''Caudillo'' is a Spanish word for "leader" (; ) and usually describes a political-military leader at the head of an authoritarian power. The term translates into English as ''leader'' or ''chief'', or more pejoratively as ''warlord'', ''dictator'' or ''strongman''. ''Caudillo'' was the term used to refer to the charismatic populist leaders among the people. ''Caudillos'' have influenced a sizable portion of the history of Latin America.
The term originally referred to military power: ''Indíbil and Mandonio'', Viriathus, Almanzor (sometimes in the modern historiography), Don Pelayo and other fighters of the Reconquista, even Simón Bolivar, Francisco Franco, etc., but in Latin America another sense has developed: the liberal caudillo lawyer and politician Jorge Eliécer Gaitán was honored with the title "Caudillo of The Colombian People" (and other nuances with a significance mostly demagogic -accused by the right wing opposition and some landowners-) and even without state responsibilities like cacique in Spain and oligarchical–plutocratic power.
The root of ''caudillismo'' lies in Spanish colonial policy of supplementing small cadres of professional, full-time soldiers with large militia forces recruited from local populations to maintain public order. Militiamen held civilian occupations but assembled at regular times for drill and inspection. Their salary from the Crown was a token; their recompense was in prestige, primarily because of the ''fuero militar'' ("military privilege"), that exempted them from certain taxes and obligatory community work assignments (compare the feudal corvée), and more significantly, exempted them from criminal or civil prosecution. Away from colonial capitals, the militias were at the service of the ''criollo'' landowners.
Category:Francoist Spain Category:Spanish language Category:Titles of national or ethnic leadership
ca:Cabdill de:Caudillo es:Caudillo eo:Kaŭdilo fr:Caudillo it:Caudillo he:קאודייו lt:Kaudilijas ms:Caudillo nl:Caudillo ja:カウディーリョ no:Caudillo pl:Caudillo pt:Caudilho fi:Caudillo sv:CaudilloThis text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
Background | solo_singer |
---|---|
Birth name | Edgar Ricardo Arjona Morales |
Birth date | January 19, 1964, |
Genre | Latin pop, Ballad |
Instrument | Vocals, Guitar, Piano |
Occupation | Musician |
Website | www.ricardoarjona.com }} |
At 21, Ricardo Arjona got the opportunity to record his first album “Dejame decir que te amo”. The recording turned out to be a bad experience for him and he decided to leave the music business. He spent some time as a teacher at a rural primary school (Santa Elena III), where he reputedly said he spent six hours giving lessons and the rest of the day playing soccer. This earned him a visit from a Ministry of Education representative, who was sent to evaluate the level of education amongst Ricardo Arjona's pupils. The representative found that the students' level of education was actually above average.
Ricardo Arjona was a talented basketball player, and he played for the team ''Leones de Marte'' and TRIAS. He also toured Central America as a member of the Guatemalan national basketball team; until recently he held the record for the most points scored (78) in a single game by a Guatemalan player.
Music was always in him and decided to try again with the launch of his second album, His musical stamp “Jesus verbo, no sustantivo” a definite consolidation as composer and singer. The album was the most sold in history on the Latin market for some Central American countries; but is still not known internationally.
Although he initially enrolled in architecture and engineering subjects, he eventually graduated with a degree from the School of Communication Sciences at the Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala (USAC).
At USAC there is a library hall that bears his name. There is also a street named for him in his birthplace, Jocotenango, Guatemala.
In the city of Buenos Aires, Argentina, he met Puerto Rican Leslie Torres and had two children with her: Adria and Ricardo. Later in 2005 they separated.
Category:1964 births Category:Guatemalan people of Spanish descent Category:People from Sacatepéquez Department Category:Guatemalan musicians Category:Living people Category:Grammy Award winners Category:Latin Grammy Award winners Category:Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala alumni
de:Ricardo Arjona es:Ricardo Arjona fr:Ricardo Arjona gl:Ricardo Arjona it:Ricardo Arjona nl:Ricardo Arjona no:Ricardo Arjona pt:Ricardo Arjona ru:Архона, Рикардо fi:Ricardo ArjonaThis text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
honorific-prefix | His ExcellencyGeneralísimo |
---|---|
name | Don Francisco Franco |
nationality | Spanish |
office | Regent of the Kingdom of SpainHead of State |
term start | 1 April 1939 |
term end | 20 November 1975 |
predecessor | Manuel Azaña* |
successor | Alejandro Rodríguez de Valcárcel** |
order2 | 68th |
office2 | President of the Government of Spain |
term start2 | 30 January 1938 |
term end2 | 8 June 1973 |
predecessor2 | Juan Negrín |
successor2 | Luis Carrero Blanco |
vicepresident2 | |
birth name | Francisco Franco Bahamonde |
birth date | December 04, 1892 |
birth place | Ferrol, Galicia, Spain |
death date | November 20, 1975 |
death place | Madrid, Spain |
restingplace | Valley of the Fallen |
restingplacecoordinates | |
party | FET y de las JONS |
spouse | Carmen Polo, 1st Lady of Meirás |
residence | El Pardo, Madrid |
religion | Roman Catholicism |
signature | Francisco Franco Signature.svg |
footnotes | *As President** For the handover to Juan Carlos I (King of Spain) |
Allegiance | Kingdom of Spain (1907–1931)| (1931–1936)| Nationalist Spain (1936–1939)| (1939–1947)| (1947–1975)}} |
Francisco Paulino Hermenegildo Teódulo Franco y Bahamonde (4 December 1892 20 November 1975), known simply as Francisco Franco (), was a Spanish dictator, military general and head of state of Spain from October 1936 (as a unified nation from 1939 onwards), and ''de facto'' regent of the nominally restored Kingdom of Spain from 1947 until his death in November 1975. He came to power as a prominent member of the far-right Falange movement. As head of state, Franco used the title ''Caudillo de España, por la gracia de Dios'', meaning ''Leader of Spain, by the grace of God'', but also was called formally as ''His Excellency, The Head Of State''.
