Some presenters may double as an actor, model, singer, comedian etc. Others may be subject matter experts, such as scientists or politicians, serving as presenters for a programme about their field of expertise. Some are celebrities who have made their name in one area, then leverage their fame to get involved in other areas. Examples of this latter group include British comedian Michael Palin who now presents programmes about travel (such as ''Around the World in 80 Days''), and Alan Alda, who has presented ''Scientific American Frontiers'' for over a decade.
The term is also used in other countries, such as Ireland. In the USA, such a person is typically called a host or an MC (Master of Ceremonies). There are many most popular television personalities in Nepal. For example:- Bikash Thapa Chhetri,Bijay Kumar Pandey and Bhusan Dahal are the most populars.
Category:Broadcasting occupations
ar:مذيع bg:Телевизионен водещ ca:Presentador cy:Cyflwynydd de:Showmaster es:Presentador eu:Aurkezle fa:مجری fr:Animateur de télévision id:Presenter televisi it:Conduttore televisivo he:מנחה (מקצוע) nl:Presentator ja:司会 pl:Prezenter pt:Apresentador de televisão fi:Juontaja zh:主持人This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
Conflict | 2011 Libyan civil war |
---|---|
Partof | the Arab Spring |
Date | 15 February – 23 October 2011 (8 months, 8 days) |
Place | Libya |
Result | Overthrow of Gaddafi government
Anti-Gaddafi forces take control of all Libyan cities.
Muammar Gaddafi is killed.
|
Combatant1 | National Transitional Council
|
Combatant2 | Libyan Arab Jamahiriya
|
Commander1 | Mustafa Abdul Jalil(Chairman of the NTC) Abdul Hafiz Ghoga(Vice-Chairman of the NTC) Mahmoud Jibril(Interim Libyan Prime Minister) Jalal al-Digheily Omar El-Hariri Suleiman Mahmoud Abdul Fatah Younis''(assassinated 28 July in Benghazi)'' Khalifa Belqasim Haftar Mahdi al-Harati Abu Oweis Abdul Hassan Khalid Shahmah Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani Hamad bin Ali al-Attiyah ---- Anders Fogh Rasmussen(Secretary General) James G. Stavridis(SACEUR) Charles Bouchard(Operational Commander) Ralph Jodice(Air Commander) Rinaldo Veri(Maritime Commander) Carter Ham ---- Stephen Harper(Prime Minister of Canada) Marc Lessard Lars Løkke Rasmussen(Prime Minister of Denmark ''to 3 Oct'') Helle Thorning-Schmidt(Prime Minister of Denmark ''from 3 Oct'') Knud Bartels Nicolas Sarkozy(President of France) Édouard Guillaud Silvio Berlusconi (Prime Minister of Italy) Rinaldo Veri Jens Stoltenberg (Prime Minister of Norway) Harald Sunde David Cameron(Prime Minister of the UK) Sir Stuart Peach(Chief of Joint Operations) Barack Obama (President of the United States) Carter Ham Sam Locklear Abdullah II Sverker Göranson Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan |
Commander2 | Muammar Gaddafi Muammar Gaddafi's sons: Saif al-Islam Gaddafi Khamis Gaddafi Mutassim Gaddafi Saif al-Arab Gaddafi Al-Saadi Gaddafi Military leaders: Abu-Bakr Yunis Jabr(Minister of Defence) Abdullah Senussi(Head of Military Intelligence) Massoud Abdelhafid(Head of the secret police) Baghdadi Mahmudi(Libyan Prime Minister) Mahdi al-Arabi(Deputy chief of staff of the army and commander of special forces) Mohamed Abu Al-Quasim al-Zwai(Secretary-General of the General People's Congress) Abuzed Omar Dorda(Head of National Intelligence) Khouildi Hamidi(Deputy head of the secret police) Abdul Ati al-Obeidi(Foreign Minister) Ahmad Ramdan(Minister of Information) Salih Rajab al-Mismari(Minister of Public Security) Moussa Ibrahim(Gaddafi Spokesman) Hasan al-Kabir al-Gaddafi(Head of Revolutionary Guard Corps) Rafi al-Sharif(Head of the Navy) Ali Sharif al-Rifi(General and Head of the Air Force) Ali Kana(General and commander of southern forces) Awad Hamza(Infantry leader) Bashir Hawadi(General and field commander) Mustafa al-Kharoubi(General and military strategist) Nasr al-Mabrouk(General and primary police commander) Ahmed al-Gaddafi al-Qahsi(Army colonel and Gaddafi's cousin) Mansour Dhao(Head of Gaddafi's personal guards) Muftah Anaqrat(Brigadier General) |
strength1 | 17,000 defecting soldiers and volunteers ---- International Forces: Numerous air and maritime forces (see here) |
strength2 | 20,000–40,000 soldiers and militia |
Casualties1 | 5,667–7,059 opposition fighters and supporters killed, 2,886–3,005 missing (see here) ---- 1 airman killed in traffic accident in Italy 3 Dutch Marines captured (later released) ---- 1 soldier killed |
Casualties2 | 2,580–3,231 soldiers killed (see here),7,000 captured* |
Casualties3 | Estimated total casualties on both sides, including civilians:25,000–30,000 killed, 4,000 missing |
Notes | *Large number of loyalist or immigrant civilians, not military personnel, among those captured by rebels, only an estimated minimum of 1,542+ confirmed as soldiers }} |
The United Nations Security Council passed an initial resolution on 26 February, freezing the assets of Gaddafi and his inner circle and restricting their travel, and referred the matter to the International Criminal Court for investigation. In early March, Gaddafi's forces rallied, pushed eastwards and re-took several coastal cities before attacking Benghazi. A further U.N. resolution authorised member states to establish and enforce a no-fly zone over Libya. The Gaddafi government then announced a ceasefire, but failed to uphold it.
In August, rebel forces engaged in a coastal offensive and took most of their lost territory, and captured the capital city of Tripoli, while Gaddafi evaded capture and loyalists engaged in a rearguard campaign. Muammar Gaddafi remained at large until 20 October 2011, when he was captured and killed attempting to escape from Sirte. The National Transitional Council declared the liberation of Libya and the official end of the war on 23 October 2011.
Under Gaddafi, Libya was theoretically a decentralized, direct democracy state run according to the philosophy of Gaddafi's ''The Green Book'', with Gaddafi retaining a ceremonial position. Libya was officially run by a system of people's committees which served as local governments for the country's subdivisions, an indirectly-elected General People's Congress as the legislature, and the General People's Committee, led by a Secretary-General, as the executive branch. According to Freedom House, however, these structures were often manipulated to ensure the dominance of Gaddafi, who reportedly continued to dominate all aspects of government.
WikiLeaks' disclosure of confidential US diplomatic cables revealed US diplomats there speaking of Gaddafi's "mastery of tactical manoeuvring". While placing relatives and loyal members of his tribe in central military and government positions, he skillfully marginalized supporters and rivals, thus maintaining a delicate balance of powers, stability and economic developments. This extended even to his own sons, as he repeatedly changed affections to avoid the rise of a clear successor and rival.
