Coordinates	43°01′″N44°39′″N
Caste name	Yadav (यादव)
Populated states	India, Nepal
Languages	Hindi, Ahirwati Tamil, Telugu, Kannada, Malayalam, Marathi and dialects of these languages
Related	• Indo-Aryan people • Gujjars • Ahir • Maratha
Religions	Hinduism }}

Yādav refers to a group of communities or castes found in India and Nepal, which claim descent from the ancient King Yadu of the Chandravanshi Kshatriya clan, though the claim is not accepted by all commentators.

Origins

In mythology

The term ''Yadav'' has been interpreted to mean ''a descendant of Yadu''.

The community believe that they are related to the Abhira tribe of Central Asia, who had colonised various areas in Northern India up until the seventeenth century, this being a claim that the Indologist F. Max Müller had supported in 1886.

Using "very broad generalisations", Jayant Gadkari says that it is "almost certain" from analysis of the ''Puranas'' that Andhaka, Vrishni, Satvatas and Abhira were collectively known as Yadavas and worshipped Krishna. Gadkari further notes of these ancient works that "It is beyond dispute that each of the ''Puranas'' consists of legends and myths ... but what is important is that, within that framework [a] certain value system is propounded".

Lucia Michelutti notes that }}

In practice

There are several communities that coalesce to form the Yadavs. Christophe Jaffrelot has remarked that }}

Their association with cattle has impacted on their commonly viewed ritual status as Shudra, although the community's members often claim the higher status of Kshatriya. The Shudra status is explained by the nomadic nature of herdsmen, which constrained the ability of other groups in the varna system to validate the adherence to practices of ritual purity; by their involvement in castration of the animals, which was considered to be a ritually polluting act; and because the sale of milk, as opposed to personal use thereof, was thought to represent economic gain from a sacrosanct product.

Yadavs in modern India

The Yadavs are mostly to be found in Northern India, and particularly in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Their traditional occupations changed over time and for many years Yadavs have been primarily involved in cultivation, although Michelutti has noted a "recurrent pattern" since the 1950s whereby economic advancement has progressed through involvement in cattle-related business to transportation and thence to construction. Employment with the army and the police have been other traditional occupations in northern India, and more recently government employment in that region has also become significant. She believes that positive discrimination measures and gains as a consequence of land reform legislation have been important factors in at least some areas.

Although the Yadavs have formed a fairly significant proportion of the population in various areas, including 11% of that of Bihar in 1931, their interest in pastoral activities was not traditionally matched by ownership of land and consequently they were not a "dominant caste". Their traditional position, which Jaffrelot describes as "low caste peasants", also mitigated against any dominant role. Their involvement in pastoralism also accounts for a traditional view of Yadavs as being peaceful, while their particular association with cows has a special significance in Hinduism, as do their beliefs regarding Krishna. Against this image, the uncouthness of the Ahir subdivision was remarked upon by Russell and Lal in 1916, although it is unclear whether their comments were based entirely on proverbial stories, on observation or on both; it persisted, at least in some areas, in the 1990s. Tilak Gupta has described that }}

The Yadavs have, however, demonstrated a feature, driven by their more notable members, that shares a similarity with other Indian communities. Mandelbaum has noted that }}

By the end of the nineteenth century, some Yadavs had become successful cattle traders and others had been awarded government contracts to care for cattle. Jaffrelot believes that the religious connotations of their connections to the cow and Krishna were seized upon by those Yadavs seeking to further the process of Sanskritisation, and that it was Rao Bahadur Balbir Singh, a descendant of the last Abhira dynasty to be formed in India, who spearheaded this. Singh established the ''Ahir Yadav Kshatriya Mahasabha'' (AYKM) in 1910, which at once asserted that its Ahir constituents were of Kshatriya ritual rank in the varna system, descended from Yadu (as was Krishna), and really known as Yadavs. The organisation claimed support from the facts that various Raj ethnologists had earlier claimed a connection between the Ahir and the Abhira, and because their participation in recent events such as the Indian Rebellion of 1857 had demonstrated that Ahirs were good fighters.

The AYKM was a self-contained unit and did not look to forging links with similar bodies among other caste groups which were claiming Kshatriya descent at that time. It did have some success, notably in breaking down some of the very strict traditions of endogamy within the community, and it gained some additional momentum as people from rural areas gradually migrated away from their villages to urban centres such as Delhi. Ameliorating the effects of strict endogamy was seen as being conducive to causing the community as a whole to unite, rather than existing as smaller subdivisions within it. M. S. A. Rao has said that the events of this period meant that "the term Yadava refers to both an ethnic category and an ideology".

