue of secession was discussed in many forums, and even advocated in the North and South, in the years before the American Civil War. With origins in the question of states' rights, preceding the Nullification Crisis, historian Maury Klein describes the contemporary debate: "Was the Republic a unified nation in which the individual states had merged their sovereign rights and identities forever, or was it a federation of sovereign states joined together for specific purposes from which they could withdraw at any time?" He observes that "the case can be made that no result of the war was more important than the destruction, once and for all ... of the idea of secession".

Historian Forrest McDonald argues that after the adoption of the Constitution "there were no guidelines, either in theory or in history, as to whether the compact could be dissolved and, if so, on what conditions". However during "the founding era, many a public figure . . . declared that the states could interpose their powers between their citizens and the power of the federal government, and talk of secession was not unknown." However in order to avoid the resort to violence that was necessary in the Revolution, the Constitution intended, according to McDonald, to establish "legitimate means for constitutional change in the future." In effect, the Constitution "completed and perfected the Revolution."

Whatever the intentions of the Founders, secession and threats of disunion were a constant in the political discourse leading up to the Civil War. Historian Elizabeth Varon writes that

Secession from the Articles of Confederation

The United States was governed under the Articles of Confederation for most of the American Revolution and the first few years afterwards. Amendments to the Articles required unanimous consent of the states. The Congress under the Articles authorized a convention to propose changes to the Articles, leading to the drafting of the United States Constitution as a replacement for, rather than an amendment to, the Articles. Instead of submitting the Constitution to Congress where it would require unanimous approval, the proposed Constitution required only the ratification of nine of the thirteen states in order to initiate government under the Constitution. Only states ratifying the Constitution would be included in the new government. For a time, 11 of the states operated under the Constitution without the non-ratifying states of Rhode Island and North Carolina.

Since the Articles spoke of a perpetual union, various explanations have been presented to explain the apparent contradiction and illegality in abandoning (or seceding from) one government and creating another that did not include all of the members of the original. One explanation was simply that the situation under the Articles was failed to protect the vital interests of the states. Necessity, rather than legality, was the relevant factor.

Historian John Ferling wrote that by 1786 the Union under the Articles was falling apart. Founders such as James Madison and Alexander Hamilton believed that stability was needed in order to protect both property and commerce. Both favored a stronger central government. He wrote:

Other explanations focus on the Articles of Confederation as an international agreement between sovereign states as opposed to a consolidation that “totally annihilated, without any power of revival” the sovereign states. The Articles required that all states were bound to comply with all requirements of the articles. Permanence was linked to compliance. Emmerich de Vattel, at the time a recognized authority on international law, wrote that “Treaties contain promises that are perfect and reciprocal. If one of the allies fails in his engagements, the other may ... disengage himself in his promises, and ... break the treaty.” This argument was relied on by proponents of the Constitution and was featured by James Madison in Federalist No. 43.

Some argue that this secession from the Articles was a legal precedent for future secessions from the Constitution. For example, St. George Tucker, a respected jurist in the early republic era, wrote in 1803:

Others deny that a precedent was set. Akhil Reed Amar writes:

Others argue that the language of “perpetual union” from the Articles carried forward into the Constitution. Historian Kenneth Stampp writes:

Secession and the United States Constitution

Constitutional scholar Akhil Reed Amar argues that the permanence of the United States changed significantly when the Articles of Confederation were replaced by the adoption of the United States Constitution. This action “signaled its decisive break with the Articles’ regime of state sovereignty.” By creating a constitution instead of some other type of written document, it was made clear that the United States was:

Patrick Henry represented a strong voice for the Anti-Federalists who opposed adoption of the Constitution. Questioning the nature of the new political organization being proposed, Henry asked:

The Federalists would point out that Henry exaggerated the extent that a consolidated government was being created and acknowledged that states would continue to serve an important function even though sovereignty had been transferred to the American people as a whole. However, on the issue of whether states retained a right of unilateral secession from the United States, the Federalists made it clear that no such right would exist under the Constitution. The Supreme Court would hold to this view of the Constitution in its definitive ruling on the subject of secession attempts in the run-up to the American Civil War, Texas v. White.

The Federalist Papers, a primary source for interpretation of the U.S. Constitution, described in detail the dangers of disunion. Hamilton used stark language in Federalist 6 to predict that disunion would lead to war, much as occurred constantly in continental Europe.

Hamilton repeated his of disunion in Federalist 7, predicting that if America lacked a strong union it would "be gradually entangled in all the pernicious labyrinths of European politics and wars." Madison echoed these fears in Federalist 41, observing that peace on the American continent depended on distance from Europe and a strong union. Disunion would lead to large standing armies and war much as occurred in Europe.

Natural right of revolution versus right of secession

Debates on the legality of secession often looked back to the example of the American Revolution and the Declaration of Independence. Law professor Daniel Farber defined the borders of this debate:

In the public debate over the Nullification Crisis the separate issue of secession was also discussed. James Madison, often referred to as “The Father of the Constitution”, spoke out against secession as a constitutional right. In a March 15, 1833, letter to Daniel Webster congratulating him on a speech opposing nullification, Madison discussed “revolution” versus “secession”:

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Also during this crisis, President Andrew Jackson, in his “Proclamation to the People of South Carolina”, made the case for the perpetuity of the Union while also contrasting the differences between “revolution” and “secession”:

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In the midst of the secession crisis that would lead to the Civil War, President James Buchanan in his final State of the Union speech acknowledged the South, “after having first used all peaceful and constitutional means to obtain redress, would be justified in revolutionary resistance to the Government of the Union”, but he also reiterated the difference between “revolution” and “secession”:

Alien and Sedition Acts

John Taylor of Caroline pushed for Virginia's secession at the time of the 1798 Alien and Sedition Acts and his participation in the Republican response—the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions—demonstrated how seriously he took the reserved rights of secession and interposition (nullification) belonging to the States. Thomas Jefferson also communicated to James Madison his conviction in "a reservation of the rights resulting to us from these palpable violations [the Alien and Sedition Acts]" and, if the federal government did not return to "the true principles of our federal compact," he was determined to "sever ourselves from that union we so much value, rather than give up the rights of self government which we have reserved, and in which alone we see liberty, safety and happiness." Jeffersonian Republicans were not alone in claiming "reserved rights" against the federal government. During the War of 1812, Federalist Founding Father, Gouverneur Morris (a Hamilton ally) stated that "secession, under certain circumstances, was entirely constitutional."

New England Federalists and Hartford Convention

The election of 1800 saw Jefferson's Democratic-Republican Party on the rise with the Federalists in decline. Federalists became alarmed at what they saw as threats from the Democratic-Republicans. The Louisiana Purchase was viewed as a violation of the original agreement between the original thirteen states since it created the potential for numerous new states that would be dominated by the Democratic-Republicans. The impeachment of John Pickering, a Federalist district judge, by the Democratic-Republican dominated Congress and similar attacks by the Democratic-Republican Pennsylvania legislature against that state's judiciary further alarmed Federalists. By 1804, the viable base of the Federalist Party had been reduced to the states of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Delaware.

