Gross domestic product is related to national accounts, a subject in macroeconomics.
GDP was first developed by Simon Kuznets for a US Congress report in 1934, who immediately said not to use it as a measure for welfare (see below under ''limitations'').
GDP can be determined in three ways, all of which should, in principle, give the same result. They are the product (or output) approach, the income approach, and the expenditure approach.
The most direct of the three is the product approach, which sums the outputs of every class of enterprise to arrive at the total. The expenditure approach works on the principle that all of the product must be bought by somebody, therefore the value of the total product must be equal to people's total expenditures in buying things. The income approach works on the principle that the incomes of the productive factors ("producers," colloquially) must be equal to the value of their product, and determines GDP by finding the sum of all producers' incomes.
Example: the expenditure method:
: ''GDP = private consumption + gross investment + government spending + (exports − imports)'', or
Note: "Gross" means that GDP measures production regardless of the various uses to which that production can be put. Production can be used for immediate consumption, for investment in new fixed assets or inventories, or for replacing depreciated fixed assets."Domestic" means that GDP measures production that takes place within the country's borders. In the expenditure-method equation given above, the exports-minus-imports term is necessary in order to null out expenditures on things not produced in the country (imports) and add in things produced but not sold in the country (exports).
Economists (since Keynes) have preferred to split the general consumption term into two parts; private consumption, and public sector (or government) spending. Two advantages of dividing total consumption this way in theoretical macroeconomics are:
Symbolically,
Gross Value Added = Value of output- Value of Intermediate Consumption.
Value of Output= Value of the total sales of goods and services + Value of changes in the inventories.
The sum of gross value added in various economic activities is known as GDP at factor cost.
GDP at factor cost plus indirect taxes less subsidies on products is GDP at Producer Price.
For measuring gross output of domestic product, economic activities (i.e. industries) are classified into various sectors. After classifying economic activities, the gross output of each sector is computer by any of the following two methods:
# By multiplying the output of each sector by their respective market price and adding them together and # By collecting data on gross sales and inventories from the records of companies and adding them together.
Subtracting each sector's intermediate consumption from gross output, we get sectoral gross value added (GVA)at factor cost. We, then add gross value of all sectors to get GDP at factor cost. Adding indirect tax less subsidies in GDP at factor cost, we get GDP at Producer prices.
This method measures GDP by adding incomes that firms pay households for the factors of production they hire- wages for labour, interest for capital, rent for land and profits for entrepreneurship.
The US "National Income and Expenditure Accounts" divide incomes into five categories: # Wages, salaries, and supplementary labour income # Corporate profits # Interest and miscellaneous investment income # Farmers’ income # Income from non-farm unincorporated businesses These five income components sum to net domestic income at factor cost.
Two adjustments must be made to get GDP: # Indirect taxes minus subsidies are added to get from factor cost to market prices. # Depreciation (or capital consumption) is added to get from net domestic product to gross domestic product.
Total income can be subdivided according to various schemes, leading to various formulae for GDP measured by the income approach. A common one is:
: ''GDP = compensation of employees + gross operating surplus + gross mixed income + taxes less subsidies on production and imports'' : GDP = COE + GOS + GMI + TP & M – SP & M
The sum of COE, GOS and GMI is called total factor income; it is the income of all of the factors of production in society. It measures the value of GDP at factor (basic) prices. The difference between basic prices and final prices (those used in the expenditure calculation) is the total taxes and subsidies that the government has levied or paid on that production. So adding taxes less subsidies on production and imports converts GDP at factor cost to GDP(I).
Total factor income is also sometimes expressed as: :''Total factor income = Employee compensation + Corporate profits + Proprieter's income + Rental income + Net interest''
Yet another formula for GDP by the income method is:
:
where R : rents I : interests P : profits SA : statistical adjustments (corporate income taxes, dividends, undistributed corporate profits) W : wagesNote the mnemonic, "ripsaw".