According to several Western media sources, Gaddafi feared a military coup against his government and deliberately kept Libya's military relatively weak. The Libyan Army consisted of about 50,000 personnel. Its most powerful units were four crack brigades of highly equipped and trained soldiers, composed of members of Gaddafi's tribe or members of other tribes loyal to him. One, the Khamis Brigade, was led by his son Khamis. Local militias and Revolutionary Committees across the country were also kept well-armed. By contrast, regular military units were poorly armed and trained, and were armed with largely outdated military equipment. According to Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, however, the reason for the country's de-militarization was a reaction to the Iraq War, so that Libya wouldn't be accused of possessing weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) and face the same fate. He also accused NATO of betraying their trust and taking advantage of this weakness to launch an air attack, recommending that other nations build up their military defences in order to avoid facing the same fate as Libya.
Petroleum revenues contributed up to 58% of Libya's GDP. Governments with resource curse revenue have a lower need for taxes from other industries and consequently feel less pressure to develop their middle class. To calm opposition, they can use the income from natural resources to offer services to the population, or to specific government supporters. Libya's oil wealth being spread over a relatively small population gave it a higher GDP per capita than in neighbouring states. Libya's GDP per capita (PPP), human development index, and literacy rate were better than in Egypt and Tunisia, whose Arab Spring revolutions preceded the outbreak of protests in Libya. Libya's corruption perception index in 2010 was 2.2, ranking 146th out of 178 countries, worse than that of Egypt (ranked 98th) and Tunisia (ranked 59th). One paper speculated that such a situation created a broader contrast between good education, high demand for democracy, and the government's practices (perceived corruption, political system, supply of democracy). These migrant workers formed the bulk of the refugees leaving Libya after the beginning of hostilities. Despite this, Libya's Human Development Index in 2010 was the highest in Africa and greater than that of Saudi Arabia. Libya had welfare systems allowing access to free education, free healthcare, and financial assistance for housing, while the Great Manmade River was built to allow free access to fresh water across large parts of the country.
Some of the worst economic conditions were in the eastern parts of the state, once a breadbasket of the ancient world, where Gaddafi extracted oil. Despite improvements in housing and the Great Manmade River allowing access to free fresh water, not much infrastructure beyond this was developed in the region for many years, with the only sewage facility in Benghazi being over 40 years old, and untreated sewage has resulted in environmental problems. Despite Gaddafi's government offering free healthcare to all citizens, the medical system was seen as poor and had become a symbol of the uneven distribution of resources in the country. The apparent lack of decent medical care often led Libyans to seek medical care in neighboring countries such as Tunisia and Egypt.
Several foreign governments and analysts have claimed that a large share of the business enterprise was controlled by Gaddafi, his family, and the government. A leaked US diplomatic cable claimed that the Libyan economy was "a kleptocracy in which the government – either the Gaddafi family itself or its close political allies – has a direct stake in anything worth buying, selling or owning". According to US officials, Gaddafi amassed a vast personal fortune during his 42-year leadership. ''The New York Times'' pointed to Gaddafi's relatives adopting lavish lifestyles, including luxurious homes, Hollywood film investments, and private parties with American pop stars.
Gaddafi claimed he was planning to combat corruption in the state by proposing reforms where oil profits are handed out directly to the country's five million people rather than to government bodies, stating that "as long as money is administered by a government body, there would be theft and corruption." Gaddafi urged a sweeping reform of the government bureaucracy, suggesting that most of the cabinet system should be dismantled to "free Libyans from red tape" and "protect the state's budget from corruption." According to Western diplomats, this move appeared to be aimed at putting pressure on the government to speed up reforms. In March 2008, Gaddafi proposed plans to dissolve the country's existing administrative structure and disburse oil revenue directly to the people. The plan included abolishing all ministries except those of defence, internal security, and foreign affairs, and departments implementing strategic projects. He claimed that the ministries were failing to manage the country’s oil revenues, and that his "dream during all these years was to give power and wealth directly to the people."
A national vote on Gaddafi's plan to disband the government and give oil money directly to the people was held in 2009, where Libya's people's congresses, collectively the country's highest authority, voted to delay implementation. The General People's Congress announced that, out of 468 Basic People's Congresses, 64 chose immediate implementation while 251 endorsed implementation "but asked for (it) to be delayed until appropriate measures were put in place." This plan led to dissent from top government officials, who claimed it would "wreak havoc" in the economy by "fanning inflation and spurring capital flight." Gaddafi acknowledged that the scheme, which promised up to 30,000 Libyan dinars ($23,000) annually to about a million of Libya's poorest, may "cause chaos before it brought about prosperity," but claimed "do not be afraid to experiment with a new form of government" and that "this plan is to offer a better future for Libya's children."
The civil war was viewed as part of the Arab Spring, which had already resulted in the ousting of long-term presidents of adjacent Tunisia and Egypt, with the initial protests all using similar slogans. Social media played an important role in organizing the opposition.
In 2009 and 2011, the Freedom of the Press Index rated Libya the most-censored state in the Middle East and North Africa. In contrast, a January 2011 report of the United Nations Human Rights Council, on which the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya sat prior to the uprising, released a month before protests began, praised certain aspects of the country's human rights record, including its treatment of women and improvements in other areas.
Dissent was illegal under Law 75 of 1973, and in 1974, Gaddafi asserted that anyone guilty of founding a political party would be executed. With the establishment of the Jamahiriya ("state of the masses") system in 1977, he established the Revolutionary Committees as conduits for raising political consciousness, with the aim of direct political participation by all Libyans rather than a traditional party-based representative system. In 1979, some of the Revolutionary Committees had eventually evolved into self-appointed, sometimes zealous, enforcers of revolutionary orthodoxy. During the early 1980s, the Revolutionary Committees had considerable power and became a growing source of tension within the Jamihiriya, to the extent that Gaddafi sometimes criticized their effectiveness and excessive repression, until the power of the Revolutionary Committees were eventually restricted in the late 1980s.
The Revolutionary Committees occassionally kept tight control over internal dissent; reportedly, ten to twenty percent of Libyans worked as informants for these committees, with surveillance taking place in the government, in factories, and in the education sector. The government sometimes executed dissidents through public hangings and mutilations and re-broadcast them on public television channels. Up to the mid-1980s, Libya's intelligence service conducted assassinations of Libyan dissidents around the world.
Foreign languages such as English and French were banned from school syllabus and talking with foreigners about politics reportedly carried a three-year prison term. ''The Green Book'', which Gaddafi authored in the 1970s, was for years the principal text of political education. According to a Libyan lecturer, teachers who called it "rubbish" could face execution.