Of particular significance in the movement for Sanskritisation of the community was the role of the Arya Samaj, whose representatives had been involved with the family of Singh since the late 1890s and who had been able to establish branches in various locations. Although this movement, founded by Swami Dayananda Saraswati, favoured a caste hierarchy and also endogamy, its supporters believed that caste should be determined on merit rather than on heritage. They therefore encouraged Yadavs to adopt the sacred thread as a symbolic way to defy the traditional inherited caste system, and they also supported the creation of cow protection associations (''Goraksha Sabha'') as a means by which Yadavs and other non-Brahmans could affirm the extent of their commitment to Hinduism by observing the strictures relating to cow slaughter. In Bihar, where the Bhumihars and Rajputs were the dominant groups, the wearing of the thread by Ahirs led to occasions of violence.

Jaffrelot has contrasted the motivations of Yadav Sanskritisation with that of the Nairs, another Indian community. He notes that Gyan Pandey (who is associated with the Marxist-oriented Subaltern Studies school), Rao and M. N. Srinivas all assert that Yadav Sanskritisation was not a process to imitate or raise the community to ritual parity with the higher ranks but rather to undermine the authority of those ranks. He contrasts this "subversion" theory with the Nair's motive of "emancipation", whereby Sanskritisation was "a means of reconciling low ritual status with growing socio-economic assertiveness and of taking the first steps towards an alternative, Dravidian identity". Using a examples from Bihar, Jafrrelot demonstrates that there were some organised attempts among members of the Yadav community where the driving force was clearly secular and in that respect similar to the Nair's socio-economic movement. These were based on a desire to end oppression caused by, for example, having to perform ''begari'' (forced labour) for upper castes and having to sell produce at prices below those prevailing in the open market to the zamindars, as well as by promoting education of the Yadav community. This "aggressive Sanskritisation", which caused riots in the area,was emulated by some other of the lower caste groups. In support of the argument that the movements bore similarity, Jaffrelot cites Hetukar Jha, who says of the Bihar situation that "The real motive behind the attempts of the Yadavas, Kurmis and Koeris at Sanskritising themselves was to get rid of this socio-economic repression".

The process of Sanskritisation often included creating a history. The first such for the Yadavs was written in the late nineteenth century by Vithal Krishna Khedekar, a schoolteacher who became private secretary to a Maharajah. In 1959, Khedekar's work was published by his son, Raghunath Vithal Khedekar, who was a surgeon, under the title ''The Divine Heritage of the Yadavs''. There has been subsequent work to develop his ideas, notably by K. C. Yadav and J. N. Singh Yadav.

Khedekar's history made the claim that Yadavs were descendants of the Abhira tribe and that the modern Yadavs were the same community referred to as dynasties in the ''Mahabharata'' and ''Puranas''. Describing the work of the Khedekars as "a well-edited and well-produced volume", Mandelbaum notes that the Yadavs In creating this history there is some support for an argument that Yadavs were looking to adopt an ethnic identity akin to the Dravidian one that was central to the Sanskritisation of the Nairs and other in south India. However, Jaffrelot believes that such an argument would be overstated because the Yadav "redrawing of history" was much more narrow, being centred on themselves rather than on any wider shared ethnic base. They did acknowledge groups such as the Jats and Marathas as being similarly descended from Krishna but they did not particularly accommodate them in their adopted Aryan ethnic ideology, believing themselves to be superior to these other communities. Jaffrelot considers the history thus created to be one that is "largely mythical [and which] enabled Yadav intellectuals to invent a golden age".

Michelutti prefers the term "yadavisation" to that of "sanskritisation". She argues that the perceived common link to Krishna was used to campaign for the official recognition of the many and varied herding communities of India under the title of Yadav, rather than merely as a means to claim the rank of Kshatriya. Furthermore, that "... social leaders and politicians soon realised that their 'number' and the official proof of their demographic status were important political instruments on the basis of which they could claim a 'reasonable' share of state resources."

All-India Yadav Mahasabha

The All-India Yadav Mahasabha (AIYM) was founded at Allahabad in 1924 by a meeting of disparate local groups from Bihar, Punjab and what is now Uttar Pradesh. Although the AIYM was initially organised by V. K. Khedakar, it was Rao Balbir Singh who developed it and this coincided with a period - during the 1920s and 1930s - when similar Sanskritisation movements elsewhere in the country were on the wane. The program included campaigning in favour of teetotalism and vegetarianism, both of which were features of higher ranking castes, as well as promoting self-education and promoting the adoption of use of the "Yadav" last name. It also sought to encourage the British Raj to recruit Yadavs as officers in the army and sought to modernise community practices such as reducing the financial burden dowries and increasing the acceptable age of marriage. Furthermore, the AIYM encouraged the more wealthy members of the community to donate to good causes, such as for the funding of scholarships, temples, educational institutions and intra-community communications.