GDP (Y) is a sum of Consumption (C), Investment (I), Government Spending (G) and Net Exports (X – M). :Y = C + I + G + (X − M)
Here is a description of each GDP component:
A fully equivalent definition is that GDP (Y) is the sum of final consumption expenditure (FCE), gross capital formation (GCF), and net exports (X – M). :Y = FCE + GCF+ (X − M) FCE can then be further broken down by three sectors (households, governments and non-profit institutions serving households) and GCF by five sectors (non-financial corporations, financial corporations, households, governments and non-profit institutions serving households). The advantage of this second definition is that expenditure is systematically broken down, firstly, by type of final use (final consumption or capital formation) and, secondly, by sectors making the expenditure, whereas the first definition partly follows a mixed delimitation concept by type of final use and sector.
Note that C, G, and I are expenditures on final goods and services; expenditures on intermediate goods and services do not count. (Intermediate goods and services are those used by businesses to produce other goods and services within the accounting year. )
According to the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, which is responsible for calculating the national accounts in the United States, "In general, the source data for the expenditures components are considered more reliable than those for the income components [see income method, below]."
If a hotel is a private home, spending for renovation would be measured as consumption, but if a government agency converts the hotel into an office for civil servants, the spending would be included in the public sector spending, or G.
If the renovation involves the purchase of a chandelier from abroad, that spending would be counted as C, G, or I (depending on whether a private individual, the government, or a business is doing the renovation), but then counted again as an import and subtracted from the GDP so that GDP counts only goods produced within the country.
If a domestic producer is paid to make the chandelier for a foreign hotel, the payment would not be counted as C, G, or I, but would be counted as an export.
A "production boundary" that delimits what will be counted as GDP.
"One of the fundamental questions that must be addressed in preparing the national economic accounts is how to define the production boundary–that is, what parts of the myriad human activities are to be included in or excluded from the measure of the economic production."All output for market is at least in theory included within the boundary. Market output is defined as that which is sold for "economically significant" prices; economically significant prices are "prices which have a significant influence on the amounts producers are willing to supply and purchasers wish to buy." An exception is that illegal goods and services are often excluded even if they are sold at economically significant prices (Australia and the United States exclude them).
This leaves non-market output. It is partly excluded and partly included. First, "natural processes without human involvement or direction" are excluded. Also, there must be a person or institution that owns or is entitled to compensation for the product. An example of what is included and excluded by these criteria is given by the United States' national accounts agency: "the growth of trees in an uncultivated forest is not included in production, but the harvesting of the trees from that forest is included."
Within the limits so far described, the boundary is further constricted by "functional considerations." The Australian Bureau for Statistics explains this: "The national accounts are primarily constructed to assist governments and others to make market-based macroeconomic policy decisions, including analysis of markets and factors affecting market performance, such as inflation and unemployment." Consequently, production that is, according to them, "relatively independent and isolated from markets," or "difficult to value in an economically meaningful way" [i.e., difficult to put a price on] is excluded. Thus excluded are services provided by people to members of their own families free of charge, such as child rearing, meal preparation, cleaning, transportation, entertainment of family members, emotional support, care of the elderly. Most other production for own (or one's family's) use is also excluded, with two notable exceptions which are given in the list later in this section.
Nonmarket outputs that ''are'' included within the boundary are listed below. Since, by definition, they do not have a market price, the compilers of GDP must ''impute'' a value to them, usually either the cost of the goods and services used to produce them, or the value of a similar item that is sold on the market. Goods and services provided by governments and non-profit organisations free of charge or for economically insignificant prices are included. The value of these goods and services is estimated as equal to their cost of production. This ignores the consumer surplus generated by an efficient and effective government supplied infrastructure. For example, government-provided clean water confers substantial benefits above its cost. Ironically, lack of such infrastructure which would result in higher water prices (and probably higher hospital and medication expenditures) would be reflected as a higher GDP. This may also cause a bias that mistakenly favors inefficient privatizations since some of the consumer surplus from privatized entities' sale of goods and services are indeed reflected in GDP.
