Name | Nahuatl |
---|---|
Nativename | Nāhuatlahtōlli, Māsēwallahtōlli, Mexicano |
Familycolor | Uto-Aztecan |
Region | Mexico (Mexico State, Distrito Federal, Puebla, Veracruz, Hidalgo, Guerrero, Morelos, (Tlaxcala) Oaxaca, Michoacán and Durango), and immigrants in United States and Canada |
Speakers | 1.45 million (2000) Nahua peoples |
Fam1 | Uto-Aztecan |
Fam2 | Aztecan |
Fam3 | General Aztec |
Agency | Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas |
Iso2 | nah |
Lc1 | nci |
Ld1 | Classical NahuatlFor modern varieties, see List of Nahuan languages. |
Ll1 | none |
Imagecaption | Nahua woman from the Florentine Codex. The speech scroll indicates that she is speaking. |
Nation | In Mexico through the General Law of Linguistic Rights of Indigenous Peoples. |
Notice | IPA }} |
Nahuatl has been spoken in Central Mexico since at least the 7th century AD. It was the language of the Aztecs, who dominated what is now central Mexico during the Late Postclassic period of Mesoamerican chronology. During the preceding century and a half, the expansion and influence of the Aztec Empire had led to the variety spoken by the residents of Tenochtitlan becoming a prestige language in Mesoamerica. With the introduction of the Latin alphabet, Nahuatl also became a literary language and many chronicles, grammars, works of poetry, administrative documents and codices were written in the 16th and 17th centuries. This early literary language based on the Tenochtitlan variety has been labeled Classical Nahuatl and is among the most studied and best documented languages of the Americas.
Today Nahuatl varieties are spoken in scattered communities mostly in rural areas. There are considerable differences among varieties, and some are mutually unintelligible. They have all been subject to varying degrees of influence from Spanish. No modern Nahuatl languages are identical to Classical Nahuatl, but those spoken in and around the Valley of Mexico are generally more closely related to it than those on the periphery. Under Mexico's ''Ley General de Derechos Lingüísticos de los Pueblos Indígenas'' ("General Law on the Linguistic Rights of Indigenous Peoples") promulgated in 2003, Nahuatl along with the other indigenous languages of Mexico are recognized as ''lenguas nacionales'' ("national languages") in the regions where they are spoken, enjoying the same status as Spanish within their region.
Nahuatl is a language with a complex morphology characterized by polysynthesis and agglutination (agglutinative language), allowing the construction of long words with complex meanings out of several stems and affixes. Nahuatl has been influenced by other Mesoamerican languages through centuries of coexistence, and with them forms the Mesoamerican Linguistic Area.
Many words from Nahuatl have been borrowed into Spanish and thence have diffused into hundreds of other languages. Most of these loanwords denote things indigenous to central Mexico which the Spanish heard mentioned for the first time by their Nahuatl names. English words of Nahuatl origin include "avocado", "chili", "chocolate", "coyote", "axolotl" and "tomato".
General Aztec encompasses the Nahuatl and Pipil languages. Pochutec is a scantily attested language which went extinct in the 20th century. The notion that Pochutec should not be considered a variety of Nahuatl was already several decades old, but Campbell and Langacker adduced new arguments for it. Other researchers maintain that Pochutec should be considered a divergent variant of the western periphery.
"Nahuatl" denotes at least Classical Nahuatl together with related modern languages spoken in Mexico. The inclusion of Pipil (Nawat) into the group is slightly controversial. Lyle Campbell, who has worked intensively with the Pipil language, classifies Pipil as separate from the Nahuatl branch within general Aztecan, whereas dialectologists like Una Canger, Karen Dakin and Yolanda Lastra prefer to include Pipil in the General Aztecan branch, citing close historical ties with the so-called eastern peripheral dialects of General Aztec.
The purported migration of speakers of the Proto-Nahuan language into the Mesoamerican region has been placed at sometime around AD 500, towards the end of the Early Classic period in Mesoamerican chronology. Before reaching the central ''altiplano'', pre-Nahuan groups probably spent a period of time in contact with the Coracholan languages Cora and Huichol of northwestern Mexico (which are also Uto-Aztecan).