Franco was from a military family, and although originally intent on entering the Spanish Navy, he instead became a soldier. He participated in the Rif War in Morocco, becoming the youngest general in Europe by 1926. After returning to the Spanish mainland, he saw service suppressing an anarchist-led strike in 1934, defending the stability of Alcalá-Zamora's conservative government. Following the formation of a Popular Front government, made up of various left-wing factions, instability heightened. Violence between militant groups rose sharply with assassination of conservative parliamentary leader José Calvo Sotelo in retaliation for the killing of José Castillo. Franco and his co-conspirators used Calvo's death as their pretext for war, even though they had already initiated the plan for their rebellion.
Franco and the military participated in a ''coup d'état'' against the Popular Front government. The coup failed and devolved into the Spanish Civil War during which Franco emerged as the leader of the Nationalists against the Popular Front government. After winning the civil war with military aid from Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany—while the communist Soviet Union and various Internationalists aided certain forces of the left—he dissolved the Spanish Parliament. He then established a right-wing authoritarian regime that lasted until 1978, when a new constitution was drafted. During World War II, Franco officially maintained a policy of non-belligerency and later of neutrality, in part because Spain had not recovered from the considerable damage of the civil war. However, he supported the volunteer Blue Division who fought with the Axis on the Eastern Front. He was initially disliked by Cuban Fulgencio Batista, who, during World War II, had suggested a joint U.S.-Latin American assault on Spain in order to overthrow Franco's regime.
After the end of World War II, Franco maintained his control in Spain through the implementation of austere measures: the systematic suppression of dissident views through censorship and coercion, the imprisonment of ideologically opposed enemies in concentration camps throughout the country (such as ''Los Merinales'' in Seville, ''San Marcos'' in León, ''Castuera'' in Extremadura, and ''Miranda de Ebro''), the implementation of forced labor in prisons, and the use of the death penalty and heavy prison sentences as deterrents for his ideological enemies. During the Cold War, the United States established a diplomatic and trade alliance with Spain, due to Franco's strong anti-Communist policy. American President Richard Nixon toasted Franco, and, after Franco's death, stated: "General Franco was a loyal friend and ally of the United States." After his death, Spain gradually began its transition to democracy. Today, pre-constitutional symbols from the Franco regime—such as the national Coat of arms or flag with the Imperial Eagle—are banned by law in Spain.
The Franco family was originally from Andalucia..|group=note}} Since relocating to Galicia they were strongly involved in the Spanish Navy and over two centuries produced naval officers for six generations uninterrupted, right down to Franco's father Nicolás Franco y Salgado-Araújo (22 November 1855 – 22 February 1942).
Franco's mother was María del Pilar Bahamonde y Pardo de Andrade (1865 – 28 February 1934), and his parents married in 1890. The young Franco spent much of his childhood with his two brothers, Nicolás (Ferrol, 1891–1977), a naval officer and diplomat who in time was married to María Isabel Pascual del Pobil y Ravello, and Ramón (a pioneering aviator and a member of ''Esquerra Republicana''), and his two sisters, María del Pilar (Ferrol, 1894 – Madrid, 1989), later wife of Alonso Jaráiz y Jeréz, and María de la Paz (Ferrol, 1899 – Ferrol, 1900).
In 1916, at the age of 23 and already a captain, he was badly wounded in a skirmish at ''El Biutz'' and possibly lost a testicle. His survival marked him permanently in the eyes of the native troops as a man of ''baraka'' (good luck). He was also recommended unsuccessfully for Spain's highest honor for gallantry, the coveted ''Cruz Laureada de San Fernando''. Instead, he was promoted to major (''comandante''), becoming the youngest field grade officer in the Spanish Army. From 1917 to 1920, he was posted on the Spanish mainland. That last year, Lieutenant Colonel José Millán Astray, a histrionic but charismatic officer, founded the Spanish Foreign Legion, along similar lines to the French Foreign Legion. Franco became the Legion's second-in-command and returned to Africa. On 24 July 1921, the poorly commanded and overextended Spanish Army suffered a crushing defeat at Annual at the hands of the Rif tribes led by the Abd el-Krim brothers. The Legion symbolically, if not materially, saved the Spanish enclave of Melilla after a three-day forced march led by Franco. In 1923, already a lieutenant colonel, he was made commander of the Legion.
The same year, he married María del Carmen Polo y Martínez-Valdès; they had one child, a daughter, María del Carmen, born in 1926. As a special mark of honor, his best man (''padrino'') at the wedding was King Alfonso XIII, a fact that would mark him during the Republic as a monarchical officer. Promoted to colonel, Franco led the first wave of troops ashore at Al Hoceima in 1925. This landing in the heartland of Abd el-Krim's tribe, combined with the French invasion from the south, spelled the beginning of the end for the short-lived Republic of the Rif. Becoming the youngest general in Spain in 1926, Franco was appointed in 1928 director of the newly created General Military Academy of Zaragoza, a new college for all Army cadets, replacing the former separate institutions for young men seeking to become officers in infantry, cavalry, artillery, and other branches of the army.
On 5 February 1932, he was given a command in A Coruña. Franco avoided involvement in José Sanjurjo's attempted ''coup'' that year, and even wrote a hostile letter to Sanjurjo expressing his anger over the attempt. As a side result of Azaña's military reform, in January 1933, Franco was relegated from the first to the 24th in the list of Brigadiers; conversely, the same year (17 February), he was given the military command of the Balearic Islands: a post above his rank.
New elections held in October 1933 resulted in a center-right majority. In opposition to this government, a revolutionary movement broke out 5 October 1934. This uprising was rapidly quelled in most of the country, but gained a stronghold in Asturias, with the support of the miners' unions. Franco, already general of a Division and aide to the war minister, Diego Hidalgo, was put in command of the operations directed to suppress the insurgency. The forces of the Army in Africa were to carry the brunt of this, with General Eduardo López Ochoa as commander in the field. After two weeks of heavy fighting (and a death toll estimated between 1,200 and 2,000), the rebellion was suppressed.