GDP is product produced within a country's borders; GNP is product produced by enterprises owned by a country's citizens. The two would be the same if all of the productive enterprises in a country were owned by its own citizens, and those citizens did not own productive enterprises in any other countries. In practice, however, foreign ownership makes GDP and GNP non-identical. Production within a country's borders, but by an enterprise owned by somebody outside the country, counts as part of its GDP but not its GNP; on the other hand, production by an enterprise located outside the country, but owned by one of its citizens, counts as part of its GNP but not its GDP.
To take the United States as an example, the U.S.'s GNP is the value of output produced by American-owned firms, regardless of where the firms are located. Similarly, if a country becomes increasingly in debt, and spends large amounts of income servicing this debt this will be reflected in a decreased GNI but not a decreased GDP. Similarly, if a country sells off its resources to entities outside their country this will also be reflected over time in decreased GNI, but not decreased GDP. This would make the use of GDP more attractive for politicians in countries with increasing national debt and decreasing assets.
Gross national income (GNI) equals GDP plus income receipts from the rest of the world minus income payments to the rest of the world.
In 1991, the United States switched from using GNP to using GDP as its primary measure of production. The relationship between United States GDP and GNP is shown in table 1.7.5 of the ''National Income and Product Accounts''.
SNA93 provides a set of rules and procedures for the measurement of national accounts. The standards are designed to be flexible, to allow for differences in local statistical needs and conditions.
The factor used to convert GDP from current to constant values in this way is called the ''GDP deflator''. Unlike the Consumer price index, which measures inflation or deflation in the price of household consumer goods, the GDP deflator measures changes in the prices of all domestically produced goods and services in an economy–including investment goods and government services, as well as household consumption goods.
Constant-GDP figures allow us to calculate a GDP growth rate, which tells us how much a country's production has increased (or decreased, if the growth rate is negative) compared to the previous year. :Real GDP growth rate for year ''n'' = [(Real GDP in year ''n'') − (Real GDP in year ''n'' − 1)] / (Real GDP in year ''n'' − 1)
Another thing that it may be desirable to compensate for is population growth. If a country's GDP doubled over some period but its population tripled, the increase in GDP may not be deemed such a great accomplishment: the average person in the country is producing less than they were before. ''Per-capita GDP'' is the measure compensated for population growth.
The ranking of countries may differ significantly based on which method is used.
There is a clear pattern of the ''purchasing power parity method'' decreasing the disparity in GDP between high and low income (GDP) countries, as compared to the ''current exchange rate method''. This finding is called the Penn effect.
For more information, see Measures of national income and output.
The major disadvantage is that it is not a measure of standard of living. GDP is intended to be a measure of total national economic activity— a separate concept.
The argument for using GDP as a standard-of-living proxy is not that it is a good indicator of the absolute level of standard of living, but that living standards tend to move with per-capita GDP, so that ''changes'' in living standards are readily detected through changes in GDP.
Proponents of GDP as a metric of social well being argue that it is a value neutral measure and expresses what we can do, not what we should do. This is compatible with the fact that different people have different preferences and different opinions on what well-being is. Competing measures like GPI define well-being to mean things that the definers ideologically support. Therefore, they cannot function as the goals of a plural society. Moreover, they are more vulnerable to political manipulation.
Simon Kuznets in his very first report to the US Congress in 1934 said:
...the welfare of a nation can, therefore, scarcely be inferred from a measure of national income...In 1962, Kuznets stated:
Distinctions must be kept in mind between quantity and quality of growth, between costs and returns, and between the short and long run. Goals for more growth should specify more growth of what and for what.
United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis, . Retrieved November 2009. In depth explanations of how GDP and other national accounts items are determined.
