E. F. Hutton & Co. was an American stock brokerage firm founded in 1904 by Edward Francis Hutton, his brother Franklyn Laws Hutton, and later led by well known Wall Street trader Gerald M. Loeb. Under their leadership, Hutton became one of the most respected financial firms in the United States and for several decades was the second largest brokerage firm in the United States. The firm was best known for its commercials in the 1970s and 1980s based on the phrase, "When E. F. Hutton talks, people listen" (which usually involved a young professional remarking at a dinner party that his broker was E.F. Hutton, which caused the moderately loud party to stop all conversation to listen to him).

Hutton was one of the first brokerages to open offices in California. It also operated seasonal offices in Palm Beach, Florida (winter) and Saratoga Springs, New York (summer) to cater to its customers. Morrie Cohen opened Hutton's first one-man office on Maui in December 1969.

Edward Hutton led the firm until his death in 1962. By the early 1980s, the brokerage house he founded had become the principal component of what grew into a conglomerate of companies owned by E. F. Hutton Group Inc., listed on the New York Stock Exchange. Other subsidiaries of that Delaware-chartered holding company were E. F. Hutton Trust Company (now "Smith Barney Corporate Trust Company" and owned by Citigroup), E. F. Hutton Life Insurance Company, and E. F. Hutton Bank. The Hutton companies also managed many mutual funds and other investment vehicles, some of which were separately incorporated and/or registered, and participated actively in corporate mergers and public offerings of securities.

As a result of several mergers, the remains of the old E.F. Hutton are now part of Citigroup, although on January 13, 2009, Citigroup itself announced that it would sell 51% of Smith Barney to Morgan Stanley, creating Morgan Stanley Smith Barney, which was formerly a division of Citi Global Wealth Management.

E.F. Hutton was revived in April 2012 by a management team composed of executives of the former firm and Stanley Hutton Rumbough, grandson of E.F. Hutton.^[1] The new firm seeks to build upon the legacy of client service and innovation that had been established by the former firm. That legacy contrasts sharply with public feelings toward Wall Street, which many blame for causing the 2008–2012 global financial crisis.

History[link]

E.F. Hutton & Co. was founded in San Francisco in 1904 by namesake Edward Francis Hutton and his brother Franklyn Laws Hutton. Hutton, an entrepreneur who later also became chairman of the General Foods Corporation and wrote a newspaper column for years, led the firm until his death in 1962.

In 1906, two years after it was founded, the firm's offices were destroyed in the San Francisco earthquake of 1906. In 1924, famed Wall Street trader Gerald M. Loeb joined the firm ultimately serving as Chairman. The firm developed a nationwide retail brokerage network to market its various debt and equity securities.

In 1970, Robert M. Fomon was appointed Hutton's Chief Executive Officer.^[2] Despite the failure or takeover of many of its peers in the 1960s and 1970s, Hutton retained its independence under Fomon's leadership. By the early 1980s, the original E.F. Hutton & Co. had become the principal component of what grew into a group of companies owned by E.F. Hutton Group Inc., listed on the New York Stock Exchange. Other subsidiaries of that Delaware-chartered holding company were E.F. Hutton Trust Company, E.F. Hutton Life Insurance Company, and E.F. Hutton Bank. The Hutton companies also managed many mutual funds and other investment vehicles, some of which were separately incorporated and/or registered, and participated actively in corporate mergers and public offerings of securities. Hi In 1976, Western Union partnered with E. F. Hutton & Co..

Check kiting scandal[link]

In 1980, several Hutton branches began writing checks greater than what they had on hand at one bank, then making a deposit in another bank equal to the amount it wrote at the first bank. This strategy, known as "chaining", is a form of check kiting. "Chaining" gave Hutton the use of money in both accounts until the checks cleared. In effect, Hutton was giving itself a free loan that also did not carry any interest. Thomas Morley, who was in charge of getting the firm to better manage its cash, wrote a memo to Hutton's president, George Ball, saying that this practice netted one branch an extra $30,000 per month. Ball sent the memo out across Hutton's network of regional sales managers, with the note, "A point well remembered—and acting on."^[3] Over the years, Hutton shuffled money in this manner between 400 banks (mostly small rural banks), gaining the use of an estimated $250 million a day without paying a penny in interest. Whenever something was amiss, Hutton questioned the bank's procedures.^[4]

The scheme worked for almost three years until officials at the Genesee County Bank in Batavia, New York, discovered that the large deposits made by Hutton's four-person office there were far more than the office's banking requirements. They also discovered that the checks Hutton was using to make the deposits were drawn on two Pennsylvania banks. When Genesee officials learned that Hutton did not have enough money in the Pennsylvania bank accounts to cover the checks, they stopped honoring Hutton checks. One of the banks involved, United Penn Bank (now part of Citizens Financial Group), asked the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation to investigate. In 1984, the matter was forwarded to the United States Attorney for the Middle District of Pennsylvania, who opened a federal criminal probe.

Hutton retained Tom Curnin, a respected defense attorney who was inclined to fight the government. However, in February 1985, Curnin discovered a memo from a Hutton regional vice president for the Washington, D.C., area which stated that his offices drew on "bogus deposits". The memo—tantamount to a smoking gun—led Curnin to change tactics and begin negotiations for a plea agreement. In the spring of 1985, Curnin told Hutton's board that it faced two choices: plead guilty to a massive list of felonies or face a trial that would likely see three senior Hutton executives convicted and drive Hutton out of business. Curnin advised settling with the government to avoid years of bad publicity.^[3]

On May 2, Hutton agreed to plead guilty to 2,000 counts of mail and wire fraud, as well as pay a $2 million fine plus $750,000 for the cost of the investigation. Hutton also agreed to pay $8 million in restitution—the estimated extra income earned from the fraud. In return, Curnin wrung two major concessions. First, no Hutton executives would be prosecuted (even though the government determined that 25 senior officers masterminded the scheme). Second, the Securities and Exchange Commission allowed Hutton to stay in business; offenses of this magnitude usually result in an individual or firm being permanently barred from the securities industry.^[3][4]