The Yadav belief in their superiority impacted on their campaigning. In 1930, the Yadavs of Bihar joined with the Kurmi and Koeri agriculturalists to enter local elections. They lost badly but in 1934 the three communities formed the Triveni Sangh political party, which allegedly had a million dues-paying members by 1936. However, the organisation was hobbled by competition from the Congress-backed Backward Class Federation, which was formed around the same time, and by co-option of community leaders by the Congress party. The Triveni Sangh suffered badly in the 1937 elections, although it did win in some areas. Aside from an inability to counter the superior organisational ability of the higher castes who opposed it, the unwillingness of the Yadavs to renounce their belief that they were natural leaders and that the Kurmi were somehow inferior was a significant factor in the lack of success. Similar problems beset a later planned caste union, the ''Raghav Samaj'', with the Koeris.

In the post-colonial period, according to Michelutti, it was the process of yadavisation and the concentration on two core aims - increasing the demographic coverage and campaigning for improved protection under the positive discrimination scheme for Backward Classes - that has been a singular feature of the AIYM, although it continues its work in other areas such as promotion of vegetarianism and teetotalism. Their proposals have included measures designed to increase the number of Yadavs employed or selected by political and public organisations on the grounds of their numerical strength, including as judges, government ministers and regional governors. By 2003 the AIYM had expanded to cover seventeen states and Michelutti believed it to be the only organisation of its type that crossed both linguistic and cultural lines. It continues to update its literature , including websites, to further its belief that all claimed descendants of Krishna are Yadav. It has become a significant political force.

An early campaign demanding that the army of the Raj should recruit Yadavs as officers was expanded in the 1960s. Well-reported bravery during fighting in the Himalayas in 1962, notably by the 13th Kumaon company of Ahirs, led to a campaign by the AIYM demanding the creation of a specific Yadav regiment. In 1966 the AIYM held its annual conference in Etawa, with Mulayam Singh Yadav as chairman of the reception committee and Rao Birender Singh the scion of the Rewari dynasty as president.

After Independence, the Yadavs have emerged as the leaders of the other backward classes. Rao’s study of the Yadava elite in the various states (based on the members and supporters of the All India Yadav Sabha and not on those of the rival All India Yadav Mahasabha) reveals the growth of varied business and professional groups within the caste category. Heading the list are businessmen who comprise roughly 21 per cent of the elite. They include dairy owners, contractors, tobacco and timber merchants, wholesale grass dealers, owners of engineering firms and other industries as well as restaurant owners. They are followed by the large farmers who comprise around 21 per cent of the Yadav elite. Politicians (MPs, MLAs, ministers, municipal councillors, district board members, office-bearers of political parties) constitute 17 percent of the elite and school and college teachers, doctors, lawyers and engineers together another 20 percent. Mandelbaum has commented on how the community basks in the reflected glory of those members who achieve success, that "Yadav publications proudly cite not only their mythical progenitors and their historical Rajas, but also contemporaries who have become learned scholars, rich industrialists, and high civil servants." He notes that this trait is can also be seen among other caste groups.

Yadavs of Delhi NCR

Yadav dominated areas in National Capital Region(NCR) includes Gurgaon, Noida, Manesar, Behror, Bawal, Dharuhera, Pataudi, Bhiwadi, Badshahpur, Kosli, Alwar and Rewari.

Some of the villages in Ahirwal with Yadav prominence are:-

Delhi has 40 village some of them are Chhawla, Yadavpur, Haibatpur, Kheda-khadkhadi, Zafarpur, Pundwala, Hasanpur, Gummanheda, Jhuljhuli, Khyala, Gazipur, Bhalswa, Paprawat,kilokari, Palam, Libas Pur, Bhalawas, Jahangirpuri Chhaproula, Haider Pur, Kazipur, Dhanawas, Jwala Heri, Rajokri, Madipur, Surehra, Samaypur, Badli, Najafgarh, Todapur, Khaira, Sakarpur, Bagdola, Gudhana and Kapashera.

Gurgaon has 106 villages some of them are:- Palda, Kankrola, Pachgaon (Manesar), Wazirabad (Gurgaon), Samaspur, Kanhai, Badshapur, Islampur, Sukhrali, Hyatpur, Shilokhra, Tikri, Teekli, Sahraul, Khedki, Daula, Fazilpur, Sikohpur , Nathupur, Chakkarpur, Sikanderpur, Nawada, Mohmmadpur, Dundahera, Iqbalpur, Smalkha, Bamdoli, Mirpur, Sashand and Manesar.