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Coordinates | 34°03′″N118°15′″N |
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!honorific-prefix | The Honorable |
Name | Joseph Stiglitz |
Honorific-suffix | ForMemRS FBA |
Order | 17th Chair of the Council of Economic Advisors |
Term start | 1995 |
Term end | 1997 |
President | Bill Clinton |
Predecessor | Laura Tyson |
Successor | Janet Yellen |
Office2 | World Bank Chief Economist |
Term start2 | 1997 |
Term end2 | 2000 |
Preceded2 | Michael Bruno |
Succeeded2 | Nicholas Stern |
Birth date | February 09, 1943 |
Birth place | Gary, Indiana |
Party | Democratic |
Spouse | Anya Schiffrin |
Alma mater | Amherst CollegeMassachusetts Institute of Technology |
Profession | Economist }} |
{{infobox economist | school tradition | New Keynesian economics | color darkorange | field Macroeconomics, Public Economics, Information Economics | influences John Maynard Keynes, Robert Solow | opposed | influenced Paul Krugman, Jason Furman | contributions Screening, Taxation, Unemployment | repec_prefixe |repec_idpst33 }} |
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Joseph Eugene Stiglitz, ForMemRS, FBA, (born February 9, 1943) is an American economist and a professor at Columbia University. He is a recipient of the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences (2001) and the John Bates Clark Medal (1979). He is also the former Senior Vice President and Chief Economist of the World Bank. He is known for his critical view of the management of globalization, free-market economists (whom he calls "free market fundamentalists") and some international institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
In 2000, Stiglitz founded the Initiative for Policy Dialogue (IPD), a think tank on international development based at Columbia University. Since 2001, he has been a member of the Columbia faculty, and has been a University Professor since 2003. He also chairs the University of Manchester's Brooks World Poverty Institute and is a member of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences. Stiglitz is also an honorary professor at Tsinghua University School of Public Policy and Management and a member of the Executive and Supervisory Committee (ESC) of CERGE-EI. Stiglitz is one of the most frequently cited economists in the world.
In addition to making numerous influential contributions to microeconomics, Stiglitz has played a number of policy roles. He served in the Clinton Administration as the chair of the President's Council of Economic Advisors (1995 – 1997). At the World Bank, he served as Senior Vice President and Chief Economist (1997 – 2000), in the time when unprecedented protest against international economic organizations started, most prominently with the Seattle WTO meeting of 1999. He was fired by the World Bank for expressing dissent with its policies. He was a lead author for the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change.
He is a member of Collegium International, an organization of leaders with political, scientific, and ethical expertise whose goal is to provide new approaches in overcoming the obstacles in the way of a peaceful, socially just and an economically sustainable world. He is also a member of the scientific committee of the Fundacion IDEAS, a Spanish think tank.
Stiglitz has advised American President Barack Obama, but has also been sharply critical of the Obama Administration's financial-industry rescue plan. Stiglitz said that whoever designed the Obama administration's bank rescue plan is "either in the pocket of the banks or they’re incompetent."
In October 2008 he was asked by the President of UN's General Assembly to chair a commission entrusted with drafting a report on the reasons for and solutions to the financial crisis. In response, the commission produced the Stiglitz Report.
On July 25, 2011, Stiglitz participated to the "I Foro Social del 15M" organized in Madrid (Spain) expressing his support to the 2011 Spanish protests.
Before the advent of models of imperfect and asymmetric information, the traditional neoclassical economics literature had assumed that markets are efficient except for some limited and well defined market failures. More recent work by Stiglitz and others reversed that presumption, to assert that it is only under exceptional circumstances that markets are efficient. Stiglitz has shown (together with Bruce Greenwald) that "whenever markets are incomplete and/or information is imperfect (which are true in virtually all economies), even competitive market allocation is not constrained Pareto efficient". In other words, they addressed "the problem of determining when tax interventions are Pareto-improving. The approach indicates that such tax interventions almost always exist and that equilibria in situations of imperfect information are rarely constrained Pareto optima." Although these conclusions and the pervasiveness of market failures do not necessarily warrant the state intervening broadly in the economy, it makes clear that the "optimal" range of government recommendable interventions is definitely much larger than the traditional "market failure" school recognizes. For Stiglitz, there is no such thing as an invisible hand. According to Stiglitz:
In the opening remarks for his prize acceptance "Aula Magna", Stiglitz said:
In an interview in 2007, Stiglitz explained further:
# Unlike other forms of capital, humans can choose their level of effort. # It is costly for firms to determine how much effort workers are exerting.