In 1988, Gaddafi criticized the "excesses" he blamed on the Revolutionary Councils, stating that "they deviated, harmed, tortured" and that "the true revolutionary does not practise repression." That same year, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya issued the ''Great Green Document on Human Rights'', in which Article 5 established laws that allowed greater freedom of expression. Article 8 of The Code on the Promotion of Freedom stated that "each citizen has the right to express his opinions and ideas openly in People’s Congresses and in all mass media." A number of restrictions were also allegedly placed on the power of the Revolutionary Committees, leading to a resurgence in the Libyan state's popularity by the early 1990s. In 2004, however, Libya posted a $1 million bounty for journalist and governmental critic Ashur Shamis, under the allegation that he was linked to Al-Qaeda and terror suspect Abu Qatada.
In December 2009, Gaddafi reportedly told government officials that Libya would soon experience a "new political period" and would have elections for important positions such as minister-level roles and the National Security Advisor position (a Prime Minister equivalent). He also promised that international monitors would be included to ensure fair elections. His speech was said to have caused quite a stir. These elections were planned to coincide with the Jamahiriya's usual periodic elections for the Popular Committees, Basic People's Committees, Basic People's Congresses, and General People's Congresses, in 2010.
In late January, Jamal al-Hajji, a writer, political commentator and accountant, "call[ed] on the Internet for demonstrations to be held in support of greater freedoms in Libya" inspired by the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions. He was arrested on 1 February by plain-clothes police officers, and charged on 3 February with injuring someone with his car. Amnesty International claimed that because al-Hajji had previously been imprisoned for his non-violent political opinions, the real reason for the present arrest appeared to be his call for demonstrations. In early February, Gaddafi, on behalf of the Jamahiriya, met with political activists, journalists and media figures and warned them that they would be held responsible if they disturbed the peace or created chaos in Libya.
In Bayda and Zintan, hundreds of protesters in each town called for an end to the Gaddafi government and set fire to police and security buildings. In Zintan, the protesters set up tents in the town centre. The armed protests continued the following day in Benghazi, Derna and Bayda. Libyan security forces allegedly responded with lethal force. Hundreds gathered at Maydan al-Shajara in Benghazi, and authorities tried to disperse protesters with water cannons. A "Day of Rage" in Libya and by Libyans in exile was planned for 17 February. The National Conference for the Libyan Opposition asked that all groups opposed to the Gaddafi government protest on 17 February in memory of demonstrations in Benghazi five years earlier. The plans to protest were inspired by the Tunisian and Egyptian revolution. Protests took place in Benghazi, Ajdabiya, Derna, Zintan, and Bayda. Libyan security forces fired live ammunition into the armed protests. Protesters torched a number of government buildings, including a police station. In Tripoli, television and public radio stations had been sacked, and protesters set fire to security buildings, Revolutionary Committee offices, the interior ministry building, and the People's Hall. According to a report from the International Crisis Group, "much Western media coverage has from the outset presented a very one-sided view of the logic of events, portraying the protest movement as entirely peaceful and repeatedly suggesting that the government's security forces were unaccountably massacring unarmed demonstrators who presented no security challenge".
On 18 February, police and army personnel later withdrew from Benghazi after being overwhelmed by protesters. Some army personnel also joined the protesters; they then seized the local radio station. In Bayda, unconfirmed reports indicated that the local police force and riot-control units had joined the protesters. On 19 February, witnesses in Libya reported helicopters firing into crowds of anti-government protesters. The army withdrew from the city of Bayda.
Rap, hip hop and traditional music, alongside other genres, have played a role in encouraging the dissidents to Gaddafi's government. Music has been controlled and dissenting cultural figures have been arrested or tortured in Arab Spring countries, including Libya. The music has provided an important platform by means of communication among the demonstrators. The music has helped create moral support and encouraged a spirit of resistance and revolt against the governments.
An anonymous hip hop artist called Ibn Thabit has given a voice to "disenfranchised Libyans looking for a non-violent way to express their political will". On his website, Ibn Thabit claims that "has been attacking Gaddafi with his music since 2008" when he posted his first song on the internet, titled "Moammar – the coward". Lyrics of a song 'Al-Soo'al' released by Ibn Thabit on YouTube on 27 January 2011, weeks before the riots began in Libya are indicative of the rebel sentiment.
Some groups, such as a rock band from Benghazi called the "Guys Underground", used metaphors to cloak the censure of the authorities. The group released a song just before the uprising entitled "Like My Father Always Says" to ridicule an autocratic fictional male head of a family which was a veiled reference to Colonel Gaddafi.
The National Transitional Council () was established on 27 February in an effort to consolidate efforts for change in the rule of Libya. The main objectives of the group did not include forming an interim government, but instead to co-ordinate resistance efforts between the different towns held in rebel control, and to give a political "face" to the opposition to present to the world. The Benghazi-based opposition government had called for a no-fly zone and airstrikes against the Jamahiriya. The council refers to the Libyan state as the ''Libyan Republic'' and it now has a website. Former Jamahiriya Justice Minister Mustafa Abdul Jalil said in February that the new government would prepare for elections and they could be held in three months. On 29 March, the political and international affairs committee of the Council presented its eight-point plan for Libya in ''The Guardian'' newspaper, stating they would hold free and fair elections and draft a national constitution.
An independent newspaper called ''Libya'' appeared in Benghazi, as well as rebel-controlled radio stations. Some of the rebels oppose tribalism and wear vests bearing slogans such as "No to tribalism, no to factionalism". Libyans have said that they have found abandoned torture chambers and devices that have been used in the past.
Gaddafi's administration had repeatedly asserted that the rebels included al-Qaeda fighters. NATO's Supreme Allied Commander James G. Stavridis stated that intelligence reports suggested "flickers" of al-Qaeda activity were present among the rebels, but also added that there is not sufficient information to confirm there is any significant al-Qaeda or terrorist presence. Denials of al-Qaeda membership were issued by the rebels. But two documents support Gaddafi's claims on this issue. One being a secret cable to the State Department from the US embassy in Tripoli in 2008, part of the WikiLeaks trove, entitled "Extremism in Eastern Libya". The other being an analysis by the Combating Terrorism Center at the US Military Academy at West Point of a set of documents called the Sinjar Records, purporting to show a statistical study of the al-Qaeda personnel records. The West Point analyisis of these documents concluded that Libya provided "far more" foreign fighters in per capita terms than any other country. A disclosed file from 2005 on WikiLeaks found that rebel leader Abu Sufian Ibrahim Ahmed Hamuda Bin Qumu was a former Guantanamo Bay detainee alleged to be a member of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, to have joined the Taliban in 1998, and that he was a “probable member of Al Qaida and a member of the African Extremist Network.”
The composition of rebel forces also drew former exiles or their children, with Western news outlets frequently recounting the return of exiles from abroad to help, and often die, in the rebels' fight against the Gaddafi government.
In the days leading up to the conflict, Gaddafi called for a rally against the government that was to be held on 17 February. The International Crisis Group believes this to have been a political manoeuvre to divert attention away from himself and the Jamahiriya political system towards government officials currently in power.