The insurgency in Asturias sharpened the antagonism between Left and Right. Franco and López Ochoa—who, prior to the campaign in Asturias, was seen as a left-leaning officer—were marked by the left as enemies. At the start of the Civil War, López Ochoa was assassinated. Some time after these events, Franco was briefly commander-in-chief of the Army of Africa (from 15 February onwards), and from 19 May 1935 on, Chief of the General Staff.
The days after the election were marked by near-chaotic circumstances.
On 23 February, Franco was sent to the distant Canary Islands to serve as the islands' military commander, a position in which he had few troops under his command. Meanwhile, a conspiracy led by Emilio Mola was taking shape. In June, Franco was contacted and a secret meeting was held in Tenerife's La Esperanza Forest to discuss a military coup. (An obelisk commemorating this historic meeting can be found in a clearing at Las Raíces.)
Outwardly, Franco maintained an ambiguous attitude almost up until July. On 23 June 1936, he wrote to the head of the government, Casares Quiroga, offering to quell the discontent in the army, but was not answered. The other rebels were determined to go ahead, ''con Paquito o sin Paquito'' (with Franco or without him), as it was put by José Sanjurjo, the honorary leader of the military uprising. After various postponements, 18 July was fixed as the date of the uprising. The situation reached a point of no return and, as presented to Franco by Mola, the coup was unavoidable and he had to choose a side. He decided to join the rebels and was given the task of commanding the Army of Africa. A privately owned DH 89 De Havilland Dragon Rapide, flown by two British MI6 agents, Cecil Bebb and Hugh Pollard, was chartered in England 11 July to take Franco to Africa.
The assassination of the right-wing opposition leader José Calvo Sotelo by government police troops, possibly acting on their own in retaliation for the murder of José Castillo, precipitated the uprising. On 17 July one day earlier than planned, the African Army rebelled, detaining their commanders. On 18 July, Franco published a manifesto and left for Africa, where he arrived the next day to take command.
A week later, the rebels, who soon called themselves the ''Nationalists'', controlled a third of Spain, but most navy units remained under control of the Republican loyalist forces, which left Franco isolated. The coup had failed, but the Spanish Civil War had begun.
The Spanish Civil War began in July 1936 and officially ended with Franco's victory in April 1939, leaving 190,000 to 500,000 dead. Despite the Non-Intervention Agreement of August 1936, the war was marked by foreign intervention on behalf of both sides, leading to international repercussions. The nationalist side was supported by Fascist Italy, which sent the ''Corpo Truppe Volontarie'', and later by Nazi Germany, which assisted with the Condor Legion infamous for their bombing of Guernica in April 1937. Britain and France strictly adhered to the arms embargo, provoking dissensions within the French Popular Front coalition led by Léon Blum, but the Republican side was nonetheless supported by volunteers fighting in the International Brigades and the Soviet Union. (See for example Ken Loach's ''Land and Freedom''.)
Because Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin used the war as a testing ground for modern warfare, some historians, such as Ernst Nolte, have considered the Spanish Civil War, along with the Second World War, part of a "European Civil War" lasting from 1936 to 1945 and characterized mainly as a Left/Right ideological conflict. However, this interpretation has not found acceptance among most historians, who consider the Second World War and the Spanish Civil War two distinct conflicts. Among other things, they point to the political heterogeneity on both sides (''See Spanish Civil War: other factions'') and criticize a monolithic interpretation which overlooks the local nuances of Spanish history.
Following the 18 July 1936, ''pronunciamiento'', Franco assumed the leadership of the 30,000 soldiers of the Spanish Army of Africa. The first days of the insurgency were marked with a serious need to secure control over the Spanish Moroccan Protectorate. On one side, Franco managed to win the support of the natives and their (nominal) authorities, and, on the other, to ensure his control over the army. This led to the summary execution of some 200 senior officers loyal to the Republic (one of them his own first cousin). Also his loyal bodyguard was shot by a man known as Manuel Blanco. Franco's first problem was how to move his troops to the Iberian Peninsula, since most units of the Navy had remained in control of the Republic and were blocking the Strait of Gibraltar. He requested help from Mussolini, who responded with an unconditional offer of arms and planes; Wilhelm Canaris, the head of the ''Abwehr'' military intelligence, persuaded Hitler, as well, to support the Nationalists. From 20 July onward he was able, with a small group of 22 mainly German Junkers Ju 52 airplanes, to initiate an air bridge to Seville, where his troops helped to ensure the rebel control of the city. Through representatives, Franco started to negotiate with the United Kingdom, Nazi Germany and Italy for more military support, and above all for more airplanes. Negotiations were successful with the last two on 25 July and airplanes began to arrive in Tetouan on 2 August. On 5 August Franco was able to break the blockade with the newly arrived air support, successfully deploying a ship convoy with some 2,000 soldiers.
In early August, the situation in western Andalusia was stable enough to allow him to organize a column (some 15,000 men at its height), under the command of then Lieutenant-Colonel Juan Yagüe, which would march through Extremadura towards Madrid. On 11 August Mérida was taken, and on 15 August Badajoz, thus joining both nationalist-controlled areas. Additionally, Mussolini ordered a voluntary army, the ''Corpo Truppe Volontarie'' (CTV) of some 12,000 Italians of fully motorized units to Seville and Hitler added to them a professional squadron from the Luftwaffe (2JG/88) with about 24 planes. All these planes had the Nationalist Spanish insignia painted on them, but were flown by Italian and German troops. The backbone of Franco's aviation in those days were the Italian SM.79 and SM.81 bombers, the biplane Fiat CR.32 fighter and the German Junkers Ju 52 cargo-bomber and the Heinkel He 51 biplane fighter.
On 21 September, with the head of the column at the town of Maqueda (some 80 km away from Madrid), Franco ordered a detour to free the besieged garrison at the Alcázar of Toledo, which was achieved 27 September. This controversial decision gave the Popular Front time to strengthen its defenses in Madrid and hold the city that year but was an important morale and propaganda success.