Noida has Sarfabad, Garhi Chaukhandi,Morna ,Hoshiyarpur ,Patwari,Hoshiyarpur, Khanjarpur, Zahilabad,Rasoolpur Navada, Partha, Sorkhla and Naharpur etc.

Rajasthan has Alwar, Jodhpur, Jhunjhunu, Jaisalmer.

Haryana has Gurgaon, Narnaul, Rewari , Mahendragarh.

Uttar Pradesh has Noida, Agra, Badaun, Etah, Mainpuri, Firozabad, Kanpur, Etawah, Farukhabad, Kannauj, Auraiya, Unnao, Hardoi, Azamgarh, Gorkakhpur, Jhansi, Lalitpur, Gazipur, Banares, Hamirpur, Jaunpur, Barabanki district and Mirzapur District. Bihar has Gopalganj, Banka, Darbhanga, Siwan, Chhapra, Munger.

Military

The Yadav have served the British and Indian armed and defense forces in numerous conflicts. Some prominent conflicts fought by Yadav soldiers are the 1962 Sino-Indian War, and the Kargil War. Yadavs have also played a role in the Maoist insurgencies in Nepal and India.

World War II

Namdev Jadhav received the Victoria Cross during the Burma Campaign of the Second World war. Havaldar Umrao Singh, a gunner, won the Victoria Cross in hand to hand combat with the Japanese infantry raiding his gun position in the Kaladan Valley. He killed ten with his bare hands armed only with the gun bearer (a heavy metallic tool). He was found exhausted and bleeding in the morning but still alive amidst a pile of Japanese corpses littered around the gun, which was found to be still fit for immediate firing.

Kargil War

Grenadier Yogendra Singh Yadav of the Indian Army was awarded the highest Indian military honour, Param Vir Chakra for his actions during the Kargil War on 4 July 1999.

Images

See also

Saini

List of Yadavs

Konar

Haryana

Yaduvanshi Ahirs

Ahir clans

Nandvanshi

References

Category:Ahir Category:Indian castes Category:Social groups of Uttar Pradesh Category:Social groups of Bihar Category:Chhatis Rajkul

ko:야다브 hi:यादव id:Yadawa ja:ヤーダブ sv:Yadav

Coordinates	43°01′″N44°39′″N
name	Akhilesh Yadav /अक्खिलेश यादव
birth date	July 01, 1973
birth place	Okhla, New Delhi
residence	Saifai, Etawah, Uttar Pradesh
constituency	Kannauj
office	MP
term	2000 - Present
predecessor	Pradeep Kumar Yadav
party	SP
spouse	Dimple Yadav
web
source	}}

Akhilesh Yadav {अक्खिलेश यादव} (born 1 July 1973)is an Indian politician and the Lok Sabha member for Kannauj in Uttar Pradesh. He is the son of Samajwadi Party president Mulayam Singh Yadav. He was first elected to the Lok Sabha from Kannauj in a by election in 2000. He retained his seat in the 2004 and 2009 general elections. Akhilesh Yadav has a Bachelor of Engineering (BE) degree from Sri Jayachamarajendra College of Engineering, Mysore affiliated to University of Mysore. Samajwadi Party’s young MP from Kannauj Akhilesh Yadav has already locked four Lok Sabha elections since 2000(he had won the Firozabad Lok Sabha seat in 2009 but had to vacate it since he had already won from Kannauj), and now after being appointed as party’s UP president is spearheading the campaign to bring back Samajwadi Party to power in 2012 in UP assembly elections.

2009 By

Akhilesh's wife, Dimple, unsuccessfully contested the by election for Firozabad Lok Sabha seat in 2009 against actor turned politician Raj Babbar. The Firozabad seat had been won by Akhilesh Yadav in the May 2009 general elections by a margin of 67,301 votes against Bahujan Samaj Party candidate SPS Baghel. Akhilesh, who also won from Kannauj, vacated the Firozabad Lok Sabha seat, leading to a by poll.

External links

Official website of Samajwadi Party

Official biographical sketch in Parliament of India website

Akhilesh yadav profile

Category:1973 births Category:Living people Category:Indian politicians Category:People from Uttar Pradesh Category:People from Kannauj Category:14th Lok Sabha members Category:Samajwadi Party politicians Category:15th Lok Sabha members

Coordinates	43°01′″N44°39′″N
name	Lalu Prasad Yadav
birth date	June 11, 1947
birth place	Gopalganj, Bihar)
residence	Patna
office	Ex Minister of Railways Government of India MP-Lok Sabha
constituency	Saran
party	RJD
religion	Hinduism
spouse	Rabri Devi
children	2 sons and 7 daughters
Date	September 25 |
year	2006 |
source	Lok Sabha members' biodata }}

Lalu Prasad Yadav (Devanāgarī: लालू प्रसाद यादव) is an Indian politician from Bihar. He was the Minister of Railways from 2004 to 2009 in the ruling United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, and the President of the Rashtriya Janata Dal political party. He is a Member of Parliament in the 15th Lok Sabha from the Saran constituency in Bihar.