An internal review conducted by former Attorney General Griffin Bell concluded that the scam occurred due to inadequate internal controls. For example, no one admitted to being Morley's immediate supervisor.^[5] However, a wide perception that Hutton had not been punished enough (for example, the New York Times' William Safire claimed that the $2.75 million fine amounted to "putting a parking ticket on the Brink's getaway car"), led several customers to pull their accounts with Hutton, and many of the firm's star performers fled to other firms. Several public agencies also took their business elsewhere.^[3] Chairman Robert Fomon was forced to step down.^[6]

Further troubles, merger[link]

In early 1987, an internal probe revealed that brokers at an office in Providence, Rhode Island, laundered money for the Patriarca crime family. Although Hutton reported the investigation to the SEC, it was not enough to stop prosecutors from all but announcing that Hutton would be indicted.^[7]

In a case of especially bad timing, this came only a week before the 1987 stock market crash. By the end of November, Hutton had lost $76 million, largely due to massive trading losses and margin calls that its customers could not meet. It also had its commercial paper rating cut from A-2 to A-3, effectively losing $1.3 million in financing. Hutton was now weeks—perhaps days, according to some board members—from collapse.^[8] On December 3, Hutton agreed to a merger with Shearson Lehman/American Express. The merger took effect in 1988, and the merged firm was named Shearson Lehman Hutton, Inc.^[9]

It later emerged that Hutton had faced massive cash shorts as early as 1985, and the firm's management had tried to put it up for sale as early as 1986.^[8]

Revival[link]

E.F. Hutton was revived in April 2012 by a management team composed of executives of the former firm and Stanley Hutton Rumbough, grandson of E.F. Hutton. The new firm seeks to build upon the legacy of client service and innovation that had been established by the former firm. That legacy contrasts sharply with public feelings toward Wall Street, which many blame for causing the 2008–2012 global financial crisis.

Bois de Boulogne kidnapping[link]

On 9 August 1977, Bernard Mallet, President and Director-General of E.F. Hutton (France), was kidnapped in the Bois de Boulogne, Paris, while walking his dog. He was approached by eight men while walking towards his car, one of whom called out his name and then temporarily blinded him using a teargas canister. He was handcuffed, hooded and transported to an abandoned café where he was chained to rings set into cement inside a wooden bread store. Mallet's kidnappers had been under surveillance by members of the French police's anti-gang squad, the Brigade de recherche et d'intervention, who were able to apprehend the gang and release Mallet.^[10][11]

Legacy[link]

In 1993, American Express sold its brokerage and asset management business—the Shearson and Hutton parts of Shearson Lehman Hutton—to Primerica. Primerica merged them with Smith Barney (which it had bought in 1987) to form Smith Barney Shearson, later shortened back to simply Smith Barney. As a result of several mergers over the rest of the decade, the remains of E.F. Hutton were part of Citigroup and what is today Morgan Stanley Smith Barney.

The following is an illustration of the company's mergers and its role in later successor firms (this is not a comprehensive list):^[12]

References[link]

Further reading[link]

• Maxwell, John C. (1998). The 21 Irrefutable Laws of Leadership. New York: Thomas Nelson, Inc. ISBN 0-7852-7431-6. 
• Carpenter, Donna S.; Feloni, John (1989). The Fall of the House of Hutton. New York: Holt. ISBN 0-8050-0946-9. 
• Sterngold, James (1990). Burning Down the House: How Greed, Deceit, and Bitter Revenge Destroyed E. F. Hutton. New York: Summit Books. ISBN 0-671-70901-1. 
• Stevens, Mark (1989). Sudden Death: The Rise and Fall of E. F. Hutton. New York: New American Library. ISBN 0-453-00673-6. 

This article includes a list of references, but its sources remain unclear because it has insufficient inline citations. Please help to improve this article by introducing more precise citations. (August 2011)

The Right Honourable The Earl of Halifax KG OM GCSI GCMG GCIE TD PC
in 1937
30th Viceroy and Governor-General of India
In office 3 April 1926 – 18 April 1931
Monarch	George V
Prime Minister	Stanley Baldwin Ramsay MacDonald
Preceded by	The Earl of Reading
Succeeded by	The Lord Goschen
Secretary of State for War
In office 7 June 1935 – 22 November 1935
Monarch	George V
Prime Minister	Stanley Baldwin
Preceded by	The Viscount Hailsham
Succeeded by	Duff Cooper
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
In office 21 February 1938 – 22 December 1940
Prime Minister	Neville Chamberlain Winston Churchill
Preceded by	Anthony Eden
Succeeded by	Anthony Eden
British Ambassador to the United States
In office 1940–1946
Monarch	George VI
Prime Minister	Winston Churchill Clement Attlee
Preceded by	The Marquess of Lothian
Succeeded by	The Lord Inverchapel
Leader of the House of Lords
In office 22 November 1935 – 21 February 1938
Monarch	George V Edward VIII George VI
Prime Minister	Stanley Baldwin Neville Chamberlain
Preceded by	The Marquess of Londonderry
Succeeded by	The Earl Stanhope
In office 3 October 1940 – 22 December 1940
Monarch	George VI
Prime Minister	Winston Churchill
Preceded by	The Viscount Caldecote
Succeeded by	The Lord Lloyd
Lord President of the Council
In office 28 May 1937 – 9 March 1938
Prime Minister	Neville Chamberlain
Preceded by	Ramsay MacDonald
Succeeded by	The Viscount Hailsham
Lord Privy Seal
In office 1935–1937
Prime Minister	Stanley Baldwin
Preceded by	The Marquess of Londonderry
Succeeded by	The Earl De La Warr
Chancellor of the University of Oxford
In office 1933–1959
Preceded by	The Viscount Grey of Fallodon
Succeeded by	Harold Macmillan
Personal details
Born	(1881-04-16)16 April 1881 Powderham Castle, Devon, England
Died	23 December 1959(1959-12-23) (aged 78) Garrowby Hall, Yorkshire, England
Nationality	British
Religion	Anglo-Catholic

Edward Frederick Lindley Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax, KG, OM, GCSI, GCMG, GCIE, TD, PC (16 April 1881 – 23 December 1959), known as The Lord Irwin from 1925 until 1934 and as The Viscount Halifax from 1934 until 1944, was one of the most senior British Conservative politicians of the 1930s, during which he held several senior ministerial posts, most notably as Foreign Secretary from 1938 to 1940. As such he is often regarded as one of the architects of the policy of appeasement prior to World War II. During the war, he served as British Ambassador in Washington.