From 24 July, a coordinating ''junta'' was established, based at Burgos. Nominally led by Cabanellas, as the most senior general, it initially included Mola, three other generals, and two colonels; Franco was later added in early August. On 21 September it was decided that Franco was to be commander-in-chief (this unified command was opposed only by Cabanellas), and, after some discussion, with no more than a lukewarm agreement from Queipo de Llano and from Mola, also head of government. He was, doubtlessly, helped to this primacy by the fact that, in late July, Hitler had decided that all of Germany's aid to the nationalists would go to Franco.
Mola considered Franco as unfit and not part of the initial rebel group. But Mola himself had been somewhat discredited as the main planner of the attempted coup that had now degenerated into a civil war, and was strongly identified with the Carlists monarchists and not at all with the Falange, a party with Fascist leanings and connections ("phalanx", a far-right Spanish political party founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera), nor did he have good relations with Germany; Queipo de Llano and Cabanellas had both previously rebelled against the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera and were therefore discredited in some nationalist circles; and Falangist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera was in prison in Alicante (he would be executed a few months later) and the desire to keep a place open for him prevented any other falangist leader from emerging as a possible head of state. Franco's previous aloofness from politics meant that he had few active enemies in any of the factions that needed to be placated, and had cooperated in recent months with both Germany and Italy.
On 1 October 1936, in Burgos, Franco was publicly proclaimed as ''Generalísimo'' of the National army and ''Jefe del Estado'' (Head of State). When Mola was killed in another air accident a year later (which some believe was an assassination) (2 June 1937), no military leader was left from those who organized the conspiracy against the Republic between 1933 and 1935.
Franco's army was supported by Nazi Germany in the form of the Condor Legion, infamous for the bombing of Guernica on 26 April 1937. These German forces also provided maintenance personnel and trainers, and some Germans and Italians served over the entire war period in Spain. Principal assistance was received from Fascist Italy (''Corpo Truppe Volontarie''), but the degree of influence of both powers on Franco's direction of the war seems to have been very limited. Nevertheless, the Italian troops, despite not being always effective, were present in most of the large operations in big numbers, while the CTV helped the Nationalist airforce dominate the skies for most of the war. António de Oliveira Salazar's Portugal also openly assisted the Nationalists from the start, contributing some 20,000 troops.
It is said that Franco's direction of the Nazi and Fascist forces was limited, particularly in the direction of the Condor Legion, however, he was officially, by default, their supreme commander and they rarely made decisions on their own. For reasons of prestige, it was decided to continue assisting Franco until the end of the war, and Italian and German troops paraded on the day of the final victory in Madrid.
This new political formation appeased the pro-Nazi Falangists while tempering them with the anti-German Carlists. Franco's brother-in-law Ramón Serrano Súñer, who was his main political advisor, was able to turn the various parties under Franco against each other to absorb a series of political confrontations against Franco himself. At a certain moment he even expelled the original leading members of both the Carlists (Manuel Fal Conde) and the Falangists (Manuel Hedilla) to secure Franco's political future. Franco also appeased the Carlists by exploiting the Republicans' anti-clericalism in his propaganda, in particular concerning the "Martyrs of the war". While the loyalist forces presented the war as a struggle to defend the Republic against Fascism, Franco depicted himself as the defender of "Catholic Spain" against "atheist Communism."
Thereafter, only Madrid (see History of Madrid) and a few other areas remained under control of the government forces. On 27 February Chamberlain and Daladier's governments recognized the Franco regime, before the official end of the war. The PCE (the Spanish Communist Party) attempted a mutiny in Madrid with the aim of re-establishing Negrín's leadership, but José Miaja retained control. Finally, on 28 March 1939, with the help of pro-Franco forces inside the city (the "fifth column" General Mola had mentioned in propaganda broadcasts in 1936), Madrid fell to the Nationalists. The next day, Valencia, which had held out under the guns of the Nationalists for close to two years, also surrendered. Victory was proclaimed on 1 April 1939, when the last of the Republican forces surrendered. On this very date, Franco placed his sword upon the altar in a church and in a vow, promised that he would never again take up his sword unless Spain itself was threatened with invasion.
At least 50,000 people were executed during the civil war. Franco's victory was followed by thousands of summary executions (from 15,000 to 25,000 people) and imprisonments, while many were put to forced labour, building railways, drying out swamps, digging canals (''La Corchuela'', the Canal of the Bajo Guadalquivir), construction of the Valle de los Caídos monument, etc. The 1940 shooting of the president of the Catalan government, Lluís Companys, was one of the most notable cases of this early suppression of opponents and dissenters. According to Gabriel Jackson, the number of victims of the "White Terror" (executions and hunger or illness in prisons) only between 1939 and 1943 was 200,000.
Although leftists suffered from an important death-toll, the Spanish intelligentsia, atheists and military and government figures who had remained loyal to the Madrid government during the war were also targeted for oppression.
In his recent, updated history of the Spanish Civil War, Antony Beevor "reckons Franco's ensuing 'white terror' claimed 200,000 lives. The 'red terror' had already killed 38,000." Julius Ruiz concludes that "although the figures remain disputed, a minimum of 37,843 executions were carried out in the Republican zone with a maximum of 150,000 executions (including 50,000 after the war) in Nationalist Spain." In ''Checas de Madrid'', César Vidal comes to a nationwide total of 110,965 victims of Republican violence; 11,705 people being killed in Madrid alone.
Despite the official end of the war, guerrilla resistance to Franco (known as "the ''maquis''") was widespread in many mountainous regions, and continued well into the 1950s. In 1944, a group of republican veterans, which also fought in the French resistance against the Nazis, invaded the Val d'Aran in northwest Catalonia, but they were quickly defeated.