A full description of this model can be found at the links provided. Some key implications of this model are:
# Wages do not fall enough during recessions to prevent unemployment from rising. If the demand for labour falls, this lowers wages. But because wages have fallen, the probability of 'shirking' (workers not exerting effort) has risen. If employment levels are to be maintained, through a sufficient lowering of wages, workers will be less productive than before through the shirking effect. As a consequence, in the model wages do not fall enough to maintain employment levels at the previous state, because firms want to avoid excessive shirking by their workers. So, unemployment must rise during recessions, because wages are kept 'too high'.
# Possible corollary: Wage sluggishness. Moving from one private cost of hiring
The outcome is never Pareto efficient.
# Each firm employs too few workers because it faces private cost of hiring rather than the social cost — which is equal to and in all cases. This means that firms do not "internalize" the "external" cost of unemployment - they do not factor how large-scale unemployment harms society when assessing their own costs. This leads to a negative externality as marginal social cost exceeds the firm's marginal cost (MSC = Firm's Private Marginal Cost + Marginal External Cost of increased social unemployment)
# There are also negative externalities. Each firm increases the asset value of unemployment
::Once incomplete and imperfect information are introduced, Chicago-school defenders of the market system cannot sustain descriptive claims of the Pareto efficiency of the real world. Thus, Stiglitz's use of rational-expectations equilibrium assumptions to achieve a more realistic understanding of capitalism than is usual among rational-expectations theorists leads, paradoxically, to the conclusion that capitalism deviates from the model in a way that justifies state action—socialism—as a remedy.
::The effect of Stiglitz's influence is to make economics even more presumptively interventionist than Samuelson preferred. Samuelson treated market failure as the exception to the general rule of efficient markets. But the Greenwald-Stiglitz theorem posits market failure as the norm, establishing "that government could potentially almost always improve upon the market's resource allocation." And the Sappington-Stiglitz theorem "establishes that an ideal government could do better running an enterprise itself than it could through privatization" (Stiglitz 1994, 179).
The objections to the wide adoption of these positions suggested by Stiglitz's discoveries do not come from economics itself but mostly from political scientists and are in the fields of sociology. As David L. Prychitko discusses in his "critique" to ''Whither Socialism?'' (see below), although Stiglitz's main economic insight seems generally correct, it still leaves open great constitutional questions such as how the coercive institutions of the government should be constrained and what the relation is between the government and civil society.
Stiglitz's most important contribution in this period was helping define a new economic philosophy, a "third way", which postulated the important, but limited, role of government, that unfettered markets often did not work well, but that government was not always able to correct the limitations of markets. The academic research that he had been conducting over the preceding 25 years provided the intellectual foundations for this "third way".
When President Bill Clinton was re-elected, he asked Stiglitz to continue to serve as Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers for another term. But he had already been approached by the World Bank, to be its senior vice president for development policy and its chief economist.
As the World Bank began its ten-year review of the transition of the former Communist countries to the market economy it unveiled failures of the countries that had followed the International Monetary Fund (IMF) shock therapy policies - both in terms of the declines in GDP and increases in poverty - that were even worse than the worst that most of its critics had envisioned at the onset of the transition. Clear links existed between the dismal performances and the policies that the IMF had advocated, such as the voucher privatization schemes and excessive monetary stringency. Meanwhile, the success of a few countries that had followed quite different strategies suggested that there were alternatives that could have been followed. The U.S. Treasury had put enormous pressure on the World Bank to silence his criticisms of the policies which they and the IMF had pursued.