He entered politics during his student days at Patna University, and he was elected a member of the Lok Sabha in 1977 as a Janata party candidate. At the age of 29 he was one of its youngest members of Parliament.

He is famous for his charismatic leadership and mass appeal, and has been criticized for caste-based politics. and the corruption cases against him.

Yadav served as the Chief Minister of Bihar from 1990 till 1997, when he resigned following escalating corruption charges in the Fodder Scam. From 1997 to 2005, with brief interruptions, his wife Rabri Devi was the Chief Minister. Her political opponents often accused her as having served as his "surrogate."

Biography

Lalu Prasad Yadav was born in Phulwaria, in the Gopalganj district of Bihar. His father's name was Kalu Prasad Yadav and his mother's name, Marchi Devi. He is a lawyer by education. He holds Bachelor's degree in Law (LLB) and a Masters in Political Science from B. N. College, Patna, Patna University. He turned down Patna University's Honorary Doctorate in 2004. Lalu Prasad Yadav had his schooling, from 1st standard to 7th standard, at Bihar Military Police No-5 middle school.

Yadav married Rabri Devi on June 1, 1973. They have two sons and seven daughters.

Political career

Lalu Prasad Yadav entered politics as General Secretary of the Patna University Students' Union in 1970. He led the student movement inspired by Jai Prakash Narayan, Raj Narain, Karpoori Thakur and Satyendra Narayan Sinha. The former Chief Minister of Bihar and the then President of Bihar State Janata Party, Satyendra Narayan Sinha supported him as a candidate for the Lok Sabha and campaigned for him. He was elected as a member of the 9th Lok Sabha on a Janata Party ticket at the age 29, becoming one of the youngest members of the Indian Parliament at the time.

In a span of 10 years, Yadav became a formidable force in Bihar State Politics. During the Indian general elections in 1989 and state assembly elections, he successfully led the National Front coalition in Bihar. It was, therefore, no surprise that he was elected the Chief Minister leaving behind Ram Sundar Das, a former chief minister from the same party, when it came to power in the 1990 Assembly elections. The World Bank lauded his party for its work in the 1990s on the economic front.

A report was published by the BBC news in 1996 according to which the police unearthed a Rs. 1950 crore (US$ 267 Million), Fodder Scam in Bihar, which allegedly involved Yadav and the State's leading bureaucrats and politicians, albeit the probe itself was ordered by him. He claimed it to be an Opposition conspiracy to stop his political growth. The fodder scam forced Yadav to resign from the office of Chief Minister and he made his wife, Rabri Devi, his successor as the state's Chief Minister.

Rashtriya Janata Dal

Yadav formed the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) in 1997, after breaking away from the Janata Dal. According to Limca Book of Records, he is the longest serving president of an Indian Political Party. He remained in power in Bihar for more than one and a half decades. In November 2005 elections, his party, the RJD, could win just 54 seats, which put his party in third place, after the Janata Dal United (JDU) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Nitish Kumar led coalition, consisting of JD(U) and BJP, came to power.

Tenure as a Union Minister

Yadav was elected to the 14th Lok Sabha from Chhapra and Madhepura seats of Bihar. He was able to defeat the high profile BJP leader Rajiv Pratap Rudy from Chhapra and the JD(U) president Sharad Yadav from Madhepura. He became the railway minister in the UPA Government. Later, he gave up the Madhepura seat.

Yadav banned plastic cups from being used to serve tea at railway stations and ordered that they be replaced by ''kulhar''s (earthen cups), to generate more employment in rural areas. Later, he also said that he had plans to introduce buttermilk and khādī. In June 2004, he announced that he would get on the railway himself to inspect its problems and went on to board the Patna railway station at midnight.

When he took over, the Indian Railways was a loss-making organization. In the 4 years under his leadership, it made a cumulative total profit of Rs. 25,000 crores (US $5.2 billion).