Later in February, Gaddafi claimed that the rebels were influenced by Al-Qaeda, Osama Bin Laden, and hallucinogenic drugs put in drinks and pills. He specifically referred to substances in milk, coffee, and Nescafé, and claimed that Bin Laden and Al-Qaeda were distributing these hallucinogenic drugs. He also blamed alcohol. Gaddafi later also claimed that the revolt against his rule was the result of a colonialist plot by foreign states, particularly blaming France, the US and the UK, to control oil and enslave the Libyan people. He referred to the rebels as "cockroaches" and "rats", and vowed not to step down and to cleanse Libya house by house until the insurrection was crushed.
Gaddafi declared that people who don't "love" him "do not deserve to live". He called himself a "warrior", and vowed to fight on and die a "martyr", and urged his supporters to leave their homes and attack rebels "in their lairs". Gaddafi claimed that he had not yet ordered the use of force, and threatened that "everything will burn" when he did. Responding to demands that he step down, he claimed that he could not step down, as he held a purely symbolic position like Queen Elizabeth, and that the people were in power.
The Swedish peace research institute SIPRI reported flights between Tripoli and a dedicated military base in Belarus which only handles stockpiled weaponry and military equipment.
Amnesty International also reported that security forces targeted paramedics helping injured protesters. In multiple incidents, Gaddafi's forces were documented using ambulances in their attacks. Injured demonstrators were sometimes denied access to hospitals and ambulance transport. The government also banned giving blood transfusions to people who had taken part in the demonstrations. Security forces, including members of Gaddafi's Revolutionary Committees, stormed hospitals and removed the dead. Injured protesters were either summarily executed or had their oxygen masks, IV drips, and wires connected to the monitors removed. The dead and injured were piled into vehicles and taken away, possibly for cremation. Doctors were prevented from documenting the numbers of dead and wounded, but an orderly in a Tripoli hospital morgue estimated to the BBC that 600–700 protesters were killed in Green Square in Tripoli on 20 February. The orderly claimed that ambulances brought in three or four corpses at a time, and that after the ice lockers were filled to capacity, bodies were placed on stretchers or the floor, and that "it was in the same at the other hospitals".
On 19 February, several days after the conflict began, Saif al-Islam Gaddafi announced the creation of a commission of inquiry into the violence, chaired by a Libyan judge, as reported on state television. He stated that the commission was intended to be "for members of Libyan and foreign organizations of human rights" and that it will "investigate the circumstances and events that have caused many victims." Later in the month, he went on state television to deny allegations that the government had launched airstrikes against Libyan cities and stated that the number of protesters killed had been exaggerated.
Later in February, it was reported that the Gaddafi government had suppressed protests in Tripoli by distributing automobiles, money and weapons for hired followers to drive around Tripoli and attack people showing signs of dissent. In Tripoli, "death squads" of mercenaries and Revolutionary Committees members reportedly patrolled the streets and shot people who tried to take the dead off the streets or gather in groups.
In March 2011, the International Federation for Human Rights concluded that Gaddafi was implementing a scorched earth strategy. The organization stated that "It is reasonable to fear that he has, in fact, decided to largely eliminate, wherever he still can, Libyan citizens who stood up against his regime and furthermore, to systematically and indiscriminately repress civilians. These acts can be characterized as crimes against humanity, as defined in Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court."
In May 2011, International Criminal Court (ICC) chief prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo estimated that 500–700 people were killed by security forces in February 2011, before the rebels took up arms. According to Moreno-Ocampo, "shooting at protesters was systematic".
During the siege of Misrata in May 2011, Amnesty International reported "horrifying" tactics such as "indiscriminate attacks that have led to massive civilian casualties, including use of heavy artillery, rockets and cluster bombs in civilian areas and sniper fire against residents." Gaddafi's military commanders also reportedly executed soldiers who refused to fire on protesters. The International Federation for Human Rights reported a case where 130 soldiers were executed. Some of the soldiers executed by their commanders were reportedly burned alive.
In June 2011, a more detailed investigation carried out by Amnesty International found that many of the allegations against Gaddafi and the Libyan state turned out to either be false or lack any credible evidence, noting that rebels at times appeared to have knowingly made false claims or manufactured evidence. According to the Amnesty investigation, the number of casualties was heavily exaggerated, some of the protesters may have been armed, "there is no proof of mass killing of civilians on the scale of Syria or Yemen," and there is no evidence that aircraft or heavy anti-aircraft machine guns were used against crowds. It also doubted claims that the protest movement was "entirely peaceful" and "presented no security challenge."
In July 2011, Saif al-Islam Gaddafi had an interview with ''Russia Today'' in which he denied the ICC's allegations that he or his father Muammar Gaddafi ordered the killing of civilian protesters. He claimed that he was not a member of the government or the military and therefore had no authority to give such orders. He also claimed his father made recorded calls to General Abdul Fatah Younis, who later defected to the rebel forces, in order to request not to use force against protesters, to which he said Fatah Younis responded that protesters were attacking a military site and soldiers were acting in self-defense.
In late April, United States Ambassador to the United Nations Susan Rice alleged that soldiers loyal to Gaddafi were given Viagra and encouraged to commit rapes in rebel-held or disputed areas. The allegations surfaced in an ''Al Jazeera'' report the previous month from Libya-based doctors, who claimed to have found Viagra in the pockets of government soldiers. Human rights groups and aid workers had previously documented rapes by loyalist fighters during the war. The British aid agency "Save the children" said it got reports that children were raped by unknown perpetrators, although the charity warns that these reports could not be confirmed.
In Misrata, a rebel spokesman claimed that government soldiers had committed a string of sexual assaults in Benghazi Street before being pushed out by rebels. A doctor claimed that two young sisters were raped by five Black African mercenaries after their brothers joined the rebels. According to aid workers, four young girls were abducted and held for four days, and were possibly sexually assaulted. In a questionnaire 259 refugee women reported that they had been raped by Gaddafi's soldiers, however the accounts of these women could not be independently verified as the psychologist who conducted the questionnaire claimed that "she had lost contact with them". The validity of the rape allegations is questioned by Amnesty International, which has not found evidence to back up the claims and notes that there are indications that on several occasions the rebels in Benghazi appeared to have knowingly made false claims or manufactured evidence.
In Mali, members of the Tuareg tribe confirmed that a large number of men, about 5,000, from the tribe went to Libya in late February. Locals in Mali said they were promised €7,500 ($10,000) upfront payment and compensation up to €750 ($1,000) per day. Gaddafi has used Malian Tuaregs in his political projects before, sending them to fight in places like Chad, Sudan and Lebanon and recently they have fought against Niger government, a war which Gaddafi has reportedly sponsored. Malian government officials told BBC that it's hard to stop the flow of fighters from Mali to Libya. A recruitment center for Malian soldiers leaving to Libya was found in a Bamako hotel.
Reports from Ghana state that the men who went to Libya were offered as much as €1950 ($2,500) per day. Advertisements seeking mercenaries were seen in Nigeria with at least one female Nigerian pro-Gaddafi sniper being caught in late August outside of Tripoli. One group of mercenaries from Niger, who had been allegedly recruited from the streets with promises of money, included a soldier of just 13 years of age. ''The Daily Telegraph'' studied the case of a sixteen-year-old captured Chadian child soldier in Bayda. The boy, who had previously been a shepherd in Chad, told that a Libyan man had offered him a job and a free flight to Tripoli, but in the end he had been airlifted to shoot opposition members in Eastern Libya.