The end of the war led to hundreds of thousands of exilees, mostly to France (but also Mexico, Chile, Cuba, the USA and so on.). On the other side of the Pyrenees, refugees were confined in internment camps of the French Third Republic, such as Camp Gurs or Camp Vernet, where 12,000 Republicans were housed in squalid conditions (mostly soldiers from the Durruti Division). The 17,000 refugees housed in Gurs were divided into four categories (Brigadists, pilots, ''Gudaris'' and ordinary 'Spaniards'). The ''Gudaris'' (Basques) and the pilots easily found local backers and jobs, and were allowed to quit the camp, but the farmers and ordinary people, who could not find relations in France, were encouraged by the Third Republic, in agreement with the Francoist government, to return to Spain. The great majority did so and were turned over to the Francoist authorities in Irún. From there they were transferred to the Miranda de Ebro camp for "purification" according to the Law of Political Responsibilities.
After the proclamation by Marshal Philippe Pétain of the Vichy France regime, the refugees became political prisoners, and the French police attempted to round-up those who had been liberated from the camp. Along with other "undesirables", they were sent to the Drancy internment camp before being deported to Nazi Germany. 5,000 Spaniards thus died in Mauthausen concentration camp. The Chilean poet Pablo Neruda, who had been named by the Chilean President Pedro Aguirre Cerda special consul for immigration in Paris, was given responsibility for what he called "the noblest mission I have ever undertaken": shipping more than 2,000 Spanish refugees, who had been housed by the French in squalid camps, to Chile on an old cargo ship, the ''Winnipeg''.
In September 1939, World War II broke out in Europe, and although Hitler met Franco once in Hendaye, France (23 October 1940), to discuss Spanish entry on the side of the Axis, Franco's demands (food, military equipment, Gibraltar, French North Africa etc.) proved too much and no agreement was reached. (An oft-cited remark attributed to Hitler is that the German leader would rather have some teeth extracted than to have to deal further with Franco). Franco's tactics received important support from Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini during the civil war. He remained emphatically neutral in the Second World War, but nonetheless offered various kinds of support to Italy and Germany. He allowed Spanish soldiers to volunteer to fight in the German Army against the USSR (the Blue Division), but forbade Spaniards to fight in the West against the democracies. Franco's common ground with Hitler was particularly weakened by Hitler's propagation of Nazi mysticism and his attempts to manipulate Christianity, which went against Franco's fervent commitment to defending Christianity and Catholicism. Contributing to the disagreement was an ongoing dispute over German mining rights in Spain. Some historians argue that Franco made demands that he knew Hitler would not accede to in order to stay out of the war. Other historians argue that he, as leader of a destroyed country in chaos, simply had nothing to offer the Germans and their military.
Yet, after the collapse of France in June 1940, Spain did adopt a pro-Axis non-belligerency stance (for example, he offered Spanish naval facilities to German ships) until returning to complete neutrality in 1943 when the tide of the war had turned decisively against Germany and its allies. Franco did also consider blocking allied access to the Mediterrean Sea by invading the British-controlled Gilbraltar, Some volunteer Spanish troops (the ''División Azul'', or "Blue Division")—not given official state sanction by Franco—went to fight on the Eastern Front under German command from 1941–1943. Some historians have argued that not all of the Blue Division were true volunteers and that Franco expended relatively small but significant resources to aid the Axis powers' battle against the Soviet Union.
According to the recent discovery of a World War II Document, Franco ordered his provincial governors to compile a list of Jews while he negotiated an alliance with the Axis powers. Franco supplied Heinrich Himmler with a list of 6,000 Jews in Spain, for the Nazi's "Final Solution". It is true that Franco built no concentration camps on Spanish territory, nor did he voluntarily hand Jews over to Germany. Plans for alliance fell through and Spain never carried out the Nazis' plans. During the entire war, especially after 1942, the Spanish borders were more or less kept open for Jewish refugees from Vichy France and Nazi-occupied territories in Europe. Spanish diplomats, acting outside of Franco's authority, extended their diplomatic protection over Jews in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and the Balkans. Spain was a safe haven for all Jewish refugees and antisemitism was not official policy under the Franco regime. In 1940 alone, roughly 40,000 Jewish refugees found safe haven in Spain. Overall, per some estimates, during World War II, Franco's policies saved the lives of almost 200,000 European Jews.
On 14 June 1940, the Spanish forces in Morocco occupied Tangier (a city under the rule of the League of Nations) and did not leave it until 1945.
In 1947, Franco proclaimed Spain a monarchy, but did not designate a monarch. This gesture was largely done to appease the ''Movimiento Nacional'' (Carlists and Alfonsists). Although a self-proclaimed monarchist himself, Franco had no particular desire to proclaim himself King of Spain, nor have a King to rule the country yet, and as such, he left the throne vacant, with himself as a ''de facto'' Regent. He wore the uniform of a Captain General (a rank traditionally reserved for the King) and resided in the El Pardo Palace. In addition, he appropriated the royal privilege of walking beneath a canopy, and his portrait appeared on most Spanish coins and postage stamps. He also added "by the grace of God", a phrase usually part of the styles of monarchs, to his style.
Franco initially sought support from various groups. He initially garnered support from the fascist elements of the Falange, but distanced himself from fascist ideology after the defeat of the Axis in World War II. Franco's administration marginalized fascist ideologues in favor of technocrats, many of whom were linked with Opus Dei, who promoted the economic modernization under Franco.
Although Franco and Spain under his rule adopted some trappings of fascism, he, and Spain under his rule, are not generally considered to be fascist; among the distinctions, fascism entails a revolutionary aim to transform society, where Franco and Franco's Spain did not seek to do so, and, to the contrary, although authoritarian, were conservative and traditional. Stanley Payne notes: "scarcely any of the serious historians and analysts of Franco consider the generalissimo to be a core fascist". The consistent points in Franco's long rule included above all authoritarianism, nationalism, the defense of Catholicism and the family, anti-Freemasonry, and anti-Communism.
The aftermath of the Civil War was socially bleak: many of those who had supported the Republic fled into exile. Spain lost thousands of doctors, nurses, teachers, lawyers, judges, professors, businessmen, artists, etc. Many of those who had to stay lost their jobs or lost their rank. Sometimes those jobs were given to unskilled and even untrained personnel. This deprived the country of many of its brightest minds, and also of a very capable workforce. However, this was done to keep Spain's citizens consistent with the ideals sought by the Nationalists and Franco.