A few Federalists, led by Timothy Pickering of Massachusetts, considered the creation of a separate New England confederation, possibly combining with lower Canada to form a pro-British nation. Historian Richard Buell, Jr., characterizes these separatist musings:

The Embargo Act of 1807 was seen as a threat to the economy of Massachusetts and in late May 1808 the state legislature debated how the state should respond. Once again these debates generated isolated references to secession, but no clear cut plot ever materialized.

Spurred on by some Federalist party members, the Hartford Convention was convened on December 15, 1814, to address both the opposition to the War of 1812 (which lasted until 1815) and the domination of the federal government by the Virginia political dynasty. Twenty six delegates attended—Massachusetts sent 12 delegates, Connecticut seven, and Rhode Island four. New Hampshire and Vermont decided not to send delegates although two counties from each state did send delegates. Historian Donald R. Hickey noted:

The final report addressed issues related to the war and state defense and recommended seven constitutional amendments dealing with "the overrepresentation of white southerners in Congress, the growing power of the West, the trade restrictions and the war, the influence of foreigners (like Albert Gallatin), and the Virginia dynasty's domination of national politics."

Massachusetts and Connecticut endorsed the report, but the war ended as the states' delegates were on their way to Washington, effectively ending any impact the report might have had. Generally the convention was a "victory for moderation", but the timing led to the convention being identified as "a synonym for disloyalty and treason" and was a major factor in the sharp decline of the Federalist Party.

Abolitionists

Sectional tensions, with the North and New England pictured as the victims of a slaveholders’ conspiracy, arose again in the late 1830s and 1840s over the related issues of Texas Annexation, the Mexican–American War, and the expansion of slavery. Isolated voices of separation from the South were again heard. Historian Joel Sibley writes of the beliefs held by some leaders in New England:

In the May 1844 edition of The Liberator, William Lloyd Garrison wrote "Address to the Friends of Freedom and Emancipation in the United States." In this strongly disunionist editorial, Garrison wrote that the Constitution had been created “at the expense of the colored population of the country”. With southerners continuing to dominate the nation because of the Three-fifths compromise, it was time “to set the captive free by the potency of truth” and “secede from the government.” on the same day that this issue was published, the New England Anti-Slavery Convention endorsed the principles of disunion from slaveholders by a vote of 250–24.

From this point on, with the introduction of the Wilmot Proviso into the public debate, talk of secession would be primarily a southern issue. The southern theme, increased perceptions of helplessness against a powerful political group attacking a basic southern interest, was almost a mirror image of Federalist beliefs at the beginning of the century.

South Carolina

During the presidential term of Andrew Jackson, South Carolina had its own semi-secession movement due to the "Tariffs of Abomination" which threatened both South Carolina's economy and the Union. Andrew Jackson also threatened to send federal troops to put down the movement and to hang the leader of the secessionists from the highest tree in South Carolina. Also due to this, Jackson's vice president, John C. Calhoun, who supported the movement and wrote the essay "The South Carolina Exposition and Protest", became the first US vice-president to resign. South Carolina also threatened to secede in 1850 over the issue of California's statehood. It became the first state to declare its secession from the Union on December 20, 1860, with the Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which Induce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union and later joined with the other southern states in the Confederacy.

Confederate States of America

:See main articles Origins of the American Civil War, Confederate States of America and American Civil War.

The most famous unsuccessful secession movement was the case of the Southern states of the United States. Secession from the United States was declared in eleven states (and failed in two others); they joined together to form the Confederate States of America (CSA). The eleven states of the CSA, in order of secession, were: South Carolina (seceded December 20, 1860), Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, North Carolina, Virginia, and Tennessee (seceded June 8, 1861). Secession was declared by its supporters in Missouri and Kentucky, but did not become effective as it was opposed by their pro-Union state governments. This secession movement brought about the American Civil War. The position of the Union was that the Confederacy was not a sovereign nation, but that a rebellion had been initiated by individuals. Historian Bruce Catton described President Abraham Lincoln's April 15, 1861, proclamation after the attack on Fort Sumter, which defined the Union's position on the hostilities:

Supreme Court rulings

Texas v. White was argued before the United States Supreme Court during the December 1868 term. Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase read the Court's decision, on April 15, 1869. Australian Professors Peter Radan and Aleksandar Pavkovic write:

However, the Court's decision recognized some possibility of the divisibility "through revolution, or through consent of the States".

In 1877, the Williams v. Bruffy decision was rendered, pertaining to civil war debts. The Court wrote regarding acts establishing an independent government that "The validity of its acts, both against the parent state and the citizens or subjects thereof, depends entirely upon its ultimate success; if it fail to establish itself permanently, all such acts perish with it; if it succeed and become recognized, its acts from the commencement of its existence are upheld as those of an independent nation."

Historian Kenneth Stampp notes that an historical case against secession had been made that argued that "the Union is older than the states" and that "the provision for a perpetual Union in the Articles of Confederation" was carried over into the Constitution by the "reminder that the preamble to the new Constitution gives us one of its purposes the formation of 'a more perfect Union."

Secessions from a state

of the United States Constitutions reads: New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new States shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress. Some of the movements to partition states have or do identify themselves as "secessionist" movements.

Kentucky

After the American Revolution, the counties of Virginia beyond the Appalachian Mountains became known as Kentucky County. Eventually, the residents of Kentucky County petitioned for a separation from Virginia. Ten constitutional conventions were held in the Constitution Square Courthouse in Danville between 1784 and 1792. In 1790, Kentucky's delegates accepted Virginia's terms of separation, and a state constitution was drafted at the final convention in April 1792. On June 1, 1792, Kentucky became the fifteenth state to be admitted to the union.

Tennessee

Eight counties of western North Carolina (and now part of Tennessee) broke off from that state in the late 1780s and formed the abortive State of Franklin. Efforts to obtain admission to the Union failed, and the counties had re-joined North Carolina by 1790. North Carolina ceded the area to the federal government in 1790, after which it was organized into the Southwest Territory. Tennessee was admitted to the Union in 1796 as the 16th state. It was the first state created from territory under the jurisdiction of the United States federal government.

Maine

Maine was originally an exclave of Massachusetts. Long-standing disagreements over land speculation and settlements led to Maine residents and their allies in Massachusetts proper forcing an 1807 vote in the Massachusetts Assembly on permitting Maine to secede; the vote failed. Secessionist sentiment in Maine was stoked during the War of 1812 when Massachusetts pro-British merchants opposed the war and refused to defend Maine from British invaders. In 1820 Maine voted to secede from Massachusetts, and the secession and formation of the state of Maine occurred in 1820 as part of the Missouri Compromise, which also geographically limited the spread of slavery and enabled the admission to statehood of Missouri the following year.

West Virginia

During the course of the American Civil War, the western counties of Virginia making up what is now West Virginia seceded from Virginia (which had joined the Confederacy) and became the 35th state of the U.S. Specifically, Unionist leaders in Wheeling set up a new state government for Virginia that was recognized by Washington. The new Virginia state government in turn voted to allow the western counties to secede. They did so, wrote a constitution, and were admitted to the Union as West Virginia. Support for the Confederacy and the Union was about evenly divided in the new state and guerrilla war lasted until 1865.