Reports by EU experts stated that Gaddafi's government hired between 300 and 500 European soldiers, including some from EU countries, at high wages. According to Michel Koutouzis, who does research on security issues for the EU institutions, the UN and the French government, "In Libyan society, there is a taboo against killing people from your own tribal group. This is one reason why Gaddafi needs foreign fighters," The Serbian newspaper ''Alo!'' stated that Serbs were hired to help Gaddafi in the early days of the conflict. Rumors of Serbian pilots participating on the side of Gaddafi appeared early in the conflict. Time magazine interviewed mercenaries from ex-Yugoslavia who fled Gaddafi's forces in August.
A witness claimed that mercenaries were more willing to kill demonstrators than Libyan forces were, and earned a reputation as among the most brutal forces employed by the government. A doctor in Benghazi said of the mercenaries that "they know one thing: to kill whose in front of them. Nothing else. They're killing people in cold blood".
On 7 April, Reuters reported that soldiers loyal to Gaddafi were sent into refugee camps to intimidate and bribe black African migrant workers into fighting for the Libyan state during the war. Some of these "mercenaries" were compelled to fight against their wishes, according to a source inside one of the refugee camps.
In June 2011, Amnesty International said it found no evidence of foreign mercenaries being used, saying the black Africans claimed to be "mercenaries" were in fact "sub-Saharan migrants working in Libya," and described the use of mercenaries as a "myth" that "inflamed public opinion" and led to lynchings and executions of black Africans by rebel forces.
In October 2011 it was reported that the South African government was investigating the possibility that South African mercenaries were hired by Gaddafi to help him in his failed attempt to escape the besieged city of Sirte. It is thought that two South African mercenaries died in that operation from a NATO air strike on Gaddafi's convoy. One of the alleged mercenaries speaking from a hospital in North Africa stated that that around 19 South Africans had been contracted by different companies for the operation.
International journalists who have attempted to cover the events have been attacked by Gaddafi's forces. A ''BBC News'' crew was beaten and then lined up against a wall by Gaddafi's soldiers, who then shot next to a journalist's ear and laughed at them. A journalist working for ''The Guardian'' and another Brazilian journalist have been detained. An ''Al-Jazeera'' journalist Ali Hassan al-Jaber was murdered, and was apparently deliberately targeted. Gaddafi's soldiers held four ''New York Times'' journalists – Lynsey Addario, Anthony Shadid, Stephen Farrell and Tyler Hicks – in captivity for a week. Libyan citizen journalist Mohammed Nabbous was shot in the head by Gaddafi's soldiers soon after exposing the Gaddafi government's false reports related to the cease-fire declaration.
Colors of the revolution were banned. Some Tripoli residents painted their cats with the colors of the revolution, but Gaddafi's men shot them.
Gaddafi's men organized tours for foreign journalists in Tripoli. ''The Economist'' correspondent in Tripoli noted "The picture presented by the regime often falls apart, fast. Coffins at funerals have sometimes turned out to be empty. Bombing sites are recycled. An injured seven-year-old in a hospital was the victim of a car crash, according to a note passed on surreptitiously by a nurse. Journalists who point out such blatant massaging of facts are harangued in the hotel corridors." [[File:Libyan war final.svg|thumb|250px|The course of the war. 30px Major campaigns. ''The Guardian'' described journalism in Gaddafi's Libya as "North Korea with palm trees". Journalist were not allowed to go anywhere, or talk to anyone, without authorization from Gaddafi's officials who always followed them. Journalists who didn't report events the way Gaddafi's officials instructed faced problems and sudden deportations.
In June 2011, Amnesty International criticized "Western media coverage" which "has from the outset presented a very one-sided view of the logic of events, portraying the protest movement as entirely peaceful and repeatedly suggesting that the regime's security forces were unaccountably massacring unarmed demonstrators who presented no security challenge."
Since the beginning of the intervention, the initial coalition of Belgium, Canada, Denmark, France, Italy, Norway, Qatar, Spain, UK and US has expanded to seventeen states, with newer states mostly enforcing the no-fly zone and naval blockade or providing military logistical assistance. The effort was initially largely led by France and the United Kingdom, with command shared with the United States. NATO took control of the arms embargo on 23 March, named Operation Unified Protector. An attempt to unify the military command of the air campaign (whilst keeping political and strategic control with a small group), first failed over objections by the French, German, and Turkish governments. On 24 March, NATO agreed to take control of the no-fly zone, while command of targeting ground units remains with coalition forces. The handover occurred on 31 March 2011 at 0600 GMT.
In June 2011, Muammar Gaddafi and his son Saif al-Islam Gaddafi announced that they were willing to hold elections and that Gaddafi would step aside if he lost. Saif al-Islam stated that the elections could be held within three months and transparency would be guaranteed through international observers. NATO and the rebels rejected the offer, and NATO soon resumed their bombardment of Tripoli.
In July 2011, Saif al-Islam Gaddafi condemned NATO for bombing Libyan civilians, including his family members and their children, under the false pretence that their homes were military bases. He also stated that NATO offered to drop the ICC charges against him and his father if they accept a secret deal, an offer they rejected. He thus criticized the ICC as "a fake court" that is controlled by the NATO nations.
colspan="20" style="text-align:center; font-size:8pt;" | Funds spent by Foreign Powers on War in Libya. | |
Country | ||
$664 million USD | May 2011 | |
align=center>Canada | $26 million USD | |
align=center | United Kingdom | $400 million USD |
align=center | France | $228.9 million USD |
align=center | Turkey | $300 million USD |
align=center | United States | $896 million USD |
align=center | France | $450 million USD |
align=center | United Kingdom | $1500 million USD |
align=center | United States | $1100 million USD |
align=center | Spain | $50 million USD |
align=center | Sweden | $50 million USD |
Early the following day, 24 August, Gaddafi broadcast an address from a Tripoli local radio station in which he said the withdrawal from Bab al-Azizia had been a "tactical" move. ''The New York Times'' reported rebel leaders as saying they believed the only areas still under Gaddafi's control, other than the immediate neighborhood of Bab al-Azizia, were al-Hadhba and Abu Salim, the latter including the Rixos Hotel where a group of foreign journalists had been trapped for days. However, the report noted the rebels lacked a unified command and that Gaddafi loyalists and snipers remained at large in many areas of Tripoli. Local hospitals and clinics, even in areas considered under rebel control, were reporting hundreds of cases of gunshot wounds and the death toll was impossible to estimate. By late afternoon the journalists trapped at the Rixos Hotel had been released while heavy fighting continued in the Abu Salim region close to Bab al-Azizia and elsewhere. The rebels were reported as estimating 400 people had been killed and a further 2,000 injured in the battle thus far.