He left passenger fares untouched and found several other profitable sources of revenue for the Railways. He also improved on his first year's performance by stating a profit of 14,000 crores with decreased freight and unchanged passenger fares in 2006. Then, in the 2007 budget, he increased the profit level to 20,000 crores with the introduction of cushion seats in all unreserved compartments. In 2008, profits were 25,000 crores (equals US $6.25 billion @ $1~Rs.40)

Well known schools of management were interested in Yadav's leadership in managing the turnaround (with more or less the same IAS officers & the same workforce who worked under the previous ministers). He went to and addressed over a hundred students from Harvard, Wharton and others in Hindi. He has received invitations from 8 Ivy League schools for lectures. The turnaround of the Indian Railways is now being studied by the students of the Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad. Prof G. Raghuram, a faculty member, IIM-A, has already conducted a detailed study on the Railways turnaround.

In August 2008, CNN-IBN alleged that Yadav had misused his position as the Union Railway Minister to help his relatives acquire land. Earlier Railway ministers and his political opponents Mamata Banerjee & Nitish Kumar have raised doubts over Lalu's achievements.

In popular culture

Many books have been written in praise of Yadav by local writers including ''Lalu Chalisa'' and ''Lalu Hala''. Entertainers, in television and film industry, mimic Yadav for their profession. According to a media report, many local barbers and saloons are earning money offering what they call the ''Lalu style hair cut''. A barber of Hajipur was quoted as saying, "The style is a craze among the youth and even policemen". Yadav has been recognised as a brand on his own amongst a few industries in rural Bihar.

A Patna-based company launched "Lalu Khaini" (tobacco) in 2004, which was a hit. In 2005, Speedage Corp. introduced "Laluji" dolls that became popular with kids. In 2006, ''Lalu ka Khzana'', a chocolate produced by New Delhi-based Chetak company, became very popular with kids in rural areas of north Bihar districts like Muzaffarpur, Sitamarhi and Madhubani. The wrapper of the chocolate packet depicted two different caricatures of Lalu — one as a politician and the other as a magician. More than 100,000 packets were reportedly sold.

A cheap cosmetic pack brand, ''Lalu Chale Sasural'' ("Lalu goes to in-laws house"), became extremely popular among rural Bihari girls, especially in the areas of Vaishali, Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga and Samastipur. Each packet, priced at Rs. 23 (roughly half a USD), contains items of daily use like face powder, cream, earrings, sticker, and a necklace.

In June 2006, Prakash Agro Industries in Bihar started selling cattle fodder under the brand name ''Lalu Pashu Aahar''. It was reported that the outcome of this branding strategy had surpassed the company's expectations and they were facing problems in meeting the huge demand for their fodder.

Yadav has a sizable fan following in Bollywood, which includes actors Sunil Shetty and Raza Murad and directors Mahesh Manjrekar and Mahesh Bhatt to name a few. Indian actor turned politician Shatrughan Sinha, who is a political opponent of Yadav, once said, "Had Yadav not been a politician he could have been an actor". Mahesh Bhatt has gone to the extent of saying that Yadav deserves to become Prime Minister of India. A Bollywood movie titled ''Padmashree Laloo Prasad Yadav'' was released in 2004. Though his name appeared in the title, the movie was not about him, but had characters named ''Padmashreee'', ''Laloo'', ''Prasad'' and ''Yadav'', however the politician made a guest appearance in it.

These incidences are viewed by some people as an attempt by the mainstream media to make deliberate fun of Yadav's accent although the movie was not a big hit.

Criticisms and controversies

Corruption allegations

Yadav has been charged in several corruption cases, the most infamous being the "Fodder Scam" in which about Rs. 950 crores (US $211.85 million) were siphoned off from the animal husbandry department. Laloo Yadav has been an accused in many of the 63-odd cases filed. He has been remanded to custody on multiple occasions because of the number of cases. Over 64 people have been convicted in the case.

Yadav was first sent to "Judicial remand" (Bihar Military Police guest house, Patna) on July 30, 1997, for 134 days. On October 28, 1998, he was again sent to the same guest house for 73 days. When the Supreme Court of India took exception to his guest house stay, he had also moved to the Beur jail in Patna. He was later remanded for 11 days on April 5, 2000, in a disproportionate assets case. He surrendered along with his wife, Rabri Devi, and was sent to the Beur Jail. Due to the proceedings in the fodder scam, Yadav was remanded for a day in Beur jail on November 28, 2000.

On November 26, 2001, Yadav was again remanded, in a case related to the fodder scam. He accused the NDA of creating a conspiracy against him. On October 1, 2004, the Supreme Court of India served a notice to Yadav and his wife, Rabri Devi, on the fodder scam. This was in response to a petition, which alleged that they have been interfering with late in the investigation. Since Laloo Yadav is currently a member of the Union Government at Delhi, the CBI has been accused of dragging its feet on the issue.