51st state proposals and movements

There have been a number of 51st state proposals and movements whose goal is to secede from a current state and form a new state, still within the United States:

The book Lost States describes several examples including the proposed states of Absaroka, Deseret, Lincoln, Texlahoma and Transylvania.

In 1977, political representatives on the islands of Martha's Vineyard, Nantucket and the Elizabeth Islands considered secession from Massachusetts, some even threatening secession from the United States if their requests were not recognized. However, eventually they settled for better representation in the Massachusetts legislature.

In March 2008, the comptroller of Suffolk County, New York, once again proposed for Long Island to secede from New York State, citing the fact that Long Island gives more in taxes to the state than it receives back in aid. Numerous movements call for the partition of New York into western New York, upstate New York, New York City and/or Long Island.

California had a long history of attempted state secession movements, such as the State of Jefferson of 1940–41, the 1965 proposal of a new state of Southern California south of the Tehachapi mountains, and the current day "Inland" and "Coastal" California state proposals in the late 2000s.

The Washington State Legislature on several occasions has considered measures to split the state in two: Western Washington and Eastern Washington, the border being along the Cascade Mountains. Reasons given are climate, population and political related.

1980s-present efforts

The late 20th and early 21st centuries have seen examples of local and state secession movements. All such movements to create new states have failed.

City secession

There was an attempt by Staten Island to break away from New York City in the late 1980s and early 1990s, leading to a 1993 referendum, in which 65% voted to secede. Implementation was blocked in the State Assembly by assertions that the state's constitution required a "home rule message" from New York City.

The San Fernando Valley lost a vote to separate from Los Angeles in 2002 but has seen increased attention to its infrastructure needs. Despite the majority (55%) of the valley within the L.A. city limits voting for secession, the city council unanimously voted to block the partition of the valley north of Mulholland Drive. If the San Fernando Valley became a city, it would be the seventh largest in the United States, with over one million people.

Other attempted city secession drives include Killington, Vermont, which has voted twice (2005 and 2006) to join New Hampshire; the community of Miller Beach, Indiana, originally a separate incorporated community, to split from the city of Gary in 2007; Northeast Philadelphia to split from the city of Philadelphia; and the rejection of annexation of what was the unincorporated area of West Indio from Indio, California.

County secession

In U.S. history, many counties have been divided, often for routine administrative convenience, although sometimes at the request of a majority of the residents. During the 20th century, over 1,000 county secession movements existed, but since the 1950s only three have succeeded: La Paz County, Arizona, broke off from Yuma County and the Cibola County, New Mexico, effort both occurred in the early 1980s, while during 1998–2001 there was a transition by Broomfield, Colorado, to become a separate jurisdiction from four different counties.

Prior to these, the last county created in the U.S. was Menominee County, Wisconsin, in 1959. The problem with Menominee County was an act to replace the Menominee Indian Reservation from 1961 to its restoration in 1973. Another case is Osage County, Oklahoma, when the county was meant to replace the Osage tribal sovereignty, and the BIA declaration of it being a "mineral estate" not a sovereign tribal group nor the state's only Indian reservation in 1997.

The High Desert County, California, plan to split the northern half of Los Angeles and the eastern half of Kern counties, was approved by the California state government in 2006, but was never officially declared in force. The state rejected the approval due to inaction of any establishment of county government in 2009.

In 2010, southern Cook County, Illinois are petitioning to create "Lincoln County", to protest the dominance of Chicago. The county's possible largest city is Calumet City, Illinois, and only 600,000 out of 5.03 million Cook County residents live south of Chicago.

Also there's a movement for the southeastern portion of Maricopa County, Arizona called to secede and establish "Mesa County" for Mesa, to complain about the county government mainly focuses on Phoenix instead of the entire county.

State secession

Some states have movements which see secession from the United States itself and the formation of a nation from one or more states.

Alaska: In November 2006, the Alaska Supreme Court held in the case Kohlhaas v. State that secession was illegal, and refused to permit an initiative to be presented to the people of Alaska for a vote. The Alaskan Independence Party remains a factor in state politics.

Florida: The mock 1982 secessionist protest by the Conch Republic in the Florida Keys resulted in an ongoing source of local pride and tourist amusement.

Georgia: On April 1, 2009, the Georgia State Senate passed a resolution 43-1 that affirmed the right of states to nullify federal laws. The resolution also included the assertion that if Congress took certain steps, including restricting firearms or ammunition, the United States government would cease to exist.

Hawaii: The Hawaiian sovereignty movement has a number of active groups that have won some concessions from the state of Hawaii, including the offering of H.R. 258 in March 2011 which removes the words "Treaty of Annexation" from a statue. It has passed a committee recommendation 6-0 thus far.

League of the South: The group seeks "a free and independent Southern republic" made up of the former Confederacy. It operated a short lived Southern Party supporting the right of states to secede from the Union or to legally nullify federal laws. Some describe these movements as neo-confederate.

With the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States to hear District of Columbia v. Heller in late 2007, an early 2008 movement began in Montana involving at least 60 elected officials addressing potential secession if the Second Amendment were interpreted not to grant an individual right, citing its compact with the United States of America.

South Carolina: In May 2010 a group was formed calling itself the Third Palmetto Republic, a reference to the fact that the state claimed to be an independent republic twice before in its history: Once in 1776 and again in 1860. The group was modeled after the Second Vermont Republic and says its aims are for a free and independent South Carolina, and to abstain from any further federations.

Texas Secession Movement: The group Republic of Texas generated national publicity for its controversial actions in the late 1990s. A small group still meets. In April 2009, Rick Perry, the Governor of Texas, raised the issue of secession in disputed comments during a speech at a Tea Party protest saying "Texas is a unique place. When we came into the union in 1845, one of the issues was that we would be able to leave if we decided to do that...My hope is that America and Washington in particular pays attention. We've got a great union. There's absolutely no reason to dissolve it. But if Washington continues to thumb their nose at the American people, who knows what may come of that."

Vermont: The Second Vermont Republic, founded in 2003, is a loose network of several groups which describes itself as "a nonviolent citizens' network and think tank opposed to the tyranny of Corporate America and the U.S. government, and committed to the peaceful return of Vermont to its status as an independent republic and more broadly the dissolution of the Union." Its "primary objective is to extricate Vermont peacefully from the United States as soon as possible.” They have worked closely with the Middlebury Institute created from a meeting sponsored in Vermont in 2004. On October 28, 2005, activists held the Vermont Independence Conference, “the first statewide convention on secession in the United States since North Carolina voted to secede from the Union on May 20, 1861.”

Republic of Lakotah: Some members of the Lakota people of Montana, Wyoming, Nebraska, North Dakota, and South Dakota created the Republic to assert the independence of a nation that was always sovereign and did not willingly join the United States; therefore they do not consider themselves technically to be secessionists.

Pacific Northwest: There have been repeated attempts to form a Republic of Cascadia in the northwest.