Early career[link]

He was born into a rather sickly West Country family: Halifax's three older brothers all died in infancy leaving him the heir to his father's viscountcy. Halifax himself was born with a withered left arm with no hand, a disability that in no way affected his riding, hunting or shooting. He was nicknamed the "Holy Fox" by Winston Churchill in reference to these pursuits, his title and also his religiosity, for like his father he was a devout Anglo-Catholic.

He was son of the 2nd Viscount Halifax. He was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford, subsequently becoming a Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, and served as Member of Parliament for Ripon from 1910 to 1925 when he was elevated to the peerage. He saw some active service in World War I as a major in the Queen's Own Yorkshire Dragoons but remained mostly behind the lines, being moved to a desk job in 1917. In 1918 he wrote in cooperation with George Ambrose Lloyd (later The Lord Lloyd) "The Great Opportunity" aiming to set an agenda for a revived Conservative Party separate from the Lloyd George coalition.

Turned down by South Africa for the post of Governor General (the country was holding out for a cabinet minister or member of the royal family) and snubbed by Winston Churchill on his assumption of the post of Under-Secretary for the Colonies — on one occasion he stormed into Churchill's office and told him that he "expected to be treated like a gentleman"—a thwarted Wood voted for the downfall of Lloyd George's government and became President of the Board of Education under Andrew Bonar Law in 1922. He held this position (in which he was neither interested nor particularly effective) until 1924 when he was apparently equally undistinguished as Minister for Agriculture under Stanley Baldwin. His career had seemingly become bogged down.

Viceroy of India[link]

Wood was Viceroy of India from 1926 to 1931. In 1925 he had been proposed at the suggestion of King George V, no doubt mindful of his immediate family background (his grandfather had been Secretary of State for India) and immaculate pedigree. Created Baron Irwin, he arrived in Bombay on 1 April 1926 hoping to improve Anglo-Indian relations and calm interfaith tensions in the country.

Irwin's rule was marked by a period of great political turmoil. The exclusion of Indians from the Simon Commission examining the country's readiness for self-government provoked serious violence, and Irwin was forced into concessions which were poorly received—in London as excessive, and in India as half-hearted. Incidents included: the protests against the Simon Commission Report; the Nehru Report; the All-Parties Conference; the Muslim League leader Mohammad Ali Jinnah's 14 points; the Civil Disobedience Movement launched by the Indian National Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi; and the Round Table Conferences.

Irwin had all the Congress leaders put behind bars; and then had opened negotiations with Gandhi. Some criticism of Irwin may have been unfair, but he had made an error and the consequences were serious and unrest grew. Irwin's attempts to mediate with Indian leaders were stymied by London's refusal to make concessions, or clarify the position on dominion status.

With little room for manoeuvre, Irwin resorted to repression using his emergency powers to arrest Gandhi, ban public gatherings and crush rebellious opposition, leading to the death of Lala Lajpat Rai and the revenge attack of Bhagat Singh. Gandhi's detention, however, only made matters worse. Irwin ultimately opted to negotiate, signing the Delhi Pact in January 1931 which ended civil disobedience and the boycott of British goods in exchange for a Round Table Conference which represented all interests. The fortnight-long discussions resulted in the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, after which the Civil Disobedience Movement was suspended.

The agreement between Gandhi and Irwin was signed on March 5, 1931. The salient points were:

• The Congress would discontinue the Civil Disobedience Movement.
• The Congress would participate in the Round Table Conference.
• The Government would withdraw all ordinances issued to curb the Congress.
• The Government would withdraw all prosecutions relating to offences not involving violence.
• The Government would release all persons serving sentences of imprisonment for their activities in the civil disobedience movement.

It was also agreed that Gandhi would join the Second Round Table Conference as the sole representative of the Congress.

On March 20, 1931, Lord Irwin paid tribute to Gandhi's honesty, sincerity and patriotism at a dinner given by ruling princes. A month following the Gandhi-Irwin Pact, Lord Irwin retired and left India. On Irwin's return to England in April 1931, the situation was calm, but within a year the conference collapsed and Gandhi was again arrested.

Despite the mixed outcomes Halifax was overall a successful Viceroy; he had charted a clear and balanced course, and had not lost the confidence of his home government. He had demonstrated toughness and independence. His successful term as Viceroy ensured that he returned to British politics with significant prestige.

Halifax and foreign policy[link]

The same year Irwin turned down the position of Foreign Secretary in favour of time at home. Still a firm protege of Baldwin's, Irwin returned to Education in 1932, a position enlivened by his continuing (now backroom) role in Indian politics, his attainment of the position of Master of the Middleton Hunt in 1932 and his election as Chancellor of Oxford University in 1933. In 1934 he inherited the title Viscount Halifax from his father. In the period that followed he held a succession of government posts: Secretary of State for War for five months in 1935, Lord Privy Seal (1935–1937) and Lord President of the Council (1937–1938) under Stanley Baldwin and, after 1937, Neville Chamberlain.