Efforts to mop up pro-Gaddafi forces in northwestern Libya and toward Sirte began even before the rebels fully consolidated control of Tripoli. Rebels took the city of Ghadames near the borders of Tunisia and Algeria on 29 August. Members of the Gaddafi family have taken flight to Algeria. In September, the Gaddafi stronghold of Bani Walid was besieged by rebels, who reported that Gaddafi's son Saif al-Islam was hiding in the city. On 22 September, the NTC captured the southern city of Sabha, and claimed to have found a large cache of chemical weapons. Concerns were raised over the danger of Gaddafi mounting an insurgency against the new authorities.
By mid-October 2011, much of the city of Sirte had been taken by NTC forces, although fierce fighting continued around the city center, where many pro-Gaddafi fighters were encamped. The NTC captured the whole of Sirte on 20 October 2011, and reported that Gaddafi himself had been killed in the city. Some civilian Gaddafi supporters remaining in the city reported that women and children had been killed in crossfire or fired upon by rebel forces. There were also reports of harassment and theft by rebels, however the rebel army indicated it would leave unarmed civilians "to their own devices", and had allowed families in the city access to supplies and medical assistance.
By the end of February 2011, supplies of medicine, fuel and food were dangerously low in Libya's urban centres. On 25 February, the International Committee of the Red Cross launched an emergency appeal for to meet the emergency needs of people affected by the violent unrest in Libya. In early March, the fighting across Libya meant that more than a million people fleeing or inside the country needed humanitarian aid. The Islamic Relief and the WFP also coordinated a shipment of humanitarian supplies to Misrata. In March, the Swedish government donated medical supplies and other humanitarian aid and the UN World Food Programme provided food. Turkey sent a hospital ship to Misrata and a Turkish cargo ship brought 141 tons of humanitarian aid.
Another humanitarian issue was refugees fleeing the crisis. A humanitarian ship docked in harbour of Misrata in April to begin the evacuation of stranded migrants. By 10 July, over 150,000 migrants were evacutated. Migrants were also stranded elsewhere in Libya, such as in the southern towns of Sebha and Gatroum. Fleeing the violence of Tripoli by road, as many as 4,000 refugees were crossing the Libya–Tunisia border daily during the first days of the uprising. Among those escaping the violence were native Libyans as well as foreign nationals including Egyptians, Tunisians and Turks.
An Amnesty International statement, released on 30 August 2011, stated that on visits to detention centres in Zawiya and Tripoli, Amnesty International was informed that between one third and half of those detained were from Sub-Saharan Africa. A New York Times online article also comments that "it seems that plenty of the black Africans captured as mercenaries were never actually involved in the fight". "Hundreds of thousands of sub-Saharan Africans worked in Gaddafi's Libya, doing everything from managing hotels to sweeping floors. But some also fought as pro-Gaddafi mercenaries, and many migrant workers [-] fled ahead of the rebels, fearing they would be mistaken for mercenaries."
The ''Miami Herald'' reported that some African women have claimed rebels are raping them in refugee camps, with additional reports of forced labour. Foreign aid workers are also claiming to be prohibited from officially talking about the allegations.
The town of Taworgha, which supported Gaddafi prior to its capture by anti-Gaddafi fighters in August, has been emptied of its mostly black inhabitants in what appeared to be a "major reprisal against supporters of the Gaddafi regime", according to an 11 September report from ''The Sunday Telegraph'', and commanders of the Misrata Brigade are refusing to allow the displaced townspeople to return. One commander was quoted as saying, "Taworgha no longer exists."
To continue responding to the needs of people staying at the Ras Ejder crossing point in Tunisia, the WFP and Secours Islamique-France were upgrading a kitchen that would provide breakfast for families. Separately, the ICRC advised it was handing over its operations at the Choucha Camp to the Tunisian Red Crescent. Since 24 March, the WFP supplied over 42,500 cooked meals for TCNs at the Saloum border. A total of 1,650 cartons of fortified date bars (equivalent of 13.2 metric tons) had also been provided to supplement these meals.
''The Sunday Telegraph'' reported on 11 September that almost the entire population of Taworgha, a town of about 10,000 people, had been forced to flee their homes by anti-Gaddafi fighters after their takeover of the settlement. The report suggested that Taworgha, which was dominated by black Libyans, may have been the subject of ethnic cleansing provoked by a combination of racism and bitterness on the part of Misratan fighters over the town's support for Gaddafi during the siege of Misrata.
On 24 February 2011, the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting reported that the International Criminal Court estimated 10,000 had been killed. The numbers of injured were estimated to be around 4,000 by 22 February.
On 2 March, the World Health Organization estimated approximately 2,000 killed. At the same time, the opposition claimed that 6,500 people had died. Later, rebel spokesman Abdul Hafiz Ghoga reported that the death toll reached 8,000.
In June 2011, Amnesty International stated that earlier estimates of the initial clashes in February were exaggerated. It estimated that during the first few days of the conflict, 100 to 110 people were killed in Benghazi and 59 to 64 were killed in Baida.
On 8 September, Naji Barakat, the Health Minister of the National Transitional Council, stated that about half of an estimated 30,000 dead were believed to have been pro-Gaddafi fighters. War wounded were estimated as at least 50,000, of which about 20,000 were serious injuries, but this estimate was expected to rise. However, there was no independent verification of the Health Minister's claim and, one month later, the NTC reduced the estimated number of killed to 25,000.
The staff of a number of diplomatic missions of Libya have either resigned or condemned the actions of the Gaddafi government. The ambassadors to the Arab League, European Union and United Nations have either resigned or stated that they no longer support the government. The ambassadors to Australia, Bangladesh, Belgium, France, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Nigeria, Portugal, Sweden, and the US also renounced the Gaddafi government or formally resigned.
Muhammad as-Senussi, son of the former Crown Prince and grand-nephew of the late King Idris, sent his condolences "for the heroes who have laid down their lives, killed by the brutal forces of Gaddafi" and called on the international community "to halt all support for the dictator with immediate effect." as-Senussi said that the protesters would be "victorious in the end" and calls for international support to end the violence. On 24 February, as-Senussi gave an interview to Al Jazeera where he called upon the international community to help remove Gaddafi from power and stop the ongoing "massacre". He dismissed talk of a civil war saying "The Libyan people and the tribes have proven they are united". He later stated that international community needs "less talk and more action" to stop the violence. He asked for a no-fly zone over Libya but does not support foreign ground troops. On 20 April, Mohammed spoke in front of the European Parliament calling for more support for Libya. He also stated that he will support any form of government that Libya will choose after Gaddafi including a constitutional monarchy.
A rival claimant to the throne, Idris bin Abdullah al-Senussi, announced in an interview with ''Adnkronos'' that he was ready to return to Libya and "assume leadership" once change had been initiated. On 21 February, he made an appearance on ''Piers Morgan Tonight'' to discuss the uprising. In March, it was reported Idris bin Abdullah had held meetings at the State Department and Congress in Washington with US government officials. It was also reported attempts at contact had been initiated by French and Saudi officials. On 3 March, it was reported that another member of the family, Prince Zouber al-Senussi, had fled Libya with his family and was seeking asylum in Totebo, Sweden.