With the end of World War II, Spain suffered from the economic consequences of its isolation from the international community. This situation ended in part when, due to Spain's strategic location in light of Cold War tensions, the United States entered into a trade and military alliance with Spain. This historic alliance commenced with United States President Eisenhower's visit in 1953 which resulted in the Pact of Madrid. Spain was then admitted to the UN in 1955.
In 1952, a syndicate from Dallas, Texas, including Jack Crichton, Everette Lee DeGolyer, and Clint Murchison sought drilling rights to petroleum in Spain. The operation was handled by Delta Drilling Company.
Subsequently, Franco's state became less violent, but during his rule non-government trade unions and all political opponents across the political spectrum, from communist and anarchist organizations to liberal democrats and Catalan or Basque separatists, were either suppressed or tightly controlled by all means, up to and including violent police repression. The ''Confederación Nacional del Trabajo'' (CNT) and the ''Unión General de Trabajadores'' (UGT) trade-unions were outlawed, and replaced in 1940 by the corporatist ''Sindicato Vertical''. The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and the ''Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya'' (ERC) were banned in 1939, while the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) went underground. The Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) went into exile, and in 1959, the ETA armed group was created to wage a low-intensity war against Franco.
Franco's Spanish nationalism promoted a unitary national identity by repressing Spain's cultural diversity. Bullfighting and flamenco were promoted as national traditions while those traditions not considered "Spanish" were suppressed. Franco's view of Spanish tradition was somewhat artificial and arbitrary: while some regional traditions were suppressed, Flamenco, an Andalusian tradition, was considered part of a larger, national identity. All cultural activities were subject to censorship, and many were plainly forbidden (often in an erratic manner). This cultural policy relaxed with time, most notably in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
Franco also used language politics in an attempt to establish national homogeneity. He promoted the use of Castilian Spanish and suppressed other languages such as Catalan, Galician, and Basque. The legal usage of languages other than Castilian was forbidden. All government, notarial, legal and commercial documents were to be drawn up exclusively in Castilian and any written in other languages were deemed null and void. The usage of any other language was forbidden in schools, in advertising, and on road and shop signs. Publications in other languages were generally forbidden. Citizens continued to speak these languages in private. This was the situation throughout the 1940s and, to a lesser extent, during the 1950s, but after 1960 the non-Castilian Spanish languages were freely spoken and written and reached bookshops and stages, although they never received official status.
On the other hand, the Catholic Church was upheld as the established church of the Spanish State, and regained many of the traditional privileges it had lost under the Republic. Civil servants had to be Catholic, and some official jobs even required a "good behavior" statement by a priest. Civil marriages which had taken place under Republican Spain were declared null and void unless confirmed by the Catholic Church, a difficult if not impossible requirement considering civil marriages were only possible after the couple made a public renunciation of the Catholic faith. Divorce was forbidden, and also contraceptives and abortion.
Francoism professed a devotion to the traditional role of women in society, that is: loving child to her parents and brothers, faithful to her husband, residing with her family. Official propaganda confined her role to family care and motherhood. Immediately after the war, most progressive laws passed by the Republic aimed at equality between the sexes were made void. Women could not become judges, or testify in trial. They could not become university professors. Their affairs and economy had to be managed by their father or by their husbands. Even in the 1970s a woman fleeing from an abusive husband could be arrested and imprisoned for "abandoning the home" (''abandono del hogar''). Until the 1970s a woman could not have a bank account without a co-sign by her father or husband. In the 1960s and 1970s the situation was somewhat relieved, but it was not until after Franco's death that a more egalitarian view of the sexes was adopted. The enforcement by public authorities of traditional Catholic values was a stated intent of the regime, mainly by using a law (the ''Ley de Vagos y Maleantes'', Vagrancy Act) enacted by Azaña. The remaining nomads of Spain (Gitanos and Mercheros like El Lute) were especially affected. In 1954, homosexuality, pedophilia, and prostitution were, through this law, made criminal offenses, although its application was seldom consistent.
Most country towns, and rural areas, were patrolled by pairs of ''Guardia Civil'', a military police for civilians, which functioned as his chief means of social control. Larger cities, and capitals, were mostly under the Policia Armada, or ''grises'' ("greys") as they were called. Franco, like others at the time, evidenced a concern about a possible Masonic conspiracy against his regime. Some non-Spanish authors have described it as being an "obsession".
Student revolts, at universities in the late 1960s and early 1970s, were violently repressed by the heavily armed ''Policía Armada'' (Armed Police). Plainclothes secret police worked inside Spanish universities. In May 1972, an American student was arrested by university secret police in Barcelona and charged and imprisoned under martial law for the crime of wearing an old Spanish Army jacket. Although the US State Department, through its consulate in Barcelona, was notified, it elected not to intervene.
Franco continued to personally sign all death warrants until just a few months before he died, despite international campaigns requesting him to desist.
In 1968, under United Nations pressure, Franco granted Spain's colony of Equatorial Guinea its independence, and the next year, ceded the exclave of Ifni to Morocco. Under Franco, Spain also pursued a campaign to force a negotiation on the British overseas territory of Gibraltar, and closed its border with that territory in 1969. The border would not be fully reopened until 1985.
According to Franco's detractor Nicolás Sartorius, a Czech engineer and con-man managed to convince the general that with the waters of the River Jarama, certain herbs and secret powders, Spain could get all the petroleum it needed. On another, he was convinced of a plan to solve the country's terrible hunger of the 1940s by feeding the population of 30 million with dolphin sandwiches. Some 200,000 people died of hunger in the early years of Francoism, a period known as Los ''Años de Hambre'' (The Years of Hunger, or the Hungry Years).
On the brink of bankruptcy, a combination of pressure from the USA, the IMF and technocrats from the Opus Dei managed to "convince" the regime to adopt a free market economy in 1959 in what amounted to a mini coup d'état which removed the old guard in charge of the economy, despite the opposition of Franco. This economic liberalisation was not, however, accompanied by political reforms and repression continued unabated.