Territory secession

Puerto Rico: The Puerto Rican independence movement traces its origins to the Taíno rebellion of 1511. Recent resolutions aimed at giving the island the right to self-determination include a draft from the U.N. Special Committee of the 24 on Decolonization in 2009 and the Puerto Rico Democracy Act of 2010.

See also

List of U.S. state partition proposals

List of active autonomist and secessionist movements in the United States

Ordinance of Secession

Submissionist

Thomas Naylor

Kirkpatrick Sale

Second Vermont Republic

League of the South

Notes

References

Amar, Akhil Reed (2005). America's Constitution: A Biography. Random House. ISBN 0-8129-7272-4

Buel, Richard Jr. (2005). America on the Brink: How the Political Struggle over the War of 1812 Almost Destroyed the Young Republic. Macmillan. ISBN 1-4039-6238-3

Cain, William E., editor (1995). William Lloyd Garrison and the Fight Against Slavery: Selections from The Liberator. Bedford Books of St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-10386-7

Farber, Daniel (2003). Lincoln's Constitution. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-23793-1

Ferling, John. A Leap in the Dark: The Struggle to Create the American Republic. (2003) ISBN 978-0-19-515924-0

Hickey, Donald R. (1997). "Hartford Convention" in Encyclopedia of the War of 1812. Heidler, David S. and Heidler, Jeanne T. editors. Naval Institute Press. ISBN 1-59114-362-4

Ketcham, Ralph (1990). James Madison: A Biography. University of Virginia Press. ISBN 0-8139-1265-2

Klein, Maury (1997). Days of Defiance: Sumter, Secession, and the Coming of the Civil War. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group ISBN 0-679-44747-4

Maier, Pauline (1997). American Scripture: Making the Declaration of Independence. Knopf. ISBN 0-679-45492-6

Mayer, Henry (1998). All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery. W. W. Norton & Co. ISBN 0-312-18740-8

McDonald, Forrest. States' Rights and the Union: Imperium in Imperio 1776-1876. (2000) ISBN 0-7006-1040-5

Remini, Robert V. (1984). Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 1833–1845. Harper & Row. ISBN 0-06-015279-6

Sibley, Joel H. (2005). Storm Over Texas: The Annexation Controversy and the Road to Civil War. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-513944-0

Stampp, Kenneth M. "The Concept of a Perpetual Union". The Journal of American History, Vol. 65, no. 1 (Jun., 1978), pp. 5–33

Varon, Elizabeth R. Disunion: The Coming of the American Civil War, 1789-1859. (2008) ISBN 978-0-8078-3232-5

External links

Declaration of Causes of Seceding States - Ordinances of Secession of Georgia, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Texas

Category:Confederate States of America

Coordinates	30°19′10″N81°39′36″N
Name	Rick Perry
Caption	Rick Perry in February 2011 in Washington, D.C..
Order	47th
Office	Governor of Texas
Lieutenant	Bill Ratliff (2000-03)David Dewhurst (since 2003)
Term start	December 21, 2000
Predecessor	George W. Bush
Order2	39th
Office2	Lieutenant Governor of Texas
Term start2	January 19, 1999
Term end2	December 21, 2000
Governor2	George W. Bush
Predecessor2	Bob Bullock
Successor2	Bill Ratliff
Office3	9th Commissioner of Agriculture of Texas
Governor3	Ann RichardsGeorge W. Bush
Term start3	January 15, 1991
Term end3	January 19, 1999
Predecessor3	Jim Hightower
Successor3	Susan Combs
Office4	Member of the House of Representatives of Texasfrom District 64
Term start4	1985
Term end4	1991
Predecessor4	Joe Hanna
Successor4	John Cook
Birth date	March 04, 1950
Birth place	Paint Creek, Texas
Residence	West Austin, Texas(Temporary residence since 2007, during repairs to the Texas Governor's Mansion)
Spouse	Anita Thigpen
Children	GriffinSydney
Alma mater	Texas A&M; University
Party	Republican Party (since 1989)Democratic Party (until 1989)
Religion	Methodism
Signature	Rick Perry signature.svg
Branch	United States Air Force
Serviceyears	1972–1977
Rank	Captain
Website	www.governor.state.tx.us

James Richard "Rick" Perry (born March 4, 1950) is the 47th and current Governor of Texas, having held the office since December 2000. He is a member of the Republican Party.

Elected Lieutenant Governor of Texas in 1998, he assumed office as governor in December 2000 when Governor George W. Bush resigned to become President of the United States. Perry was elected to full terms in 2002, 2006 and 2010, an unprecedented feat in Texas political history. With a tenure in office to date of , Perry is the longest serving current U.S. governor, having succeeded North Dakota Governor John Hoeven who resigned on December 7, 2010 after being elected to the US Senate.

Perry served as Chairman of the Republican Governors Association in 2008 (succeeding Sonny Perdue of Georgia), and in 2011 will once again serve as RGA Chairman.

Perry holds all records for Texas gubernatorial tenure, having broken both Allan Shivers' consecutive service record of 7 1/2 years in June 2008 and Bill Clements' total service record of eight years (over two non-consecutive terms) in December 2008. As a result, the Dallas Morning News reported in December 2008 that Perry has the distinction of being the only governor in modern Texas history to have appointed at least one person to every possible state office, board, or commission position which requires gubernatorial appointment (as well as to several elected offices to which the governor can appoint someone to fill an unexpired term, such as six of the nine current members of the Texas Supreme Court).

Perry won the 2010 Republican primary election, defeating U.S. Senator Kay Bailey Hutchison and former Wharton County Republican Party Chairwoman and businesswoman Debra Medina. In the 2010 Texas gubernatorial election, Perry won re-election to a third term, defeating former Houston mayor Bill White and Kathie Glass.

In response to questions about his political future, Perry has deflected suggestions that he should run for President, saying that he's not been interested in seeking the office. In May 2011 however, Perry made his first public comment suggesting a possible change in direction when he said he would "think about" running for president after the close of the 2011 Texas legislative session but then quipped, "but I think about a lot of things".

In June 2011, Perry made perhaps the clearest sign yet that he may be more serious about seeking the presidential office in 2012 when he appeared on the Fox News Channel and told host Neil Cavuto that he was “certainly giving it the appropriate thought process." Referring to his previous statements about not being interested in running, Cavuto asked Perry what had changed. Perry responded, “Six weeks ago, this was not on my radar....” But since then, his wife and supporters have asked him “to give this a second thought” as “our country is in trouble.”

Early life

A fifth-generation Texan, Perry was born in Paint Creek, about north of Abilene in West Texas, to ranchers Joseph Ray Perry and the former Amelia June Holt. His father, a Democrat, was a long-time Haskell County commissioner and school board member. Perry graduated from Paint Creek High School in 1968. As a child, Perry was in the Boy Scouts (BSA) and earned the rank of Eagle Scout; his son, Griffin, would also later become an Eagle Scout. The BSA honored Perry with the Distinguished Eagle Scout Award.