The appointment of Anthony Eden as Foreign Secretary in 1935 seemed initially to tie in well with Halifax's feelings about the direction of foreign policy. The two were in agreement (and in line with prevailing opinion throughout Britain) that Germany's reoccupation of the Rhineland—its "own backyard"—would be difficult to oppose and should be welcomed insofar as it continued Germany's seeming progress towards normality after the tribulations of the post-World War I settlement. However, after Chamberlain succeeded Baldwin in 1937, the new prime minister began increasingly to intervene directly in foreign policy, activity for which his background had not prepared him, and which caused increasing tension with Eden.

Halifax said the Hoare-Laval proposals "were not so frightfully different from those put forward by the Committee of Five. But the latter were of respectable parentage: and the Paris ones were too much like the off-the-stage arrangements of nineteenth-century diplomacy".^[1]

In November 1937 Halifax went to Germany at the invitation of Hermann Göring on the pretext of a hunting exhibition. (Göring himself was a passionate hunter and gave Halifax the nickname Halalifax, after Halali!, a German hunting call.) However, Halifax was publicly and correctly regarded as acting on behalf of the British government to renew dialogue with the German government. A long and barbed meeting with Adolf Hitler ensued. On meeting the Führer, Halifax almost created an incident by nearly handing his coat to Hitler, believing him to be a footman: "As I looked out of the car window, on eye level, I saw in the middle of this swept path a pair of black trousered legs, finishing up in silk socks and pumps. I assumed this was a footman who had come down to help me out of the car and up the steps, and was proceeding in leisurely fashion to get myself out of the car when I heard Von Neurath or somebody throwing a hoarse whisper at my ear of ‘Der Fuhrer, de Fuhrer’; and it then dawned upon me that the legs were not the legs of a footman, but of Hitler".^[2] In subsequent discussions Halifax ignored Eden's reservations and indicated clearly to Hitler that German designs on Austria and parts of Czechoslovakia and Poland were not regarded as illegitimate by the British, but that only peaceful processes of change would be acceptable. Writing to Baldwin on the subject of the conversation between Karl Burckhardt (the League of Nations' Commissioner of Danzig) and Hitler, Halifax said: "Nationalism and Racialism is a powerful force but I can't feel that it's either unnatural or immoral!. I cannot myself doubt that these fellows are genuine haters of Communism, etc.! And I daresay if we were in their position we might feel the same!"^[3]

The following year Eden resigned, exasperated by the continued interference of the Prime Minister in foreign affairs and his increasingly determined policy of appeasement (particularly of Benito Mussolini, whom Eden regarded as an untrustworthy gangster). For Halifax, as for Chamberlain and the Chiefs of Staff, every effort had to be made to prevent an alignment of the three great threats to peace and the British Empire: Italy, Germany and Japan. Halifax replaced Eden as Foreign Secretary in February 1938.

Halifax's political line as Foreign Secretary must be seen in the context of existing British foreign policy, which was predicated on a broad consensus that in none of the democracies was there popular support for war, military pressure or even rearmament. There was debate about the extent to which the dictatorships' very separate interests could be teased apart. It was clear that an alignment of Germany and Italy would divide Britain's forces in any general war; and that, without at least a neutral Italy, Britain would be unable to move large naval forces east to confront Japan, given America's refusal to help. For many, especially in the Foreign Office, appeasement was a necessary compromise to buy time for rearmament, a process to which Britain was already heavily committed. For others, especially Churchill, a strong military alliance with France would permit a more robust foreign policy towards the dictators. Churchill was not unusual in the confidence he placed in the large French Army; he was more isolated in his belief that France would be a resilient ally.

Lord Halifax with Hermann Göring at Schorfheide, Germany, 20 November 1937.

Chamberlain and many others who were deeply opposed to war and defence spending embraced the policy of appeasement as a moral force for good. By comparison, Halifax's policy, like that of Samuel Hoare, appears more pragmatic, coupled to a firm albeit unenthusiastic commitment to rearmament. All parties recognised the hostility of public opinion to war or military preparations, and the difficulty of acting without a readiness on the part of America or Russia to play their part (the Labour party was to oppose rearmament until well after Munich). Nonetheless, Halifax (along with Chamberlain, Hoare and twelve others) was criticized as an appeaser in the anonymous 1940 book Guilty Men.

In March 1938 Hitler annexed Austria and Czechoslovakia was clearly next on the agenda, with neither Britain nor France having the military capacity to support it. Halifax remained in London at the key moments of the Munich crisis of September 1938, where Chamberlain's personal intervention was dramatic. It was during the Munich crisis that Halifax began to take a stronger line than Chamberlain against further concessions to Germany. It appears that a frank conversation with his pugnacious Permanent Secretary, Sir Alexander Cadogan brought Halifax to the sharp realisation that the road to appeasement had taken Britain into a series of concessions that were unwise, and that were unlikely to secure the necessary pacification of Germany. From this point on, as Andrew Roberts in particular argues, Halifax set his face firmly towards a policy of deterrence based on increased rearmament, including the reintroduction of conscription; strengthening of alliances and economic support to Eastern Europe; and a firmer line towards Germany, Italy and Japan in the hope that increased British resolution would increase the risks of a combination of all three (of note, when war did begin, neither Japan nor Italy was prepared to join in until the pendulum had swung much further in Germany's favour).

The eventual Munich settlement, though humiliating to many in the British government, while hugely popular around the world, was short of Hitler's desires (and of Chamberlain's proposed concessions) and increased Hitler's determination to return to destroy Czechoslovakia in the spring. In the following months, as Hitler's lack of commitment to the Munich agreement became clearer, Halifax worked steadily to assemble a stronger British position, pushing Chamberlain to take economic steps to underpin British interests in Eastern Europe and prevent additional military supplies (e.g. tungsten) from Germany. In particular it was Halifax's immediate granting of a guarantee to Poland on 31 March 1939—triggered by alarming intelligence of German preparations—that set a firm trigger for war should Germany ignore this signal that, in Halifax's words, there would be "no more Munichs".