The major political and cultural center of Mesoamerica in the Early Classic period was Teotihuacan. The identity of the language(s) spoken by Teotihuacan's founders has long been debated, with the relationship of Nahuatl to Teotihuacan being prominent in that enquiry. While in the 19th and early 20th centuries it was presumed that Teotihuacan had been founded by speakers of Nahuatl, later linguistic and archaeological research tended to disconfirm this view. Instead, the timing of the Nahuatl influx was seen to coincide more closely with Teotihuacan's fall than its rise, and other candidates such as Totonacan identified as more likely. But recently, evidence from Mayan epigraphy of possible Nahuatl loanwords in Mayan languages has been interpreted as demonstrating that other Mesoamerican languages may have been borrowing words from Proto-Nahuan (or its early descendants) significantly earlier than previously thought, bolstering the possibility of a significant Nahuatl presence at Teotihuacan.
In Mesoamerica the Mayan, Oto-Manguean and Mixe–Zoquean language families had coexisted for millennia. This had given rise to the Mesoamerican Linguistic Area (a linguistic area being one where a set of language traits have become common among the area's language by diffusion and not by evolution within a set of languages belonging to a common genetic subgrouping). After the Nahuas migrated into the Mesoamerican cultural zone, their language too adopted some of the traits defining the Mesoamerican Linguistic Area. Examples of such adopted traits are the use of relational nouns, the appearance of calques, or loan translations, and a form of possessive construction typical of Mesoamerican languages.
A language which was the ancestor of Pochutec split from Proto-Nahuan (or Proto-Aztecan) possibly as early as AD 400, arriving in Mesoamerica a few centuries earlier than the main bulk of speakers of Nahuan languages.
Beginning in the 7th century Nahuan speakers rose to power in central Mexico. The people of the Toltec culture of Tula, Hidalgo, which was active in central Mexico around the 10th century, are thought to have been Nahuatl speakers. By the 11th century, Nahuatl speakers were dominant in the Valley of Mexico and far beyond, with settlements including Azcapotzalco, Colhuacan and Cholula rising to prominence. Nahua migrations into the region from the north continued into the Postclassic period. One of the last of these migrations to arrive in the Valley of Mexico settled on an island in the Lake Texcoco and proceeded to subjugate the surrounding tribes. This group was the Mexica (or Mexihka), who over the course of the next three centuries founded an empire named Tenochtitlan. Their political and linguistic influence came to extend into Central America and Nahuatl became a lingua franca among merchants and elites in Mesoamerica, e.g., among the Quiché (K'iche') Maya.
As a part of their missionary efforts, members of various religious orders (principally Fransciscan friars, Dominican friars, and Jesuits) introduced the Latin alphabet to the Nahuas. Within the first twenty years after the Spanish arrival, texts were being prepared in the Nahuatl language written in Latin characters. Simultaneously, schools were founded, such as the Colegio de Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco in 1536, which taught both indigenous and classical European languages to both Indians and priests. Missionary grammarians undertook the writing of grammars of indigenous languages for use by priests. The first Nahuatl grammar, written by Andrés de Olmos, was published in 1547—three years before the first French grammar. By 1645 four more had been published, authored respectively by Alonso de Molina (1571), Antonio del Rincón (1595), Diego de Galdo Guzmán (1642), and Horacio Carochi (1645). Carochi's is today considered the most important of the colonial era grammars of Nahuatl.
In 1570 King Philip II of Spain decreed that Nahuatl should become the official language of the colonies of New Spain in order to facilitate communication between the Spanish and natives of the colonies. This led to the Spanish missionaries teaching Nahuatl to Indians living as far south as Honduras and El Salvador. During the 16th and 17th centuries, Classical Nahuatl was used as a literary language, and a large corpus of texts from that period is in existence today. Texts from this period include histories, chronicles, poetry, theatrical works, Christian canonical works, ethnographic descriptions, and administrative documents. The Spanish permitted a great deal of autonomy in the local administration of indigenous towns during this period, and in many Nahuatl speaking towns Nahuatl was the de facto administrative language both in writing and speech. A large body of Nahuatl literature was composed during this period, including the ''Florentine Codex'', a twelve-volume compendium of Aztec culture compiled by Franciscan Bernardino de Sahagún; ''Crónica Mexicayotl'', a chronicle of the royal lineage of Tenochtitlan by Fernando Alvarado Tezozómoc; ''Cantares Mexicanos'', a collection of songs in Nahuatl; a Nahuatl-Spanish/Spanish-Nahuatl dictionary compiled by Alonso de Molina; and the ''Huei tlamahuiçoltica'', a description in Nahuatl of the apparition of the Virgin of Guadalupe.