Accusations against the BJP

On August 5, 2004, Yadav claimed that L. K. Advani, a senior BJP leader and the Leader of the Opposition was an accused in a conspiracy to kill Muhammad Ali Jinnah and described him as an 'international absconder'. On September 14, 2004, Lalu asked L. K. Advani to come clean on 'his involvement' in the alleged conspiracy to assassinate the founder of Pakistan, Mohammed Ali Jinnah.

On September 28, 2004, Lalu alleged Mr. Venkaiah Naidu, the then Union Rural Minister, of having sold 55,000 tonnes of wheat in the name of drought relief distribution in AP. "A CBI probe will be initiated to find the truth" he said.

Perceived institutional bias against Lalu Prasad Yadav

Although he has maintained a good relationship with the media, at times he has accused the media of being unfair, going so far as to threaten to sue certain media outlets for defamation. Although the Media bias against him has been recognised by certain sections of the press, he and his supporters have also claimed that the Election Commission of India has shown a bias against him on many occasions, the most recent being the last Bihar State Assembly Elections.

Positions held

1977: Elected to the 6th Lok Sabha at the age of 29.

1980–1989: Member of the Bihar Legislative Assembly (two terms).

1989: Becomes the leader of Opposition, Bihar Legislative Assembly, Chairman, Pustakalaya Committee, Convenor, Committee on Public Undertakings, Re-elected to the 9th Lok Sabha (2nd term).

1990–1995: Member of the Bihar Legislative Council.

1990–1997: Chief Minister of Bihar.

1995–1998: Member of the Bihar Legislative Assembly.

1996: Lalu's name springs up in a major scam.

1997: parts with the Janata Dal and forms the Rashtriya Janata Dal.

1998: Re-elected to 12th Lok Sabha (3rd term).

1998–1999: Member, General Purposes Committee, Committee on Home Affairs and its Sub Committee on Swatantrata Sainik Samman Pension Scheme, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting.

2004: Re-elected to the 14th Lok Sabha (4th term). Appointed Cabinet Minister in the Ministry of Railways. In 2004, he was elected to the Lok Sabha with his party emerging as a key member of the Congress.

2009: Re-elected to the 15th Lok Sabha (5th term).

See also

List of Chief Ministers of Bihar

List of politicians in India charged with corruption

References and footnotes

External links

{{s-ttl | title = Minister of Railways| | years = 25 May 2004 - 18 May 2009}} {{s-ttl | title = Chief Minister of Bihar| | years = 1990-1997}}

Category:1947 births Category:Living people Category:Indian politicians Category:Chief Ministers of Bihar Category:People from Bihar Category:14th Lok Sabha members Category:Rashtriya Janata Dal politicians Category:Finance Ministers of Bihar Category:15th Lok Sabha members Category:Railway Ministers of India Category:V. P. Singh administration

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Coordinates	43°01′″N44°39′″N
name	T. B. Joshua
birthname	Temitope Balogun
birth date	June 12, 1963
birth place	Arigidi, Nigeria
occupation	Spiritual Overseer(Prophet of God),Minister, televangelist, Humanitarian
residence	Ikotun-Egbe, Lagos
nationality
spouse	Evelyn Joshua
website	The Synagogue, Church Of All Nations, Emmanuel TV
footnotes	}}

Temitope Balogun Joshua (born June 12, 1963 in Arigidi, Nigeria), commonly referred to as T. B. Joshua, is a Christian, Prophet of God, minister, televangelist, humanitarian and faith healer. He is leader and founder of the ministry organisation ''The Synagogue, Church of All Nations'' (SCOAN). The SCOAN runs a Christian television station called Emmanuel TV, available on satellite and on the Internet via the Streaming Faith broadcast portal.

Biography

According to SCOAN's account, supernatural phenomena are said to have accompanied Joshua's birth and early life. He allegedly remained in his mother's womb for 15 months before he was born. It is also rumoured that a sage had predicted his birth a century earlier.

Joshua attended St. Stephen's Anglican Primary School in Arigidi-Akoko, Nigeria between 1971 and 1977, but failed to complete one year of secondary school education. In school, he was known as 'small pastor' because of his love for the Bible and ability to predict things to come in his local community.

He worked in various casual employments after his schooling had ended, including carrying chicken waste at a poultry farm. He organised Bible studies for local children and attended evening school during this period. Joshua attempted to join the Nigerian military but was thwarted due to a train breakdown that left him stranded en route to the military academy.