Stiglitz always had a poor relationship with Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers. In 2000, Summers successfully petitioned for Stiglitz's removal, supposedly in exchange for World Bank President James Wolfensohn's re-appointment – an exchange that Wolfensohn denies took place. Whether Summers ever made such a blunt demand is questionable – Wolfensohn claims he would "have told him to fuck himself".
Stiglitz resigned from the World Bank in January 2000, a month before his term expired. The Bank's president, James Wolfensohn, announced Stiglitz's resignation in November 1999 and also announced that Stiglitz would stay on as ''"special advisor to the president"'', and would chair the search committee for a successor.
:"Joseph E. Stiglitz said today [Nov. 24, 1999] that he would resign as the World Bank's chief economist after using the position for nearly three years to raise pointed questions about the effectiveness of conventional approaches to helping poor countries."
In this role, he continued criticism of the IMF, and, by implication, the US Treasury Department. In April 2000, in an article for ''The New Republic'', he wrote:
:"''They’ll say the IMF is arrogant. They’ll say the IMF doesn’t really listen to the developing countries it is supposed to help. They’ll say the IMF is secretive and insulated from democratic accountability. They’ll say the IMF’s economic ‘remedies’ often make things worse – turning slowdowns into recessions and recessions into depressions. And they’ll have a point. I was chief economist at the World Bank from 1996 until last November, during the gravest global economic crisis in a half-century. I saw how the IMF, in tandem with the U.S. Treasury Department, responded. And I was appalled''."
The article was published a week before the annual meetings of the World Bank and IMF and provoked a strong response. It proved too strong for Summers and, yet more lethally, Stiglitz's protector-of-sorts at the World Bank, Wolfensohn. Wolfensohn had privately empathised with Stiglitz's views, but this time was worried for his second term, which Summers had threatened to veto. Stanley Fisher, deputy managing director of the IMF, called a special staff meeting and informed at that gathering that Wolfensohn had agreed to fire Stiglitz. Meanwhile, the Bank's External Affairs department told the press that Stiglitz had not been fired, his post had merely been abolished.
In a September 19, 2008 radio interview with Aimee Allison and Philip Maldari on Pacifica Radio's KPFA 94.1 FM in Berkeley, California, Stiglitz implied that President Clinton and his economic advisors would not have backed the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) had they been aware of stealth provisions, inserted by lobbyists, that they overlooked.
This book does not require an economics background in order to be of value to the reader. Rather it explains Stiglitz's views on the recent economic crisis in terms which make it relevant to the average homeowner, retirement investor, and voter in the United States. He explains how without fundamental changes in economic policy and regulation the position of the US in the world political and economic arena may deteriorate significantly.
Stiglitz is an exception to the general pro-globalization view of professional economists, according to economist Martin Wolf. Stiglitz argues that economic opportunities are not widely enough available, that financial crises are too costly and too frequent, and that the rich countries have done too little to address these problems. ''Making Globalization Work'' had sold more than two million copies.
Stiglitz bases his argument on the themes that his decades of theoretical work have emphasized: namely, what happens when people lack the key information that bears on the decisions they have to make, or when markets for important kinds of transactions are inadequate or don't exist, or when other institutions that standard economic thinking takes for granted are absent or flawed. Stiglitz stresses the point: "Recent advances in economic theory" (in part referring to his own work) "have shown that whenever information is imperfect and markets incomplete, which is to say always, and especially in developing countries, then the invisible hand works most imperfectly." As a result, Stiglitz continues, governments can improve the outcome by well-chosen interventions. Stiglitz argues that when families and firms seek to buy too little compared to what the economy can produce, governments can fight recessions and depressions by using expansionary monetary and fiscal policies to spur the demand for goods and services. At the microeconomic level, governments can regulate banks and other financial institutions to keep them sound. They can also use tax policy to steer investment into more productive industries and trade policies to allow new industries to mature to the point at which they can survive foreign competition. And governments can use a variety of devices, ranging from job creation to manpower training to welfare assistance, to put unemployed labor back to work and cushion human hardship.