Grammars and dictionaries of indigenous languages were composed throughout the colonial period, but their quality was highest in the initial period. The friars found that learning all the indigenous languages was impossible in practice, so they concentrated on Nahuatl. For a time, the linguistic situation in Mesoamerica remained relatively stable, but in 1696 King Charles II issued a decree banning the use of any language other than Spanish throughout the Spanish Empire. In 1770 another decree, calling for the elimination of the indigenous languages, did away with Classical Nahuatl as a literary language. At present Nahuatl is mostly spoken in rural areas by an impoverished class of indigenous subsistence agriculturists. According to the Mexican national statistics institute, INEGI, 51% of Nahuatl speakers are involved in the farming sector and 6 in 10 receive no wages or less than the minimum wage.
From the early 20th century to at least the mid-1980s, educational policies in Mexico focused on the hispanization ''(castellanización)'' of indigenous communities, teaching only Spanish and discouraging the use of indigenous languages. As a result, today there is no group of Nahuatl speakers having attained general literacy in Nahuatl; while their literacy rate in Spanish also remains much lower than the national average. Even so, Nahuatl is still spoken by well over a million people, of whom around 10% are monolingual. The survival of Nahuatl dialects as a whole is not imminently endangered, but the survival of certain dialects is, and some dialects have already become extinct within the last few decades of the 20th century.
The 1990s saw the onset of diametric changes in official Mexican government policies towards indigenous and linguistic rights. Developments of accords in the international rights arena combined with domestic pressures led to legislative reforms and the creation of decentralized government agencies like CDI and INALI with responsibilities for the promotion and protection of indigenous communities and languages. In particular, the federal ''Ley General de Derechos Lingüísticos de los Pueblos Indígenas'' ["General Law on the Language Rights of the Indigenous Peoples", promulgated 13 March 2003] recognizes all the country's indigenous languages, including Nahuatl, as "national languages" and gives indigenous people the right to use them in all spheres of public and private life. In Article 11, it grants access to compulsory, bilingual and intercultural education.
In February 2008 the mayor of Mexico City, Marcelo Ebrard, launched a drive to have all government employees learn Nahuatl. Ebrard stated he would continue institutionalizing Nahuatl and that it was important for Mexico to remember its history and its tradition.
Based on figures accumulated by INEGI from the national census conducted in 2000, Nahuatl is spoken by an estimated 1.45 million people, some 198,000 (14.9%) of whom are monolingual. There is gender disparity in monolingualism, with females representing nearly two thirds of all monolinguals. The states of Guerrero and Hidalgo have the highest rates of monolingual Nahuatl speakers as a proportion of the total Nahuatl speaking population, calculated at 24.2% and 22.6%, respectively. The proportion of monolinguals for most other states is less than 5%. Put another way, more than 95% of the Nahuatl speaking population in most states speaks at least one other language, usually Spanish; nationally, the figure is about 86% of the total.
The largest concentrations of Nahuatl speakers are found in the states of Puebla, Veracruz, Hidalgo, San Luis Potosí, and Guerrero. Significant populations are also found in Mexico State, Morelos, and the Federal District, with smaller communities in Michoacán and Durango. Nahuatl became extinct during the 20th century in the states of Jalisco and Colima. As a result of internal migrations within the country, Nahuatl speaking communities exist in all of Mexico's states. The modern influx of Mexican workers and families into the United States has resulted in the establishment of a few small Nahuatl speaking communities in that country, particularly in California, New York, Texas, New Mexico and Arizona.
The speakers of Nahuatl themselves often refer to their language as either ''Mexicano'' or some word derived from ''mācēhualli'', the Nahuatl word for "commoner". One example of the latter is the case for Nahuatl spoken in Tetelcingo, Morelos, whose speakers call their language ''mösiehuali''. The Pipil of El Salvador do not call their own language "Pipil", as most linguists do, but rather ''nawat''. The Nahuas of Durango call their language ''Mexicanero''. Speakers of Nahuatl of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec call their language ''mela'tajtol'' ("the straight language"). Some speech communities use "Nahuatl" as the name for their language although this seems to be a recent innovation. Linguists commonly identify localized dialects of Nahuatl by adding as a qualifier the name of the village or area where that variety is spoken.