The government's use of the Libyan Air Force to strike civilians led to the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 to create a Libyan no-fly zone on 17 March, though several countries involved in the resolution's enforcement have also carried out regular strike missions to degrade the offensive capacity of the Libyan Army and destroy the government's command and control capabilities, effectively acting in ''de facto'' support of anti-Gaddafi forces on the ground. 100 countries have recognized the anti-Gaddafi National Transitional Council as Libya's legitimate representative, with many of those countries explicitly describing it as the legal interim government of the country due to the perceived loss of legitimacy on the part of Gaddafi's government.
Many states have also either issued travel advisories or attempted evacuations. Some evacuations were successful in either going to Malta or via land borders to Egypt or Tunisia; other attempts were hindered by tarmac damage at Benghazi's airport or refusals of permission to land in Tripoli. There were also several solidarity protests in other countries that were mostly composed of Libyan expatriates. Financial markets around the world had adverse reactions to the instability with oil prices rising to a two-and-a-half year high.
This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
name | Brian Dowling |
---|---|
birth name | Brian Patrick Robert Dowling |
birth date | June 13, 1978 |
birth place | Rathangan, County Kildare, Ireland |
occupation | Television presenter, (previously flight attendant) |
years active | 2001–present |
website | Official site |
agent | Debi Allen Associates }} |
Brian Patrick Robert Dowling (born 13 June 1978) is an Irish television presenter who rose to fame after being crowned the winner of the second series of the British reality television show ''Big Brother'' in 2001. He also won Ultimate Big Brother in 2010, making him the ultimate Big Brother housemate. He was also the runner-up of Irish reality television series, ''Fáilte Towers'' in August 2008. He guest presented Live From Studio Five alongside Kate Walsh from 2010-11 until its cancellation in February. On 21st July 2011 he was confirmed as the new host of ''Big Brother'' on Channel 5.
In 2002, Brian co-hosted the Elle Style Awards with BBC Radio 1 presenter Jo Whiley. In 2003 he joined Duncan James and Tara Palmer-Tomkinson in presenting the ''Now Magazine Style Awards'', where he also won the award for Most Stylish UK TV Personality."
Dowling regularly stood in for Liz Bonnin on LivingTV's ''Celebrity Extra'' show in 2004. He has also voiced numerous adverts and TV series and has presented the companion show to ''I'm Famous and Frightened!''.
In July 2005, Dowling fronted the ''Party in the Park'' concert in Leeds with ''Coronation Street'''s Nikki Sanderson. He then went on to front the Irish ''O2 in the Park'' concert, in Phoenix Park, Dublin, alongside Fran Cosgrave and Caroline Morahan in August 2005.
Dowling hosted a showbiz slot on Vernon Kay's BBC Radio 1 Saturday morning show from 9 October 2004 to September 2006.
In October 2005, Dowling presented a series of special Christmas features as part of Sky Digital's Interactive platform programming, titled ''Christmas Wrapped Up'', in which he reviewed and helped to promote products that were available for purchase in the shopping areas of Sky Digital's Sky Active service.
Dowling was reintroduced as a presenter on ITV in March 2006 when the network launched its ITV Play subsidiary. Along with six others, Dowling was signed up as a presenter of the network's interactive gamble based telephone show, ''The Mint.'' The game show ran till 2007.
Dowling was a contestant in the ITV reality series ''Hell's Kitchen'' during September 2007, in which he competed against other celebrities to impress celebrity chef Marco Pierre White. Dowling finished in third place. Whilst participating, he had numerous clashes with fellow contestant Jim Davidson because of what Dowling interpreted as Davidson's homophobic slurs. Davidson was subsequently asked to leave the show as a contestant due to what ITV described as "unacceptable remarks" against Dowling.
His next job was as the presenter of a spin off show to Sky1's second series of Cirque de Celebrité entitled Backstage at the Big Top.
Following on from this, in August 2008, Dowling was a contestant in the Irish reality television show, ''Fáilte Towers'', where he and 12 other celebrities had to take on the roles of hotel staff. He came second to John Creedon. He then went on to become a contestant on TV3's Celebrity Salon, in which he and several other Irish celebrities (Pippa O'Connor, Leigh Arnold, Virginia Macari, Celia Holman Lee and Breffny Morgan) learn the tools of the beauty trade. Celebrity Salon began airing on Monday 7 June 2010. Tasks included giving facials, waxing, performing cosmetic surgery, hairdressing and styling.
He also appeared in a special episode of Come Dine With Me, alongside three other previous winners of Big Brother and was declared winner.
Dowling was crowned Ultimate Big Brother Housemate on 10 September 2010 at the end of the Ultimate Big Brother series that saw the end of Big Brother UK's transmission on Channel Four.
Following this he has appeared as co-host alongside Katherine Lynch on the RTE2 series Wagons Den.
On 22 July 2011 it was confirmed that Dowling will be presenting the new series of Big Brother on Channel 5.
|-
Category:1978 births Category:Big Brother UK contestants Category:British television presenters Category:Irish television presenters Category:LGBT people from Ireland Category:LGBT television personalities Category:Living people Category:Reality show winners
This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
name | Michael McIntyre |
---|---|
birth name | Michael Hazen James McIntyre |
birth date | February 21, 1976 |
birth place | Merton, London, England |
medium | Stand-up, television |
nationality | British |
active | 1999—present |
genre | Social satire, observational comedy |
notable work | ''That's So Last Week''''Michael McIntyre's Comedy Roadshow''''Britain's Got Talent'' |
website | |
spouse | Kitty McIntyre (2003–present) }} |
Michael Hazen James McIntyre (born 21 February 1976) is an English stand-up comedian. He is well known for appearing at many British stand-up comedy events and for several roles on television stand-up programmes such as ''Live at the Apollo'' and his own show, ''Michael McIntyre's Comedy Roadshow''. McIntyre has also appeared on television panel shows including ''Mock the Week'', ''8 out of 10 Cats'' and ''Have I Got News for You'', and has additionally appeared on radio.
McIntyre has released two stand-up DVDs. ''Live and Laughing'' was released in 2008 and featured material from his first nationwide tour, and ''Michael McIntyre: Hello Wembley'' was released in November 2009 and featured his routine at Wembley Arena. ''Live and Laughing'' was the fastest selling debut stand-up DVD ever and ''Michael McIntyre: Hello Wembley'' became the fastest selling stand-up DVD ever by selling over one million copies and topping the DVD chart for Christmas 2009. In 2009 McIntyre performed live to half a million people and won Best Live Stand-up at the British Comedy Awards.
In 2010, McIntyre released his autobiography, ''Life and Laughing: My Story'', and also became the youngest-ever host of the Royal Variety Performance. He started as a judge on the fifth series of ''Britain's Got Talent'' in April 2011 and in 2012 he will embark on his second nationwide tour, comprising 58 dates in eleven cities.
He was nominated in the Comedy category of the 2009 ''South Bank Show'' Awards. In 2009 he won Best Live Stand-up at the British Comedy Awards, having also been nominated in that category the previous year.