In early April the Foreign Office received intelligence that Italy was about to invade Albania. Halifax, in a Cabinet meeting on 5 April, rejected these reports. Two days later Italy invaded Albania but Halifax met Sir Alexander Cadogan and "decided we can't do anything to stop it".^[4]

In January 1940, Halifax said, in a meeting with an emissary of Ulrich von Hassell, a leading member of the German resistance, that "he personally would be against the Allies taking advantage of a revolution in Germany to attack the Siegfried Line." In July 1940 Halifax rejected German peace offers from the Papal Nuncio in Berne and the Portuguese and Finnish prime ministers.

In May 1940, when the Chamberlain government fell and a coalition was to be formed there were two candidates for Prime Minister: Halifax and Winston Churchill. Halifax had the support of the great mass of the Conservative party, of the royal family, and was acceptable to the Labour party. His position as a peer was a merely technical barrier given the scale of the crisis. But at a meeting with Neville Chamberlain, at which Churchill was also present, Halifax did not press his claim, presumably recognising in Churchill a set of skills better suited to the challenge. Like Chamberlain he served in Churchill's cabinet, frequently exasperated by Churchill's style of doing business.

Lord Halifax in the middle (behind a seated Franklin D. Roosevelt) as a member of the Pacific War Council.

Ambassador to the United States and later life[link]

Churchill retained Halifax as Foreign Secretary for nine months, but the two men had never enjoyed a close relationship. In the spring of 1940 during heated Cabinet discussions as France teetered towards defeat, Halifax energetically participated in the debates for and against a recourse to total war and lone opposition to Germany, whatever the cost to Britain's long-term military and economic standing. The Cabinet believed that Italian offices might open peace negotiations and Churchill argued that playing for time was in Britain's interest, but Halifax was concerned that the British Expeditionary Force would be destroyed, and Britain would lose its last bargaining chip. Churchill won the argument, and the BEF was saved at Dunkirk.

Halifax wrote in his memoirs of an occasion during a short holiday in Yorkshire:

"One such interlude early in June 1940 is for ever graven into my memory. It was just after the fall of France, an event which at the time it happened seemed something unbelievable as to be almost surely unreal, and if not unreal then quite immeasurably catastrophic. Dorothy and I had spent a lovely summer evening walking over the Wolds, and on our way home sat in the sun for half an hour at a point looking across the plain of York. All the landscape of the nearer foreground was familiar—its sights, its sounds, its smells; hardly a field that did not call up some half-forgotten bit of association; the red-roofed village and nearby hamlets, gathered as it were for company round the old greystone church, where men and women like ourselves, now long dead and gone, had once knelt in worship and prayer. Here in Yorkshire was a true fragment of the undying England, like the White Cliffs of Dover, or any other part of our land that Englishmen have loved. Then the question came, is it possible that the Prussian jackboot will force its way into this countryside to tread and trample over it at will? The very thought seemed an insult and an outrage; much as if anyone were to be condemned to watch his mother, wife or daughter being raped."^[5]

In January 1941 Halifax was sent to Washington, D.C., on the death in office there of Ambassador Marquess of Lothian; he was the last of the appeasers to leave the Cabinet, as Chamberlain, Hoare and Simon had already departed.

Halifax and Soviet ambassador Maxim Litvinoff at a garden party in Washington, D.C. in 1942

Halifax, a cautious and elusive public figure, was not an effective public diplomat unlike his predecessor. Relations with President Roosevelt were satisfactory, but Halifax kept a low profile. Churchill's close engagement with the United States, and personal investment in communication with the President ushered in a more constrained role. Communications technology meant that Churchill could communicate directly with Roosevelt and was a regular visitor to Washington. Relations also increasingly turned on military issues channelled through the Joint Chiefs of Staff secretariat in Washington.

Mourning the death of his middle son in action in 1942, Halifax wearied of Washington and asked Anthony Eden to have him replaced, but he stayed until 1946, witnessing the transition to Harry S. Truman and Clement Attlee. Those years contained fraught moments and challenges for the relationship as American power eclipsed that of Britain, and Britain's interests and rights were on occasion ignored, in particular the cessation of nuclear co-operation after construction of the atom bomb. However, the UK-US partnership in World War II was immensely successful and as close as any other such partnership. It was a demanding post by any standards, but Halifax could reasonably claim to have played his part, and he enjoyed a notably longer term than his less successful successor, Archibald Clark Kerr, 1st Baron Inverchapel.

Halifax took part in a plethora of international conferences over the UN and the Soviet Union but, here again, he believed that Churchill's view of the Soviet threat was exaggerated and urged him to be more conciliatory, perhaps indicating his reluctance to learn the lessons of the 1930s so obvious in his 1957 autobiography The Fulness of Days, described in the Dictionary of National Biography as "gently evasive".^[6]

In retirement from 1946, he returned to largely honorary pursuits as Chancellor of the University of Sheffield and the Order of the Garter and Chairman of the BBC. He died at his estate at Garrowby shortly before Christmas 1959, aged 78.