Perry attended Texas A&M; University, where he was a member of the Corps of Cadets, a member of the Alpha Gamma Rho fraternity and one of A&M;'s five yell leaders (a popular Texas A&M; tradition analogous to male cheerleaders). He interned with the Southwestern Company during the summer time as a door-to-door book salesman where he honed his communication skills. Perry graduated in 1972 with a degree in animal science. While at Texas A&M; University Perry successfully completed a static line parachute jump at Ags Over Texas (a United States Parachute Association dropzone), the dropzone that was then in operation at Coulter Field (KCFD) in Bryan, Texas, just north of Texas A&M; (in College Station, Texas).

Upon graduation, he was commissioned in the United States Air Force, completed pilot training and flew C-130 tactical airlift in the United States, the Middle East, and Europe until 1977. He left the Air Force with the rank of captain, returned to Texas and went into business farming cotton with his father.

In 1982, Perry married Anita Thigpen, his childhood sweetheart whom he had known since elementary school. They have two children, Griffin and Sydney. Anita Perry attended West Texas State University and earned a degree in nursing. She has spearheaded a number of health-related initiatives such as the Anita Thigpen Perry Endowment at the University of Texas Health Science Center San Antonio, which focuses on nutrition, cardiovascular disease, health education, and early childhood programming.

Perry has said that his interest in politics probably began in November 1961, when his father took him to the funeral of Sam Rayburn, who during his long public career served as speaker of the Texas House and the U.S. House of Representatives. Dignitaries from all over the nation came to the small town of Bonham, the seat of Fannin County, for the service.

Texas Legislature

In 1984, Perry was elected to the Texas House of Representatives as a Democrat from a district (64) that included his home county of Haskell. He served on the House Appropriations and Calendars committees during his three two-year terms in office. He befriended fellow freshman state representative Lena Guerrero of Austin, a staunch liberal Democrat who endorsed Perry's reelection bid in 2006 on personal, rather than philosophical, grounds. Perry was part of the "Pit Bulls", a group of Appropriations members who sat on the lower dais in the committee room (or "pit") who pushed for austere state budgets during the 1980s.

Perry supported Al Gore in the 1988 Democratic presidential primaries and was chairman of the Gore campaign in Texas.

In 1989, The Dallas Morning News named him one of the most effective legislators in the 71st Legislature. That same year, Perry announced that he was joining the Republican Party.

Agriculture Commissioner

In 1990, he challenged incumbent Democratic Agriculture Commissioner Jim Hightower. Hightower had worked on behalf of Jesse Jackson for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1988, while Perry had supported U.S. Senator Al Gore of Tennessee. Perry narrowly unseated Hightower, even as the Republican gubernatorial candidate, Clayton Williams, went down to defeat at the hands of Ann Richards.

As Agriculture Commissioner, Perry was responsible for promoting the sale of Texas farm produce to other states and foreign nations and supervising the calibration of weights and measures, such as gasoline pumps and grocery store scales.

In 1994, Perry was reelected Agriculture Commissioner by a large margin, having polled 2,546,287 votes (61.92 percent) to Democrat Marvin Gregory's 1,479,692 (35.98 percent). Libertarian Clyde L. Garland received the remaining 85,836 votes (2.08 percent).

Lieutenant governor

In 1998, Perry chose not to seek a third term as Agriculture Commissioner, running instead for Lieutenant Governor to succeed the retiring Democrat Bob Bullock. Perry polled 1,858,837 votes (50.04 percent) to the 1,790,106 (48.19 percent) cast for Democrat John Sharp of Victoria, who had relinquished the comptroller's position after two terms to seek the lieutenant governorship. Libertarian Anthony Garcia polled another 65,150 votes (1.75 percent).

Perry is a member of the Republican Governors Association, the National Governors Association, the Western Governors Association, and the Southern Governors Association. Perry is currently serving as Chairman of the Republican Governors Association; he previously served as its Chairman in 2008. which was narrowly approved by voters.

This legislation has resulted in a 30 percent decrease in malpractice insurance rates and a significant increase in the number of doctors seeking to practice in the state.

Recently, Perry has drawn attention for his criticism of the Obama administration's handling of the recession, and for turning down approximately $555 million in stimulus money for unemployment insurance. Perry was lauded by the Texas Association of Business for this decision and his justification—that the funds and the mandatory changes to state law would have placed an enduring tax burden on employers. In September 2009, Perry declared that Texas was recession-proof: "As a matter of fact...someone had put a report out that the first state that's coming out of the recession is going to be the state of Texas...I said, 'We're in one?'"

Paul Burka, senior executive editor of Texas Monthly, criticized Perry's remarks, saying "You cannot be callous and cavalier when people are losing their jobs and their homes."

Fiscal issues

Perry, a proclaimed proponent of fiscal conservatism, has often campaigned on tax reform and job growth. Perry resisted creating a Texas state income tax and increasing sales tax rates, choosing instead to increase user fees and debt, adding $2 billion for road bonds, borrowing from the Federal Unemployment Trust Fund and adding surcharges to various traffic offenses, protected the state's "Rainy Day fund", balanced the state budget as required by state law, and was reelected on a platform to reduce property taxes that rose with the inflation of property values in the late 1990s and the 21st century. In early 2006, Perry signed legislation that delivered a $15.7 billion reduction in property taxes.

In early 2006 Perry angered some fiscal conservatives in his own party by supporting an increase in the state franchise tax alongside a property tax reform bill. Many organizations within the Republican Party itself condemned Perry's tax bill, HB-3, and likened it to a "back door" state income tax. Perry claimed that the bill would save the average taxpayer $2,000 in property taxes. Critics contended that Perry inflated these numbers; the actual tax savings, they said, would average only $150 per family.

In 2003, Perry signed legislation that created the Texas Enterprise Fund to enhance the development of the Texas economy. In 2004, he authorized the fund to grant $20 million to Countrywide Financial in return for a promise "to create 7,500 new jobs in the state by 2010." The grant (all of which are approved by the Governor, the Lieutenant Governor and Speaker of the House) is one of the largest made from the fund in terms of the size and the number of jobs promised. In the fall of 2007, while slashing jobs and with its stock price plummeting, Countrywide assured Perry's office that the company "believed" it would meet its 2010 commitment only to be acquired in a fire sale two months later by Bank of America. Thanks to the "claw-back" provisions in the program, grantees return funds to the state for jobs not created.

Scrutiny directed at his preference for tax cuts has been largely offset by the state's comparative economic strength in the midst of a serious global economic downturn.

As lieutenant governor, he initially sponsored a controversial school voucher bill as an alternative to the "Robin Hood" school finance proposal. In 2004, Perry attacked the same "Robin Hood" plan as detrimental to the educational system and attempted to get the legislature to replace it with one that he said would encourage greater equity, cost less, hold down property and sales taxes, and foster job growth. Perry objected to the legalization of video lottery terminals at racetracks and on Indian reservations as well as increases in cigarette taxes.