McIntyre performed for an estimated total of 500,000 people on his first tour of the United Kingdom that included a record-breaking six nights at Wembley Arena and four at The O2 Arena. His second DVD, ''Hello Wembley'', was another hit. 58 dates have been announced for his second tour in the autumn of 2012, at arenas in ten UK cities as well as Dublin.
McIntyre's routine on ''We Are Most Amused'', staged at the New Wimbledon Theatre on 12 November 2008 in aid of The Prince's Trust was televised. This comedy gala celebrated the 60th birthday of Prince Charles, and was performed in the presence of the Prince of Wales and his wife the Duchess of Cornwall.
Among McIntyre's many comedy panel show appearances are ''Chris Moyles' Quiz Night'', ''Mock the Week'', ''8 out of 10 Cats'', ''Have I Got News for You'', ''The Big Fat Quiz of the Year'', ''Would I Lie To You?'', and ''The Apprentice: You're Fired!''. On 13 February 2009, he was a guest on ''Friday Night with Jonathan Ross''. On 21 February 2009, McIntyre appeared live as a guest judge alongside head judge Anton du Beke and fellow guest Emma Bunton in the first round of ''Let's Dance for Comic Relief''. He appeared on the show again in the final on 14 March.
From 6 June 2009, McIntyre began hosting ''Michael McIntyre's Comedy Roadshow'', aired on Saturday nights on BBC One. On 5 July 2009, McIntyre appeared on the BBC show ''Top Gear'' as the "star in a reasonably priced car", driving around the Top Gear test track in one minute and 48.7 seconds. During his lap of the track he almost rolled the car while going around the final corner.
In December 2009, McIntyre cancelled a stand-up show at short notice after discovering that he would be performing to debt collectors. He had revealed only weeks earlier how he had struggled with substantial debt only a few years before breaking through in to the mainstream. McIntyre stated that he would have gone against his principles by performing the show.
On 30 March 2010, McIntyre took part in ''Channel 4's Comedy Gala'', a benefit show held in aid of Great Ormond Street Hospital, filmed live at London's O2 Arena. Also in 2010 he appeared on the year's edition of ''The Big Fat Quiz of the Year'', partnered with Alan Carr. The other participants were Richard Ayoade, Noel Fielding, Jonathan Ross and Ruth Jones.
On 14 December 2010, it was announced that McIntyre would join the ''Britain's Got Talent'' judges' panel in 2011, alongside David Hasselhoff and Amanda Holden. On 18 March 2011 he was among the hosts of the BBC's ''Red Nose Day''.
He is a supporter of Tottenham Hotspur.
Year | ! Award | ! Category | |
British Comedy Award | *Best Stand up | ||
Chortle Awards | *Best Headliner | ||
Chortle Awards | *Best Headliner (nominated) | ||
Edinburgh Festival Perrier Award | *Best Newcomer (nominated) |
Year | Event | |||||||||
*Help for Heroes | *''Channel 4's Comedy Gala'' | |||||||||
*''Live & Laughing'' (nationwide tour) | *''Michael McIntyre's Comedy Roadshow'' | Live at the Apollo (TV series)>Live At The Apollo'' | ||||||||
*''We Are Most Amused'' | *''Live & Laughing'' (nationwide tour) | *Grand Theatre, Lancaster | *Edinburgh Comedy Festival | *Glasgow International Comedy Festival | Reading and Leeds Festivals>Leeds Festival | *Leicester Comedy Festival | *''Live At The Apollo'' | *''Royal Variety Performance'' | ||
*Nationwide tour | *Soho Theatre, London | *Lyric Theatre, London | OFS Studio>Old Fire Station Theatre, Oxford | *Edinburgh Festival | *Just For Laughs, Montreal | |||||
*''An Evening with Michael McIntyre'', Edinburgh Festival | *Garrick Theatre, London | Cat Laughs>Kilkenny Comedy Festival | *Brighton Comedy Festival | *Latitude Festival, Southwold | *Royal Variety Performance | |||||
*Edinburgh Festival | ||||||||||
*Edinburgh Festival |
Category:1976 births Category:Living people Category:British people of Hungarian descent Category:Edinburgh Comedy Festival Category:English people of Canadian descent Category:English stand-up comedians Category:Old Merchant Taylors Category:People from Merton (district)
nl:Michael McIntyre no:Michael McIntyreThis text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
name | Colin Morgan |
---|---|
birth date | January 01, 1986 |
birth place | Armagh, Northern Ireland |
occupation | Actor |
years active | 2007–present |
website | }} |
In film, Morgan appears as Calum in ''Island'', a film adaptation of Jane Rogers' novel ''Island'', and as Cathal in the Irish comedy-drama film ''Parked''.
Morgan featured in two minor TV roles: John Leary in sketches on ''The Catherine Tate Show'' (2007) and Jethro Cane in the ''Doctor Who'' episode "Midnight" (2008). He plays the title role in BBC TV series ''Merlin'', in production since 2008. He and co-star Bradley James travelled on an exploration of Arthurian legends for BBC Wales, ''The Real Merlin & Arthur'', in 2009.
He has appeared in one BBC Radio play, ''Cry Babies'' by Kim Newman, on BBC Radio 4 (March 2009).
! Year | ! Title | ! Role | ! Format | Notes |
2007 | ''The Catherine Tate Show'' | John Leary | TV series | Minor role |
2008 | ''Doctor Who'' | Jethro Cane | TV series | |
2008–present | TV series | Title/main role | ||
2009 | ''The Real Merlin and Arthur'' | Self | TV one-off | Accompanied by Bradley James |
2010 | ''Parked'' | Cathal | Film | |
2011 | ''Island'' | Calum | Feature film |
! Year | ! Title | ! Role | ! Theatre |
2007 | Vernon | Young Vic Theatre, London | |
2007 | Esteban | Old Vic, London | |
2008 | Jimmy | Young Vic Theatre, London | |
2011 | ''Our Private Life'' | Carlos | Royal Court Theatre, London |
! Year | ! Title | ! Role |
2009 | ''Cry Babies'' | Roger |
! Year !! Award !! Category !! Role !! Result | ||||
Variety Club Showbiz Awards | Outstanding Newcomer | rowspan="3" | ||
Outstanding Actor (Drama) | ||||
Monte Carlo TV Festival awards | Outstanding Actor (Drama) |
Category:1986 births Category:Alumni of the Royal Scottish Academy of Music and Drama Category:Living people Category:Northern Ireland stage actors Category:People educated at Integrated College Dungannon Category:People from Armagh (city) Category:Television actors from Northern Ireland
bg:Колин Морган da:Colin Morgan de:Colin Morgan es:Colin Morgan fr:Colin Morgan id:Colin Morgan it:Colin Morgan hu:Colin Morgan ms:Colin Morgan ja:コリン・モーガン pl:Colin Morgan pt:Colin Morgan ru:Морган, Колин sv:Colin Morgan tr:Colin Morgan uk:Колін Морган zh:柯林·摩根This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
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