Legacy[link]

To one of his supporters, Harold Begbie, Halifax was "the highest kind of Englishman now in politics" whose "life and doctrine were in complete harmony with a very lofty moral principle, but who has no harsh judgement for men who err and go astray".^[7]

Harold Macmillan said Halifax possessed a "sweet and Christian nature".^[8] Rab Butler called him "this strange and imposing figure—half unwordly saint, half cunning politician".^[9]

In 1968 the official records of Halifax's years as Foreign Secretary were released. (The "fifty-year rule" was replaced by the "thirty-year rule".) The Conservative historian Maurice Cowling wrote in 1975: "To history, until yesterday, Halifax was the arch-appeaser. This, it is now recognised, was a mistake. His rôle, however, was complicated. In these pages he is not the man who stopped the rot, but the embodiment of Conservative wisdom who decided that Hitler must be obstructed because Labour could not otherwise be resisted".^[10]

Halifax College at the University of York is named after Lord Halifax. Lady Irwin College, a women's college in Delhi was established under patronage of Lady Dorothy Irwin in 1931.^[11]

In popular culture[link]

Lord Halifax features in the novel The Remains of the Day by Kazuo Ishiguro and also the 1993 film of the same name, in which he is portrayed by Peter Eyre. Halifax also appears in the film Gandhi, wh is portrayed by Sir John Gielgud. Halifax makes an appearance as Lord Irwin in the film The Legend of Bhagat Singh, played by the Israeli actor Gil Alon. Halifax is also a significant character in Michael Dobbs' novels Winston's War and Never Surrender. He is also portrayed by British actor Richard Durdon in the BBC docudrama miniseries Dunkirk (2004). His cabinet struggle with Churchill is the subject of the 2011 play Three Days in May by Ben Brown.

See also[link]

• List of people on the cover of Time Magazine: 1920s - 12 Apr. 1926

Notes[link]

References[link]

• Christopher Andrew, The Defence of the Realm: The Authorized History of MI5 (London: Allen Lane, 2009).
• A Gentleman with a Duster [pseud. for Harold Begbie], The Conservative Mind (London: Mills & Boon, 1924).
• Lord Butler, The Art of the Possible (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1971).
• Maurice Cowling, The Impact of Hitler: British Politics and British Policy, 1933-1940 (Cambridge University Press, 1975).
• Keith Feiling, A Life of Neville Chamberlain (London: Macmillan, 1970).
• The Earl of Halifax, Fulness of Days (London: Collins, 1957).
• Andrew Roberts, ‘The Holy Fox’: The Life of Lord Halifax (Phoenix, 1997).

Further reading[link]

• Alan Campbell-Johnson and R. Hale. Viscount Halifax: A Biography. 1941
• Earl of Birkenhead. Earl of Halifax: The Life of Lord Halifax. Hamilton, 1965.

External links[link]

Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Edward Frederick Lindley Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax

Wikiquote has a collection of quotations related to: E. F. L. Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax

• Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by the Earl of Halifax
• Lord Irwin
• Biography at spartacus schoolnet
• Bibliography
• Lord Halifax, Our War Aims - Now and After, radio broadcast November 1939

v t e Foreign Secretaries of the United Kingdom Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs Fox Grantham Fox Temple Leeds Grenville Hawkesbury Harrowby Mulgrave Fox Howick Canning Bathurst Wellesley Castlereagh Canning Dudley Aberdeen Palmerston Wellington Palmerston Aberdeen Palmerston Granville Malmesbury Russell Clarendon Malmesbury Russell Clarendon Stanley Clarendon Granville Derby Salisbury Granville Salisbury Rosebery Iddesleigh Salisbury Rosebery Kimberley Salisbury Lansdowne Grey Balfour Curzon MacDonald Chamberlain Henderson Reading Simon Hoare Eden Halifax Eden Bevin Morrison Eden Macmillan Lloyd Home Butler Gordon Walker Stewart Brown Stewart Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Stewart Douglas-Home Callaghan Crosland Owen Carrington Pym Howe Major Hurd Rifkind Cook Straw Beckett Miliband Hague Book:Secretaries of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs Category:British Secretaries of State Portal:United Kingdom

v t e War Cabinet of Winston Churchill (May 1940–May 1945) Prime Minister Minister of Defence Winston Churchill (1940–1945) Deputy Prime Minister Clement Attlee (1942–1945) Lord President of the Council Neville Chamberlain (1940) Sir John Anderson (1940–1943) Clement Attlee (1943–1945) Lord Privy Seal Clement Attlee (1940–1942) Sir Stafford Cripps (1942) Chancellor of the Exchequer Sir Kingsley Wood (1940–1942) Sir John Anderson (1943–1945) Foreign Secretary Viscount Halifax (1940) Anthony Eden (1940–1945) Home Secretary Herbert Morrison (1940–1945) Minister of Aircraft Production Lord Beaverbrook (1940–1941) Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs Clement Attlee (1942–1943) Minister of Labour and National Service Ernest Bevin (1940–1945) Minister Resident Middle East Oliver Lyttelton (1942) Richard Casey (1942–1944) Lord Moyne (1944) Minister without Portfolio Arthur Greenwood (1940–1942) Minister of Reconstruction Lord Woolton (1943–1945) Minister of State Lord Beaverbrook (1941) Minister of Supply Lord Beaverbrook (1941–1942) Minister of Production Lord Beaverbrook (1942) Oliver Lyttelton (1942–1945)

v t e War Cabinet of Neville Chamberlain (1939–1940) Prime Minister Leader of the House of Commons Neville Chamberlain (1939–1940) Lord Privy Seal Sir Samuel Hoare (1939–1940) Sir Kingsley Wood (1940) Chancellor of the Exchequer Sir John Simon (1939–1940) Foreign Secretary Lord Halifax (1939–1940) Secretary of State for War Leslie Hore-Belisha (1939–1940) Oliver Stanley (1940) Secretary of State for Air Sir Kingsley Wood (1939–1940) Sir Samuel Hoare (1940) First Lord of the Admirality Winston Churchill (1939–1940) Minister for Coordination of Defence Lord Chatfield (1939–1940) Minister without Portfolio Lord Hankey (1939–1940)