Economic growth picked up after 1959 after Franco took authority away from these ideologues and gave more power to the apolitical technocrats. The country implemented several development policies and growth took off creating an economic boom that became known as the "Spanish Miracle". Concurrent with the absence of social reforms, and the economic power shift, a tide of mass emigration commenced to European countries, and to lesser extent, to South America. Emigration helped the regime in two ways. The country got rid of populations it would not have been able to keep in employment, and the emigrants supplied the country with much needed monetary remittances.
During the 1960s, the wealthy classes of Francoist Spain's population experienced further increases in wealth, particularly those who remained politically faithful. International firms established their factories in Spain where salaries were low, taxes nearly non-existent, strikes forbidden and workers' health or real state regulations were unheard of. Furthermore, Spain was virtually a new market. Spain became the second-fastest growing economy in the world, just behind Japan. By the time of Franco's death in 1975, Spain still lagged behind most of Western Europe, but the gap between its GDP per capita and that of the leading Western European countries had narrowed greatly and the country had developed a large industrialised economy.
The Basque Country and Catalonia were among the regions that offered the strongest resistance to Franco in the Civil War. Franco dissolved the autonomy granted by the Second Spanish Republic to these two regions and to Galicia. Franco abolished the centuries-old fiscal privileges and autonomy (the ''fueros'') in two of the three Basque provinces: Guipuzcoa and Biscay, but kept them for Alava which had sided with the nationalists in the civil war.
Among Franco's greatest area of support during the civil war was Navarre, also a Basque speaking region in its north half. Navarre remained a separate region from the Basque Country and Franco decided to preserve its also centuries' old fiscal privileges and autonomy, the so-called Fueros of Navarre. The regional privileges for Alava and Navarre were kept because Alava and Navarre had participated in the initial coup d'État against the Republican government on 18 July 1936.
Franco abolished the official statute and recognition for the Basque, Galician, and Catalan languages that the Second Spanish Republic had granted for the first time in the history of Spain. He returned to Castilian as the only official language of the State and education. The Franco era corresponded with the popularisation of the compulsory national educational system and the development of modern mass media, both controlled by the State and in the Castilian language, and heavily reduced the number of speakers of Basque, Catalan and Galician, as happened during the second half of the twentieth century with other European minority languages which were not officially protected such as Scottish Gaelic or French Breton. By the 1970s the majority of the population in the urban areas could not speak the minority language or, as in some Catalan towns, their use had been abandoned. The most endangered case was the Basque language. By the 1970s Basque had reached the point where the language was close to extinction and it is now recognised that the language would have disappeared in a few decades. This was the main reason that drove the Francoist provincial government of Alava to create a network of Basque medium schools (Ikastola) in 1973 which were State-financed.
As his final years progressed, tension within the various factions of the ''Movimiento'' would consume Spanish political life, as varying groups jockeyed for position to control the country's future. On 19 July 1974, the aged Franco fell ill from various health problems, and Juan Carlos took over as Head of State. Franco soon recovered on 2 September and resumed his duties as Head of State, but one year later he fell ill once again from more health problems including a long battle with Parkinson's Disease. On 30 October 1975, he fell into a coma and was put on life support. Franco died just after midnight on 20 November 1975, at the age of 82, just two weeks before his 83rd birthday – the same date as the death of José Antonio Primo de Rivera, founder of the Falange. However, the historian Ricardo de la Cierva claims that on 19 November around 6 pm, he was told that Franco had already died. After Franco's death, Prince Juan Carlos decided to bury him at Valle de los Caídos, a colossal memorial that nominally honors all the casualties of the Spanish Civil War, but designed by Franco and with a distinctly nationalist tone. Chilean dictator and self-proclaimed president General Augusto Pinochet, who revered Franco and modeled himself in his image, attended his funeral, as did Bolivia's dictator General Hugo Banzer.
In Spain and abroad, the legacy of Franco remains controversial. The length of his rule, the suppression of opposition, and the effective propaganda sustained through the years has made a detached evaluation impossible. For 40 years, Spaniards, and particularly children at school were told that Divine Providence had sent him to save Spain from chaos and poverty. With time, the regime had evolved somewhat, and the ferocious oppression of the early 40's was decreased to some degree in later years. The relative economic success of this period created a considerable group of grateful citizens, who found the increase in everyday standard of living more significant than any human rights abuses.
In 2006, the BBC reported that Maciej Giertych, an MEP of the League of Polish Families, had expressed admiration for Franco, stating that he "guaranteed the maintenance of traditional values in Europe".
Many Spaniards, particularly those who suffered under Franco's rule, have sought to remove official recognition of his regime. Most government buildings and street names that were named after him during his long rule, have been renamed to their original name. Several statues of Franco and other public Francoist symbols have been removed, with reportedly the last statue in Santander having been removed in 2008. Curiously, the city of Melilla, an autonomous city of Spain located in North Africa, has the distinction of being the only place in Spain where a statue of Franco is still visible on a public street. In 2002, José Maria Aznar's conservative government had voted against proposals to remove street names, statues and other symbols of the Franco era.
In March 2006, the Permanent Commission of the European Parliament unanimously adopted a resolution "firmly" condemning the "multiple and serious violations" of human rights committed in Spain under the Francoist regime from 1939 to 1975. The resolution was at the initiative of the MEP Leo Brincat and of the historian Luis María de Puig, and is the first international official condemnation of the repression enacted by Franco's regime. The resolution also urged to provide public access to historians (professional and amateurs) to the various archives of the Francoist regime, including those of the private ''Fundación Francisco Franco'' which, as well as other Francoist archives, remain as of 2006 inaccessible to the public. The ''Fundación Francisco Franco'' received various archives from the El Pardo Palace, and is alleged to have sold some of them to private individuals. Furthermore, it urged the Spanish authorities to set up an underground exhibition in the Valle de los Caidos monument, in order to explain the "terrible" conditions in which it was built. Finally, it proposes the construction of monuments to commemorate Franco's victims in Madrid and other important cities.