:*Estimated split date by glottochronology ''(BP = years Before Present).'' :**Some scholars continue to classify Aztecan and Sonoran together under a separate group (called variously "Sonoran", "Mexican", or "Southern Uto-Aztecan").
+The consonants of classical Nahuatl | colspan="1" | Labial consonant>Labial | Alveolar consonant>Alveolar | Postalveolar consonant>Post-alveolar | Palatal consonant>Palatal | Velar consonant>Velar | Labiovelar consonant>Labio-velar | Glottal consonant>Glottal | |
Plosive consonant>Plosive | | | ()* | |||||||
Affricate consonant | Affricate | | | |||||||
Fricative consonant | Fricative | | | |||||||
rowspan="1">Nasal consonant | Nasal | | | |||||||
Approximant consonant | Approximant | | |
+The vowels of classical Nahuatl | rowspan="2" | ! colspan="2" | ! colspan="2" | ! colspan="2" | ||
!long | short | long| | short | long | short | |
Close vowel>Close | | | |||||
Mid vowel | Mid | |||||
Open vowel | Open | | |
:
Most Nahuatl dialects have stress on the penultimate syllable of a word. In Mexicanero Nahuat from Durango, many unstressed syllables have disappeared from words, and the placement of syllable stress has become phonemic in this dialect (compare "''pre''sent" and "pre''sent''" in English).
The Nahuatl languages are agglutinative, polysynthetic languages that make extensive use of compounding, incorporation and derivation. That is, they can add many different prefixes and suffixes to a root until very long words are formed – and a single word can constitute an entire sentence.
The following verb shows how the verb is marked for subject, patient, object, and indirect object: :: ::I-you-someone-something-give-CAUSATIVE-FUTURE ::"I shall make somebody give something to you" (Classical Nahuatl)
In most varieties of Nahuatl, most nouns in the unpossessed singular form take a suffix traditionally called an "absolutive". The most common forms of the absolutive are ''-tl'' after vowels, ''-tli'' after consonants other than ''l'', and ''-li'' after ''l''.
Noun compounds are commonly formed by combining two or more nominal stems, or combining a nominal stem with other an adjectival stem or a verbal stem.
Singular noun: :'''' :coyote-ABSOLUTIVE :"coyote" (Classical Nahuatl) Plural animate noun: :'''' :coyote-PLURAL :"coyotes" (Classical Nahuatl)
Nahuatl distinguishes between possessed and unpossessed forms of nouns. The absolutive suffix is not used on possessed nouns. In all dialects, possessed nouns take a prefix agreeing with number and person of its possessor. Absolutive noun:
:'''' :house-ABSOLUTIVE :"house" (Classical Nahuatl) Possessed noun:
:'''' :my-house :"my house" (Classical Nahuatl)
Nahuatl does not have grammatical case but uses what is sometimes called a relational noun to describe spatial (and other) relations. These morphemes cannot appear alone but must always occur after a noun or a possessive prefix. They are also often called postpositions or locative suffixes. In some ways these locative constructions resemble, and can be thought of as, locative case constructions. Most modern dialects have incorporated prepositions from Spanish that are competing with or that have completely replaced relational nouns.
Uses of relational noun/postposition/locative ''-pan'' with a possessive prefix:
:'''' :my-in/on :"in/on me" (Classical Nahuatl)
:'''' :its-in/on :"in/on it" (Classical Nahuatl)
:'''' :its-in house-ABSOLUTIVE :"in the house" (Classical Nahuatl)
Use with a preceding noun stem:
:'''' :house-in :"in the house" (Classical Nahuatl)
First person plural pronoun in Classical Nahuatl:
:'''' "we" First person plural pronouns in Isthmus-Mecayapan Nahuat:
:''nejamēn'' () "We but not you" :''tejamēn'' () "We including you (and others)"
Much more common is an honorific/non-honorific distinction, usually applied to second and third persons but not first.