In 2003, Perry called three consecutive special legislative sessions to procure a congressional redistricting plan he said would be more reflective of the state's population. The plan finally adopted—supported by then U.S. House Majority Leader Tom DeLay of Sugar Land—brought about a five-seat Republican gain in the delegation. In 2006, however, the five-seat edge was reduced to three seats. Thereafter, Republicans gained one seat in 2008 and an additional three seats in the 2010 election; they now hold a 23-9 majority.

A special session of the legislature was convened on June 21, 2005, to address education issues, but resistance developed from House Speaker Tom Craddick, a Republican from Midland. Perry's proposal was attacked by members from property-poor districts and was rejected. During the session, Perry became involved in a heated debate with Comptroller Carole Strayhorn about the merits of his school finance proposal. Strayhorn initially planned to oppose Perry in the 2006 Republican primary, but she instead ran as an independent in the general election. Another special session was convened on July 21, 2005 after Perry vetoed all funding for public schools for the 2007-2008 biennium. He vowed not to "approve an education budget that shortchanges teacher salary increases, textbooks, education technology, and education reforms. And I cannot let $2 billion sit in some bank account when it can go directly to the classroom."

Perry's campaign office in 2006 declared that without the special session, some "$2 billion that had been intended for teacher pay raises, education reforms, and other school priorities would have gone unused because House Bill 2 [the public school reform package] didn’t pass." The bill failed to pass in the first session, and was refiled in a second session, in which the bill was defeated 62-79, after 50 amendments were added without discussion or debate.

Late in 2005, to maximize the impact of a bipartisan education plan, Perry asked his former rival in the race for lieutenant governor, John Sharp, a former Texas State Comptroller and a member of the Texas Railroad Commission, Texas State Senate and Texas House of Representatives, to head an education task force charged with preparing a bipartisan education plan. Sharp accepted Perry's offer and removed himself as a potential candidate for governor in 2006. The task force issued its final plan several months later, and the legislature adopted it. For his successful efforts, Sharp was later nominated by the Dallas Morning News for the "Texan of the Year" award.

In June 2010, Perry went on a 12-day trade mission to East Asia. The security detail for the trip cost $129,000 in state money. The Texas Government attempted to block the media's scrutiny of the use of the funds as they contained information that could compromise the future security of the state's senior executive. A member of White's gubernatorial campaign stated that Perry should, "stop hiding the facts on fiscal issues like what he's charging taxpayers for travel". Perry's campaign countered that the trip led to greater exposure for Texas business opportunities in Asia. In all, Perry made 23 foreign trips from 2004–2010, including a vacation on Grand Cayman and an education policy retreat in the Bahamas. The state paid only 1% of the travel expenses for these excursions, but security details for all trips combined cost over $1 million in state money. Perry's chief of staff remarked that the trips were "good business sense" as they enhanced the profile of Texan goods and services in foreign markets. White's campaign, however, accused Perry of staging the trips for self-promotion.

Repeal of the 16th Amendment

In Rick Perry's 2010 book Fed Up!, he takes issue with the Federal government's right to collect income tax. Rick considers "The 16th Amendment. If you want to know when Washington really got off the track, the 16th Amendment, giving them the opportunity to take your money with a personal income tax."

Social policy

Perry is known for his opposition to gay rights, and he opposes all legal recognition of same sex marriages. He condemned the United States Supreme Court decision in Lawrence vs. Texas, which struck down a Texas sodomy law and believed the law to be "appropriate".

Perry is pro-life and opposes government funding for elective abortions. In 2005, Perry, a social conservative, signed a bill that limited late-term abortions and required girls under the age of 18 who procure abortions to notify their parents. Perry signed the bill in the gymnasium of Calvary Christian Academy in Fort Worth, an evangelical Christian school.

Christian religious beliefs

In what was described as a "God and country" sermon at the Cornerstone church in San Antonio, attended by Perry and other mostly Republican candidates, the Rev. John Hagee stated, "If you live your life and don't confess your sins to God Almighty through the authority of Christ and His blood, I'm going to say this very plainly, you're going straight to hell with a nonstop ticket." Perry was asked if he agreed with those comments and said, "It is my faith, and I'm a believer of that." Perry went on to say that there was nothing in the sermon that he took exception with.

While visiting Israel in August 2009, Perry gave an interview to the Jerusalem Post in which he affirmed his support for Israel from his religious background, "I'm a big believer that this country was given to the people of Israel a long time ago, by God, and that's ordained."

Intelligent design

During the 2006 gubernatorial election campaign, Perry said he supported teaching intelligent design alongside evolution in Texas schools. A spokeswoman for Perry called intelligent design a "valid scientific theory", an analysis that political commentator Rick Casey describes as "disputed by the scientific establishment".

HPV vaccine

On February 2, 2007, Perry issued an executive order mandating that Texas girls receive HPV vaccine that protects against some strains of the human papilloma virus, a cause of cervical cancer. The order provided vaccination free of charge to those who were not covered by insurance. and apparent financial connections between Merck and Perry were reported by news outlets, such as a $6,000 campaign contribution and Merck's hiring of former Perry Chief of Staff Mike Toomey to handle its Texas lobbying work.

Perry's decision has been criticized by some social conservatives and parents due to concerns about possible moral implications of the vaccine and safety concerns. On February 22, 2007, a group of families sued in an attempt to block Perry's executive order. Perry's order has also been criticized for the price of the vaccine: approximately $360 in Texas.

On May 9, 2007, Perry allowed a bill to go into law that would undo his executive order.

Vetoes

Perry set a record in the 2001 legislative session for the use of the veto: he rejected legislation a total of 82 times, more than any other governor in any single legislative session in the history of the state since Reconstruction. Perry's use of the veto drew criticism from some in the 2002 gubernatorial campaign, having used the veto only nine fewer times than preceding Governor George W. Bush had during three legislative sessions and 22 more than Ann Richards cast in two sessions. In the two legislative sessions following the 2001 session, Perry was more conservative in his use of the veto, employing it 51 times. As of 2011, he had used the veto 273 times, more than any other Texas governor.

Supreme Court Justice Steve Smith

Perry has made numerous appointments to the Texas courts, the Texas Railroad Commission, as secretary of state, and to other boards and commissions during his tenure as governor. Two of the three Railroad Commissioners, Victor G. Carrillo and Elizabeth Ames Jones, began their service as Perry appointees. The third, Michael L. Williams, started in 1999 under appointment from George W. Bush. He has named six short-term appointments as secretary of state, including two of his former legislative colleagues, Henry Cuellar and Gwyn Shea.

One of Perry's first selections was the appointment of Xavier Rodriguez to succeed Greg Abbott on the Texas Supreme Court. Rodriguez, a self-proclaimed moderate, was quickly unseated in the 2002 Republican primary by conservative Steven Wayne Smith, the attorney in the Hopwood v. Texas suit in 1996, which successfully challenged affirmative action at the University of Texas Law School. Hopwood, however, was overturned in a 2003 decision stemming from the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor. Steven Smith was elected by a comfortable margin over Democratic opposition in the 2002 general election.