The Synagogue, Church of All Nations (SCOAN)

In 1989, T. B. Joshua allegedly fasted and prayed for 40 days and 40 nights. He wrote that in a heavenly vision, he had received divine anointing and a covenant from God to start his ministry. In his own words, he said of the experience:

''“… I saw a hand that pointed a Bible to my heart. The Bible entered my heart and my former heart seemed to immerse with the Bible immediately… I heard a voice saying, ‘I am your God. I am giving you a divine commission to go and carry out the work of the Heavenly Father… I would show you the wonderful ways I would reveal myself through you in teaching, preaching, miracles, signs and wonders for the salvation of souls…’ ”''

Following this, Joshua founded the ministry organisation The Synagogue, Church of All Nations (SCOAN) initially with only a handful of members. According to the organisation, more than 15,000 members now attend its weekly Sunday service; visitors from outside Nigeria are accommodated in the church facilities.

SCOAN remains controversial both in Nigeria and abroad, claiming regular occurrences of divine miracles. It has published numerous videos claiming to document the healing of incurable illnesses such as HIV/ AIDs and cancer, showing conditions before, during, and after prayer in Jesus' name from T. B. Joshua. Spiritual healing at The SCOAN has been mentioned by Time magazine.

Since June 2010, five ‘Wise Men’ have joined in ministering to people at The SCOAN, purportedly able to prophesy, heal and deliver in the same vein as T.B. Joshua.

The church has branches in Ghana, the United Kingdom, South Africa, and Greece.

Humanitarian Work

Another Ministry is the humanitarian arm of SCOAN, with the stated aim of undertaking projects catering to the needs of widows, dwarfs, the elderly, physically challenged, orphans and the destitute.

The church provides scholarships to orphans and children of the underprivileged, with educational support given from primary to tertiary levels. There is also a rehabilitation programme for armed robbers, prostitutes and militants from Nigeria’s volatile Niger Delta region. He is also well known in Nigeria for reconciling broken families and marriages.

SCOAN has established various NGO’s in other countries, including the Passion For Needy in Ghana.

In 2009 Joshua started a football club, My People FC as part of efforts to help the youth. Two members of the team played for Nigeria's Golden Eaglets in the 2009 FIFA U-17 World Cup. Sani Emmanuel, who apparently lived in The SCOAN for several years, was Nigeria's top-scorer and the tournament's MVP. Emmanuel and his colleague Ogenyi Onazi have now signed professional contracts with SS Lazio and are representing Nigeria in the 2011 FIFA U-20 World Cup.

Following the 2010 Commonwealth Games in Delhi, India, T.B. Joshua rewarded the efforts of the Nigerian Team, presenting the physically challenged medallists with cash gifts and cars.

After the 2010 Haiti earthquake, Joshua sent a team of medical personnel and humanitarian workers to the affected area, establishing a field hospital called 'Clinique Emmanuel'.

In recognition of his humanitarian activities, he was awarded a National Honour by the Nigerian government in 2008.

A Forbes blogger estimated Joshua has spent $20m on humanitarian activities in the last three years.

Claims of prophecy

SCOAN claims that Joshua has successfully predicted events in the lives of individuals who attend his church services as well as worldwide events, including a prophecy of Michael Jackson's death and the outcome of various football matches.

Notable visitors

Notable visitors, especially within the African political sphere, have visited SCOAN. These include Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangarai, Ghanaian President John Evans Atta Mills ''(who testified that T.B. Joshua prophesied his ascent to presidency)'', South Africa’s Winnie Mandela, Malawian Vice President Joyce Banda and The Zulu King, Goodwill Zwelithini kaBhekuzulu.

Emmanuel TV

Emmanuel TV is the television station of SCOAN and broadcasts 24/7. Their Sunday and Monday services are broadcast live. T. B. Joshua's programmes also air 5 days a week on TBN Africa, as well as weekly on a number of local television stations across Africa.

Controversy

There are claims that Joshua's alleged miracles are counterfeit. The Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria (PFN), an umbrella association of Nigerian Pentecostal Churches, refused admission to the Synagogue Church, denouncing T. B. Joshua as an impostor, and querying his background, mentorship and calling to the ministry. Christian critics often refer to T. B. Joshua's unorthodox methods as being not confirmed in the Bible.

Books authored by Joshua

''The Mirror'' ISBN 0-620-37453-5

''The Step Between You And The Cure'' ISBN 0-620-33247-6

''Daily Time With God'' ISBN 0-620-375752

''What The Future Holds'' ISBN 0-620-42843-9

References

External links

Official website of The SCOAN

Emmanuel TV

Streaming Faith

Testimonies Blog

SCOAN London

TB Joshua Watch

Category:1963 births Category:Living people Category:Nigerian people Category:Faith healers Category:Christian ministers Category:Yoruba people Category:Nigerian Christians Category:Nigerian religious leaders Category:People from Ondo State

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