v t e Cabinet of Bonar Law (1922-1923) Prime Minister Leader of the House of Commons Bonar Law (1922-1923) Lord Chancellor Lord Cave (1922-1923) Lord President of the Council Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Lord Salisbury (1922-1923) Chancellor of the Exchequer Stanley Baldwin (1922-1923) Home Secretary Lord Bridgeman (1922-1932) Foreign Secretary Leader of the House of Lords Lord Curzon (1922-1923) Secretary of State for the Colonies The Duke of Devonshire (1922-1923) Secretary of State for War Lord Derby (1922-1923) Secretary of State for India William Peel, 1st Earl Peel (1922-1923) Secretary of State for Scotland Lord Novar (1922-1923) First Lord of the Admirality Leo Amery (1922-1923) President of the Board of Trade Sir Phillip Lloyd-Greame (1922-1923) Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries Sir Robert Sanders (1922-1923) President of the Board of Education E. F. L. Wood (1922-1923) Minister of Labour Sir Anderson Montague-Barlow (1922-1923) Minister of Health Arthur Griffith-Boscawen (1922-1923) • Neville Chamberlain (1923)

v t e Chancellors of the University of Oxford   1224–1400 Robert Grosseteste Ralph Cole Ralph de Maidstone Richard Batchden Ralph Cole Simon de Bovill John de Rygater Richard of Chichester Ralph de Heyham Simon de Bovill Gilbert de Biham Ralph de Sempringham William de Lodelawe Richard de S. Agatha Thomas de Cantilupe Henry de Cicestre Nicholas de Ewelme Thomas Bek William de Bosco Eustace de Normanville John de Pontissara Henry de Stanton William de Montfort Roger de Rowell William Pikerell Hervey de Saham Robert Winchelsey William de Kingescote John de Ludlow John of Monmouth Simon of Ghent Henry Swayne Roger de Martival Peter de Medburn Roger Weseham Richard de Clyve James de Cobeham Walter de Wetheringsete Simon de Faversham Walter Burdun William de Bosco Henry de Maunsfeld Walter Giffard Henry de Maunsfeld Henry Harclay Richard de Nottingham John Lutterell Henry Gower William de Alburwyke Thomas Hotham Ralph of Shrewsbury Roger de Streton Nigel de Wavere Ralph Radyn Hugh de Willoughby Robert de Stratford Robert Paynink John Leech William de Skelton Walter de Scauren William de Bergeveney John de Northwode William de Hawkesworth William de Palmorna Humphrey de Cherlton Lewis Charlton John de Hotham John Renham John de Hotham Richard FitzRalph Nicholas de Aston John de Renham John de Echingham Adam de Toneworth William Courtenay Adam de Toneworth William de Heytisbury William de Remmyngton John Turke Adam de Toneworth Robert Aylesham Robert Rygge William Berton Robert Rygge Nicholas Hereford William Rugg Robert Rygge Thomas Brightwell Thomas Cranley Robert Rygge Ralph Redruth Thomas Prestbury Robert Arlyngton Thomas Hyndeman Philip Repyngdon Henry Beaufort Thomas Hyndeman   1400–1500 Philip Repyngdon Robert Alum Richard Courtenay Richard Ullerston William Clynt Thomas Pretbury William Sulburge Richard Courtenay William Sulburge Richard Courtenay William Sulburge William Barrow Richard Snetisham William Barrow Thomas Clare William Barrow Thomas Clare Walter Treugof Robert Colman Walter Treugof Thomas Rodborne Walter Treugof John Castell Thomas Chase Gilbert Kymer Thomas Bourchier John Carpenter Richard Praty John Norton Richard Roderham William Grey Thomas Gascoigne Henry Sever Thomas Gascoigne Robert Thwaits Gilbert Kymer George Neville Thomas Chaundler George Neville Lionel Woodville William Dudley John Russell John Morton   1500 onwards William Smyth Richard Mayew William Warham John Longland Richard Cox John Mason Reginald Pole Henry FitzAlan, 19th Earl of Arundel John Mason Robert Dudley, 1st Earl of Leicester Thomas Bromley Christopher Hatton Thomas Sackville, 1st Earl of Dorset Richard Bancroft Thomas Egerton, 1st Viscount Brackley William Herbert, 3rd Earl of Pembroke Philip Herbert, 4th Earl of Pembroke William Seymour, 2nd Duke of Somerset Philip Herbert, 4th Earl of Pembroke Vacant Oliver Cromwell Richard Cromwell William Seymour, 2nd Duke of Somerset Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon Gilbert Sheldon James Butler, 1st Duke of Ormonde James Butler, 2nd Duke of Ormonde Charles Butler, 1st Earl of Arran John Fane, 7th Earl of Westmorland George Lee, 3rd Earl of Lichfield Frederick North, Lord North William Cavendish-Bentinck, 3rd Duke of Portland William Grenville, 1st Baron Grenville Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington Edward Smith-Stanley, 14th Earl of Derby Robert Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury George Goschen, 1st Viscount Goschen George Curzon, 1st Marquess Curzon of Kedleston George Cave, 1st Viscount Cave Edward Grey, 1st Viscount Grey of Fallodon E. F. L. Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax Harold Macmillan, 1st Earl of Stockton Roy Jenkins, Lord Jenkins of Hillhead Chris Patten, Lord Patten of Barnes |University of Oxford portal

v t e Chancellors of the Order of the Garter William Cavendish-Bentinck, 6th Duke of Portland · E. F. L. Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax · Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 5th Marquess of Salisbury · Charles Lyttelton, 10th Viscount Cobham · John Nevill, 5th Marquess of Abergavenny · Peter Carington, 6th Baron Carrington

v t e Grand Masters of the Order of St Michael and St George Sir Thomas Maitland Prince Adolphus, Duke of Cambridge Prince George, Duke of Cambridge The Prince George, Prince of Wales Vacant The Prince of Wales Alexander Cambridge, 1st Earl of Athlone E. F. L. Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax Harold Alexander, 1st Earl Alexander of Tunis Prince Edward, Duke of Kent