Perry objected to Smith's tenure on the court and refused to meet with the new justice when Smith attempted to mend fences with the governor. Perry encouraged Judge Paul Green to challenge Smith in the 2004 Republican primary. Perry raised funds for Green, who defeated Smith in the primary and was then elected without opposition in the general election. Smith attempted a comeback in the 2006 Republican primary by challenging Justice Don Willett, another Perry appointee who was considered a conservative on the court. Smith polled 49.5 percent of the primary vote, but Willett narrowly prevailed.

Trans-Texas Corridor

In January 2001, Perry proposed the Trans-Texas Corridor, a $145+ billion-dollar project that would build multi-lane highways, rail lines and data lines from Oklahoma to Mexico, and from east to west in southern Texas. Instead of paying for the project with taxes, Perry proposed that it be partially financed, partially built and wholly operated by private contractors who, in exchange for a multi-billion dollar investment, would receive all toll proceeds, notably Cintra, a Spanish-owned company, and its minority partner, San Antonio-based Zachry Construction Corporation, one of Texas' largest road construction companies. Some of the more controversial aspects of the project include tolls, private operation of toll collections (at rates set by local municipalities), and extensive use of eminent domain (or the option for landowners to maintain a lucrative equity stake in the project) to acquire property.

Opponents portrayed the proposal as a "land grab", and criticized Perry for opposing the public release of the actual terms of the 50-year deal with Cintra to the public for fear they would chill the possibility of the company's investment; Perry's former liaison to the legislature, former State Senator Dan Shelly, returned to his consulting/lobbying work with Cintra after securing the TTC deal while on the state payroll. All of Perry's gubernatorial opponents opposed the corridor project, as did the 2006 state party platforms of both the Democratic and Republicans parties. After much contentious debate between supporters and opponents, an official decision of "no action" was issued by the Federal Highway Administration on July 20, 2010, formally ending the project.

In 2001, Perry appointed Ric Williamson of Weatherford, an old friend and former legislative colleague, to the Texas Transportation Commission. Williamson became the commission chairman in 2004 and worked for the improvement of the state's transportation infrastructure until his sudden death of a heart attack on December 30, 2007.

Death penalty

Perry supports the death penalty. On June 2, 2009, Texas carried out the 200th execution since Perry assumed the office of governor.

Cameron Todd Willingham

Questions were raised in 2009 by a report from an investigator hired by the Texas Forensic Science Commission that an innocent person may have been executed in Texas while Perry was governor. The report concluded that a fire allegedly set by Cameron Todd Willingham in 1991 to murder his three daughters could not have been arson. Willingham said that he was asleep in his house when the fire started and denied that he deliberately killed his children. He was executed in Texas on February 17, 2004. Prior to his execution Dr. Gerald Hurst, an Austin scientist and fire investigator, reviewed the case and concluded there was "no evidence of arson, the same conclusion reached by other fire investigators. Hurst's report was sent to Perry's office as well as Board of Pardons and Paroles along with Willingham's appeal for clemency. Neither responded to Willingham's appeals. "The whole case was based on the purest form of junk science," Hurst later said. "There was no item of evidence that indicated arson."

The Texas Forensic Science Commission agreed to investigate in 2008 after defense attorneys claimed that Willingham was wrongfully convicted on the basis of flawed scientific evidence. Dr. Craig Beyler, a nationally recognized fire investigator in Baltimore, was commissioned by the state panel to conduct an independent review. He submitted a 55-page report, saying methods used in the investigation could not support a finding of arson.

Perry later expressed skepticism of findings by fire experts. He stated that regardless of findings by arson experts, court records showed evidence of Willingham’s guilt in charges that he intentionally killed his daughters in the fire. Perry is quoted in the report as stating of Willingham, “I’m familiar with the latter-day supposed experts on the arson side of it”, but court records provide “clear and compelling, overwhelming evidence that he was in fact the murderer of his children”, despite alleged scientific evidence to the contrary. He also noted that the defense team had ample opportunity to cross-examine the prosecution's expert witnesses at the trial and to present their own expert witnesses, as well as to raise these issues when appealing the verdict and penalty in State and federal court

Willingham's wife, Stacy Kuykendall, has gone on record stating her firm belief that Willingham murdered her children.

On October 2009, Perry replaced three members of Texas Forensic Science Commission just two days before it was to hear from Dr. Beyler, the author of the latest of three reports to conclude that arson was not the likely cause of the 1991 fire. As a result, the hearing was postponed indefinitely, and critics of the governor accused him of trying to quash the Willingham probe. Perry said the commission’s inquiry will continue, saying that his decision to replace the three commission members was part of the normal appointments process.

Pardons and commutations

Under Texas law, the Governor is not permitted to grant pardon or parole, or to commute a death penalty sentence to life imprisonment, on his own initiative (the law was changed after former Governor James E. Ferguson was charged with selling pardons for political contributions). Instead, the Board of Pardons and Paroles will recommend to the Governor whether or not to grant such. If the Board recommends such, the Governor is free to reject the recommendation, but if the Board chooses not to recommend such, in the case of a death penalty sentence the Governor can only grant a one-time, 30-day reprieve.

In 2005, Frances Newton's appeal for a commutation of her death penalty was declined. Her attorney had argued Newton was incapable of standing trial. The Board of Pardon and Parole did not recommend a commutation, and Perry chose not to grant the one-time reprieve. Newton was executed on September 14, 2005.

Tyrone Brown was an African-American who was sentenced to life in a Texas maximum security prison in 1990 for smoking marijuana while on probation. Texas Judge Keith Dean had originally placed Brown on probation, but changed the sentence after Brown tested positive for marijuana. After being defeated in the last Dallas election, Dean requested the governor pardon Brown. On March 9, 2007, Perry granted Brown a conditional pardon after receiving a recommendation from the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles.

On August 30, 2007, Perry commuted the death sentence of Kenneth Foster, an accomplice in a 1996 murder, doing so three hours before Foster was to die by lethal injection. Evidence had shown that while Foster was present at the scene of the crime (transporting the individual who actually committed the crime away from the scene in his car), he had nothing to do with the actual commission of the murder, and, for that matter, may not have even been aware that it had been taking place, as he was outside in his car at the time. Again, the Board of Pardon and Parole recommended the commutation, and Perry chose to accept the recommendation, thus converting the sentence to life in prison with a possibility of parole in 2037.

Environmental issues

Perry does not believe there is valid scientific proof of anthropogenic global warming. He has said several times that there is no scientific consensus on the issue. In a September 7, 2007, speech to California Republicans, Perry said, "Virtually every day another scientist leaves the global warming bandwagon. ... But you won't read about that in the press because they have already invested in one side of the story."

Texas-based TXU had been planning a $10 billion investment in 11 new coal-fired power plants over the next several years, but drastically reduced those plans in 2007 under the terms of a buyout by a consortium of private equity firms. The Governor's Clean Coal Technology Council continues to explore ways to generate clean energy with coal. After the 2009 legislative session, Perry signed House Bill 469 which includes incentives for clean coal technology breakthroughs.