In Spain, a commission to repair the dignity and restore the memory of the victims of Francoism (''Comisión para reparar la dignidad y restituir la memoria de las víctimas del franquismo'') was approved in the summer of 2004, and is directed by the socialist vice-president María Teresa Fernández de la Vega.
Recently the Association for the Recovery of Historical Memory (ARHM) initiated a systematic search for mass graves of people executed during Franco's regime, which has been supported since the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party`s (PSOE) victory during the 2004 elections by José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero's government. A ''Ley de la memoria histórica de España'' (Law on the Historical Memory of Spain) was approved on 28 July 2006 by the Council of Ministers, but it took until 31 October 2007 for the Congress of Deputies to approve an amended version as "The Bill to recognise and extend rights and to establish measures in favour of those who suffered persecution or violence during the Civil War and the Dictatorship" (in common parlance still known as Law of Historical Memory). The Senate approved the bill on 10 December 2007. Among other things, the law is supposed to enforce an official recognition of the crimes committed against civilians during the Francoist rule and organize under state supervision the search for mass graves.
The accumulated wealth of Franco's family (including much real estate inherited from Franco, such as the ''Pazo de Meirás'', the ''Canto del Pico'' in Torrelodones or the Cornide Palace in the Coruña) has also been discussed. Estimates of the family's wealth have ranged from 350 million to 600 million euros. When Franco was sick, the Cortes voted a pension for his wife, Carmen Polo. At the time of her death in 1988, Carmen Polo was receiving more than 12.5 million pesetas (four million more than Felipe González, then head of the government).
Owing to Franco's human rights record, in 2007, the Spanish government banned all public references to the Franco regime and removed any statues, street names, memorials and symbols associated with the regime. Churches which retain plaques commemorating Franco and the victims of his Republican opponents may lose state aid. The national anthem of Spain, the ''Marcha Real'', is no longer accompanied by the lyrics introduced by Franco.
{{s-ttl| title = President of Spain | years = 1939–1947 }} {{s-ttl| title = Spanish Head of State | years = 1939–1975 }}
Category:1892 births Category:1975 deaths Category:People from Ferrol Category:Cold War leaders Category:Falangism Category:Carlism Category:Spanish nationalism Category:Francoist Spain Category:20th-century Roman Catholics Category:Generalissimos Category:Military brats Category:Heads of state of Spain Category:Leaders who took power by coup Category:Spanish anti-communists Category:Spanish generals Category:Spanish monarchists Category:Spanish military personnel of the Spanish Civil War Category:Spanish Roman Catholics Category:World War II political leaders Category:Presidents of Spain Category:Knights of the Order of the Most Holy Annunciation
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This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
name | Luke Caudillo |
---|---|
other names | Lil' Hulk |
birth date | November 30, 1980 |
birth place | North Platte, Nebraska, United States |
nationality | American |
height | |
weight | |
weight class | Lightweight |
style | Miletich Fighting Systems |
team | Team Wiseman |
mma kowin | 10 |
mma subwin | 2 |
mma decwin | 4 |
mma koloss | 3 |
mma subloss | 10 |
mma decloss | 3 |
sherdog | 7406 |
updated | }} |
Luke "Lil' Hulk" Caudillo (born November 30, 1980) is an American mixed martial artist. He competes in the Lightweight division.
__TOC__
This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
Playername | Egidio Arévalo Ríos |
---|---|
Fullname | Egídio Arévalo Ríos |
Dateofbirth | January 01, 1982 |
Cityofbirth | Paysandú |
Countryofbirth | Uruguay |
Height | |
Currentclub | Club Tijuana |
Clubnumber | 16 |
Position | Midfielder |
Years1 | 1999–2001 |clubs1Paysandú Bella Vista |caps135 |goals12 |
Years2 | 2002–2006 |clubs2Bella Vista |caps2108 |goals26 |
Years3 | 2006–2007 |clubs3Peñarol |caps329 |goals36 |
Years4 | 2007–2008 |clubs4Monterrey |caps432 |goals43 |
Years5 | 2008 |clubs5Danubio |caps59 |goals50 |
Years6 | 2009 |clubs6San Luis |caps67 |goals60 |
Years7 | 2009–2010 |clubs7Peñarol |caps730 |goals71 |
Years8 | 2011 |clubs8Botafogo |caps81 |goals80 |
Years9 | 2011– |clubs9Tijuana |caps94 |goals90 |
Nationalyears1 | 2007– |
Nationalteam1 | Uruguay |
Nationalcaps1 | 19 |
Nationalgoals1 | 0 |
Pcupdate | June 19, 2011 }} |
Egidio Arévalo Ríos (), also known as Egidio Arévalo or Arévalo Rios (born January 1, 1982), is a Uruguayan footballer who plays for Club Tijuana and the Uruguay national football team.
Arévalo previously played for Peñarol and Monterrey in the Primera Division de Mexico. Arevalo Rios played a total of 7 games in the South Africa Would cup and is a strong defensive midfielder.
Category:1982 births Category:Living people Category:Uruguayan footballers Category:Uruguay international footballers Category:C.A. Bella Vista players Category:C.A. Peñarol players Category:CF Monterrey footballers Category:San Luis footballers Category:Danubio F.C. players Category:Botafogo de Futebol e Regatas players Category:Primera División de México players Category:Uruguayan expatriate footballers Category:Expatriate footballers in Brazil Category:Expatriate footballers in Mexico Category:2010 FIFA World Cup players Category:2011 Copa América players Category:Association football midfielders
ar:إيغيديو أريفالو ريوس da:Egidio Arévalo de:Egidio Arévalo Ríos es:Egidio Arévalo Ríos fr:Egidio Arévalo it:Egidio Arévalo hu:Egidio Arévalo mr:एगिदियो अरेवालो ja:エヒディオ・アレバロ・リオス no:Egidio Arévalo Ríos nn:Egidio Arévalo pl:Egidio Arévalo pt:Egidio Arévalo ru:Аревало Риос, Эхидио fi:Egidio Arévalo sv:Egidio Arévalo
This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
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