John Paul Getty Jr.
Born	Eugene Paul Getty (1932-09-07)7 September 1932
Died	17 April 2003(2003-04-17) (aged 70) London, England, UK
Nationality	United States- United Kingdom
Alma mater	University of San Francisco (did not graduate)
Spouse	Abigail "Gail" Harris (1956–64) Talitha Pol (1966–71) Victoria Holdsworth (1994–his death)
Children	John Paul Getty III (1956-2011) Aileen Getty (b. 1957)[1] Mark Getty (b. 1960) Ariadne Getty (b. 1962) Tara Getty (b. 1968)
Parents	Jean Paul Getty, Sr. (deceased) Ann Rork (deceased)
Relatives	Gordon Getty (brother) George Getty (grandfather) Balthazar Getty (grandson)

Sir John Paul Getty KBE (7 September 1932 – 17 April 2003), born Eugene Paul Getty, was a wealthy American-born British philanthropist and book collector. He was the elder son of Jean Paul Getty, Sr. (1892–1976), one of the richest men in the world at the time, and his wife Anne Rork. The Getty family's wealth was the result of the oil business founded by George Franklin Getty. At birth he was given the name Eugene Paul Getty, but in later life he adopted other names, including Paul Getty, John Paul Getty, Jean Paul Getty, Jr. and John Paul Getty II. A long-time Anglophile,^[2] He became a British citizen in 1997. In 1986, he was awarded an honorary knighthood for services to causes ranging from cricket (a sport he came to love despite his American upbringing), to art and to the Conservative Party. His honorary knighthood became substantive when he became a British citizen. In 1998 he changed his name by deed poll when he renounced the first name Eugene and wished to be known as Sir Paul Getty, KBE.^[3]

Early life[link]

His father expected him to prove himself: his first job was pumping gas for $100 a month. He attended St. Ignatius College Preparatory and the University of San Francisco, both Jesuit schools, but did not complete his graduation from university. He was drafted into the U.S. Army to serve in Korea.^{[citation needed]}

Marriages[link]

His first marriage was to Abigail "Gail" Harris, a former water polo champion. They divorced in 1964, having had four children including John Paul Getty III and Mark Getty.

His second marriage was to the Dutch actress, model and style icon Talitha Pol (stepdaughter of Augustus John's daughter Poppet) on 10 December 1966. The two posed for an iconic photograph on a roof-top in Marrakesh, Morocco in January 1969. The photo, taken by Patrick Lichfield, shows Talitha Getty crouched down leaning on a wall and her sunglassed, hooded husband in the background. The photo appeared in American Vogue and again in the September 1999 issue of American Vogue and is part of the collection of the National Portrait Gallery in London. One and a half years after the photo was taken, Talitha died of a heroin overdose on 14 July 1971. She was survived by her son with Getty: Tara Gabriel Gramophone Galaxy Getty (born June 1968), an ecological conservationist in Africa.^[4]

Personal problems[link]

Getty initially became reclusive after the death of his second wife in 1971. He moved to Rome as head of Getty Oil Italiana. In 1973, his eldest child and son, Paul III, was kidnapped in Rome by Calabrian mobsters and held in the Calabrian Mountains, chained to a stake in a cave. Getty did not have enough money to pay the $17 million ransom demand, and his father refused to help, saying "I have 14 other grandchildren, and if I pay one penny now, then I will have 14 kidnapped grandchildren." However, when one of his son's ears was delivered by mail to a newspaper in Rome (delivery had been delayed by three weeks because of a postal strike), his father finally agreed to help out with the ransom payment by making the ransom payment a loan to his son. In 1976, Getty's father died. His money came from a family trust and his grandmother. After the death of his father, he was able to stop using drugs. Over the next decade Getty suffered from depression and, in 1984 in a final attempt to end his drug addiction, checked himself into a London clinic. While there he received a visit from the then Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to thank him for large donations to the National Gallery. She reportedly helped speed his recovery by telling him, "My dear Mr. Getty, we mustn't let things get us down, must we? We'll have you out of here as soon as possible." During a low period in the 1970s Getty had been cheered up by the former England cricketer and later President of the MCC, Gubby Allen, having previously been introduced to the game by Mick Jagger of the Rolling Stones.^[5]

Philanthropy[link]

Getty donated £50m to London's National Gallery

Getty donated over £140m to various artistic and cultural causes. The National Gallery alone received £50m from him. He was awarded a knighthood in the Order of the British Empire (KBE) in 1987, but as a foreign national he was restricted the use the title "Sir". In December 1997 he was granted British citizenship and immediately renounced his US nationality. The Queen reportedly commented: "Now you can use your title, that's nice."^{[citation needed]}

He acquired an interest in cricket and this led to his building a replica of The Oval cricket ground at Wormsley Park, his 2,500 acre (10 km²) Buckinghamshire estate. He became President of Surrey County Cricket Club for one year, and gave money to Lord's Cricket Ground to build a new stand. He combined his loves of cricket and books when he purchased the ownership of Wisden, the famous publishers of the cricketing almanack. Getty built an extraordinary library at Wormsley, collecting such treasures as a first edition of Chaucer, Ben Jonson's annotated copy of Spenser, and Shakespeare's Folios. He was a notable member of the exclusive Roxburghe Club, famous among book collectors.^{[citation needed]}

His personal fortune was estimated as about £1.6 billion. He donated significant support for the National Gallery, the British Museum, the British Film Institute, Hereford Cathedral, St Paul's Cathedral and the Imperial War Museum. Some of his donations, especially contributions towards the purchases of Canova's The Three Graces by The National Galleries of Scotland^[6] and the Madonna of the Pinks by Raphael, foiled acquisition efforts by the J. Paul Getty Museum endowed by his father. In June 2001, he gave £5 million to the Conservative Party. He endowed a charitable trust which supports the arts, conservation and social welfare.

Death[link]

Having been admitted for treatment to a London hospital for a chest infection, Getty died, aged 70, on 17 April 2003.^[7]

References[link]

External links[link]

• BBC News obituary for Paul Getty
• New York Times obituary of J Paul Getty
• Sir Paul Getty - Daily Telegraph obituary
• Getty family genealogy; page last updated on 6 September 2000.