Stiglitz complains bitterly that the IMF has done great damage through the economic policies it has prescribed that countries must follow in order to qualify for IMF loans, or for loans from banks and other private-sector lenders that look to the IMF to indicate whether a borrower is creditworthy. The organization and its officials, he argues, have ignored the implications of incomplete information, inadequate markets, and unworkable institutions—all of which are especially characteristic of newly developing countries. As a result, Stiglitz argues, the IMF has often called for policies that conform to textbook economics but do not make sense for the countries to which the IMF is recommending them. Stiglitz seeks to show that these policies have been disastrous for the countries that have followed them.
One of the reasons Stiglitz sees for the critical failing in the standard neoclassical model, on which market socialism was built, is its failure to consider the problems that arise from lack of perfect information and from the costs of acquiring information. He also identifies problems arising from its assumptions concerning completeness.
He co-authored a paper titled "Implications of the New Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac Risk-Based Capital Standard" with Peter Orszag in 2002 in which they concluded "on the basis of historical experience, the risk to the government from a potential default on GSE debt is effectively zero."
; Book chapters:
; Selected scholarly articles
; Articles in popular press:
; Video and online sources:
Category:Academics of the University of Oxford Category:American anti-globalization writers Category:American economists Category:American Nobel laureates Category:Amherst College alumni Category:Ashkenazi Jews Category:Clinton Administration personnel Category:Columbia University faculty Category:Development economists Category:Development specialists Category:New Keynesian economists Category:Fellows of All Souls College, Oxford Category:Fellows of Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge Category:Fellows of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge Category:Fellows of the British Academy Category:Fellows of the Econometric Society Category:Information economists Category:International development Category:International Panel on Climate Change lead authors Category:Jewish American writers Category:Massachusetts Institute of Technology alumni Category:Members of the United States National Academy of Sciences Category:Members of the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences Category:Nobel laureates in Economics Category:People from Gary, Indiana Category:Princeton University faculty Category:People associated with the University of Manchester Category:Public economists Category:Stanford University faculty Category:United States Council of Economic Advisors Category:World Bank Chief Economists Category:Yale University faculty Category:Keio University faculty Category:1943 births Category:Living people Category:Foreign Members of the Royal Society Category:Faculty of Sciences Po Category:Gerald Loeb Award winners
ar:جوزيف ستيجلز bn:জোসেফ স্টিগ্লিট্স bg:Джоузеф Стиглиц ca:Joseph Eugene Stiglitz cs:Joseph Stiglitz cy:Joseph Stiglitz de:Joseph E. Stiglitz et:Joseph Stiglitz es:Joseph Stiglitz eo:Joseph E. Stiglitz fr:Joseph Eugene Stiglitz gd:Joseph Stiglitz ko:조지프 스티글리츠 io:Joseph E. Stiglitz id:Joseph E. Stiglitz it:Joseph Stiglitz he:ג'וזף שטיגליץ rw:Joseph Stiglitz la:Iosephus E. Stiglitz lt:Joseph Stiglitz mk:Џозеф Стиглиц mr:जोसेफ स्तिगलित्झ nl:Joseph Eugene Stiglitz ja:ジョセフ・E・スティグリッツ no:Joseph E. Stiglitz pnb:جازف سٹگلٹز pl:Joseph E. Stiglitz pt:Joseph Stiglitz ro:Joseph Stiglitz ru:Стиглиц, Джозеф Юджин sl:Joseph Stiglitz fi:Joseph Stiglitz sv:Joseph Stiglitz th:โจเซฟ สติกลิตส์ tr:Joseph E. Stiglitz uk:Джозеф Стігліц vi:Joseph Stiglitz yo:Joseph E. Stiglitz zh:约瑟夫·斯蒂格利茨This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
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