Perry opposes regulation of greenhouse gas emissions because he says it would have "devastating implications" for the Texas economy and energy industry. He has stated that he supports an "all of the above" energy strategy including oil, coal, nuclear, biofuels, hydroelectric, solar, and wind energy. Perry has collaborated with T. Boone Pickens, an alternative energy advocate and oil pioneer. Environmentalists have characterized his views on climate change as "shortsighted and overly alarmist".

Education

In 2007, Perry vetoed health care for community college faculty due to revelations that schools had been using state funds to pay benefits for non-state employees. Funding for state-employed school personnel was restored in a joint agreement and funding re-allocation later that same year.

Perry, an Aggie himself, visited the newest Texas A&M; University system campus in Texarkana, Texas in August 2010.

Inauguration concert controversy

Perry invited his friend, rock musician Ted Nugent, to perform at a black-tie gala hours after Perry's second inauguration ceremony on January 16, 2007. Nugent appeared onstage during the inaugural ball wearing a cutoff T-shirt emblazoned with the Confederate flag and shouting derogatory remarks about non-English speakers, according to press reports. The NAACP condemned Nugent's wearing the Confederate flag.

Fire at Texas Governor's Mansion

On June 8, 2008, the 152-year-old historic state governor's residence was swept by a fire the local authorities suspected was a result of arson. The mansion, which was undergoing planned maintenance, had no occupants at the time; Perry and his family had been living elsewhere since the previous fall. Because the fire occurred outside of working hours, no workers were inside, although much of the building was badly damaged. At the time of the fire, Perry himself was in Stockholm, Sweden, on an economic development tour to encourage investment in Texas.

Comments on the possible secession of Texas

In April 2009, Perry endorsed a resolution supporting state sovereignty, under the argument that such authority is reserved by the Tenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. On April 9, 2009, Perry said, "I believe that our federal government has become oppressive in its size, its intrusion into the lives of our citizens, and its interference with the affairs of our State. That is why I am here today to express my unwavering support for efforts all across our country to reaffirm the States' rights affirmed by the Tenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. I believe that returning to the letter and spirit of the U.S. Constitution and its essential 10th Amendment will free our State from undue regulations, and ultimately strengthen our Union." In reference to Perry's comments, a spokesperson said that Perry "never advocated seceding". Nevertheless, in an op-ed piece distributed on May 17, 2009, Perry stated "I have never advocated for secession and never will."

In response to Perry's comments, the Amarillo Globe-News posted an editorial on April 19, writing that Perry "uttered some words that take that discussion to a level not heard since, oh, 1861—when Texas in fact did secede and joined the Confederate States of America. We all know what happened next." U.S. Senator John Cornyn (R-TX) further reflected this understanding, "Well, I don't think it's particularly useful. The legal response is 'You can't do it.' We fought a Civil War. You can't do it... I think it's a distraction. We have a lot of serious issues. This is not one of them." Additionally, Rep. Charlie Gonzalez (D-TX) thought "the governor got carried away. You see posturing in preparation for the Republican primary. It serves no useful purpose." However, Rep. Ron Paul (R-TX) said "I'm receptive to the principle of secession. You should have the right to leave.".

Response to H1N1 influenza pandemic

Perry asked for federal assistance in fighting the 2009 H1N1 influenza pandemic.

Immigration

Perry has opposed the creation of the Mexico – United States barrier, which is meant to keep out illegal aliens. Instead of barricading the border completely with a fence, Perry believes that the federal government should fulfill its responsibility to its citizens by securing the borders with "boots on the ground" and technology to improve safety while not harming trade with the state's biggest trading partner, Mexico. Perry said the Arizona immigration law SB 1070 “would not be the right direction for Texas” and would distract law enforcement from fighting other crimes.

Response to 2011 drought and wildfires

On April 21, Perry proclaimed a three-day period, from Friday to Sunday (coinciding with Easter), as Days of Prayer for Rain in the state.

2008 presidential endorsements

In October 2007, despite their political differences on many social issues, Perry endorsed Rudy Giuliani for President. "Rudy Giuliani is the most prepared individual of either party to be the next President... I'm not talking about any mayor, I'm talking about America's Mayor," Perry said. Some conjectured that, if Giuliani were elected, Perry might have been considered for a position in the new President's cabinet, or perhaps the Vice Presidency. However, Giuliani withdrew from the race on January 30, 2008 after failing to gain support in early primaries.

Both Giuliani and Perry immediately endorsed Arizona Senator John McCain for President. Shortly after Mitt Romney's withdrawal from the race in early February, Perry reportedly called McCain rival Mike Huckabee and suggested that he withdraw as well to clear the way for McCain to secure the nomination. Huckabee declined this request and made it clear publicly that he would only abandon his presidential bid if McCain secured enough delegates. Huckabee withdrew his presidential bid on March 5, 2008 after John McCain won the Texas and Ohio primaries.

2010 Texas gubernatorial election

In April 2008, Perry announced his intent to run for re-election. Perry defeated Senator Hutchison and Debra Medina in the March 2, 2010 primary election, becoming the Republican nominee. He faced Democratic nominee William Howard "Bill" White, the former mayor of Houston. Although nearly all polls indicated that Perry was ahead, one survey conducted by a Democratic-owned polling firm, showed a 43 - 43 tie. Perry refused to debate White until White released his tax returns from 1995, his last year as deputy energy secretary in the Clinton administration. White released his tax returns for his six years as mayor of Houston. According to his spokesperson, White had taxes withheld from his $133,000 salary in 1995, the amount of which was offset by losses in the starting of an energy business.

On November 2, 2010, Perry handily won re-election to an unprecedented third four-year term in the general election polling 2,733,784 votes and (54.97 percent) and White garnered 2,102,606 votes and (42.28 percent) and Perry also carried 226 out of 254 counties, resulting him in making history becoming the first Texas governor to be elected to three four-year terms and the fourth to serve three terms since Shivers, Price Daniel, and John Connally. Perry's third term began on January 18, 2011.

Political future

Perry has persistently denied aspirations to higher office; he was originally included on the 2012 Presidential Straw Poll ballot at the Values Voter Summit in September 2009, but his name was removed at his own request. In April 2008 while appearing as a guest on CNBC's Kudlow & Company, he specifically stated that he would not agree to serve as Vice President in a McCain administration, stating that he already had "the best job in the world" as Governor of Texas. Further, during a Republican gubernatorial debate in January 2010, when asked if he would commit to serving out his term if re-elected, he replied that "the place hasn't been made yet" where he would rather serve than the Governor of Texas. In December 2010, when asked if he was a "definite maybe" to run for President in 2012, he replied, "a definite no, brother".

On May 27, 2011, he said he is "going to think about" running for the 2012 Republican presidential nomination after the close of the Texas legislative session. Perry said in a response to a question from a reporter, "but I think about a lot of things," he added with a grin.

Publications

Rick Perry has written two books: On My Honor: Why the American Values of the Boy Scouts are Worth Fighting For was published in February 2008. In his book, Perry celebrates the positive impact of the organization on the youth of America and criticizes the ACLU for its legal actions against the Boy Scouts of America. His second book, Fed Up! Our Fight to Save America from Washington was published in November 2010. Perry's second book discusses his support for limited central government.

Electoral history

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