Non-honorific forms: :'''' "you sg." :'''' "you pl." :'''' "he/she/it" Honorific forms
:'''' "you sg. honorific" :'''' "you pl. honorific" :'''' "he/she honorific"
Most Nahuatl dialects distinguish three tenses: present, past, and future, and two aspects: perfective and imperfective. Some varieties add progressive or habitual aspects. All dialects distinguish at least the indicative and imperative moods, while some also have optative and vetative moods.
Most Nahuatl varieties have a number of ways to alter the valency of a verb. Classical Nahuatl had a passive voice, but this is not found in most modern varieties. However the applicative and causative voices are found in many modern dialects. Many Nahuatl varieties also allow forming verbal compounds with two or more verbal roots.
The following verbal form has two verbal roots and is inflected for causative voice and both a direct and indirect object: :'''' :I-them-something-eat-CAUSATIVE-FUTURE-want :"I want to feed them" (Classical Nahuatl)
Some Nahuatl varieties, notably Classical Nahuatl, can inflect the verb to show the direction of the verbal action going away from or towards the speaker. Some also have specific inflectional categories showing purpose and direction and such complex notions as "to go in order to" or "to come in order to", "go, do and return", "do while going", "do while coming", "do upon arrival", or "go around doing".
Classical Nahuatl and many modern dialects have grammaticalised ways to express politeness towards addressees or even towards people or things that are being mentioned, by using special verb forms and special "honorific suffixes".
Familiar verbal form: :'''' :you-yourself-run-PRESENT :"you run"(Classical Nahuatl) Honorific verbal form: :'''' :you-yourself-run-HONORIFIC-PRESENT :"You run"(said with respect) (Classical Nahuatl)
Michel Launey argues that Nahuatl has a verb-initial basic word order with extensive freedom for variation, which is then used to encode pragmatic functions such as focus and topicality.
:''newal no-nobia'' :I my-fianceé :"My fiancée "(and not anyone else’s) (Michoacán Nahual)
It has been argued that classical Nahuatl syntax is best characterised by "omnipredicativity", meaning that any noun or verb in the language is in fact a full predicative sentence. A radical interpretation of Nahuatl syntactic typology, this nonetheless seems to account for some of the language's peculiarities, for example, why nouns must also carry the same agreement prefixes as verbs, and why predicates do not require any noun phrases to function as their arguments. For example the verbal form ''tzahtzi'' means "he/she/it shouts", and with the second person prefix ''titzahtzi'' it means "you shout". Nouns are inflected in the same way: the noun "''konētl''" means not just "child", but also "it is a child", and ''tikonētl'' means "you are a child". This prompts the omnipredicative interpretation, which posits that all nouns are also predicates. A phrase such as ''tzahtzi in konētl'' should not be interpreted as meaning just "the child screams" but, more correctly, "it screams, (the one that) is a child".
For example, a construction like the following, with several borrowed words and particles, is common in many modern varieties (Spanish loanwords in boldface):
:''pero āmo tēchentenderoah lo que tlen tictoah en mexicano'' :but not they-us-understand-PLURAL that which what we-it-say in Nahuatl :"But they don't understand what we say in Nahuatl" (Malinche Nahuatl)
In some modern dialects basic word order has become a fixed subject–verb–object, probably under influence from Spanish. Other changes in the syntax of modern Nahuatl include the use of Spanish prepositions instead of native postpositions or relational nouns and the reinterpretation of original postpositions/relational nouns into prepositions. In the following example, from Michoacán Nahual, the postposition -''ka'' meaning "with" appears used as a preposition, with no preceding object:
:''ti-ya ti-k-wika ka tel'' :you-go you-it-carry with you :"are you going to carry it with you?" (Michoacán Nahual)
Many dialects have also undergone a degree of simplification of their morphology which has caused some scholars to consider them to have ceased to be polysynthetic.
Many Nahuatl words have been borrowed into the Spanish language, most of which are terms designating things indigenous to the American continent. Some of these loans are restricted to Mexican or Central American Spanish, but others have entered all the varieties of Spanish in the world. A number of them, such as "chocolate", "tomato" and "avocado" have made their way into many other languages via Spanish.
Likewise a number of English words have been borrowed from Nahuatl through Spanish. Two of the most prominent are undoubtedly chocolate and tomato (from Nahuatl ''tomatl''). Other common words such as coyote (from Nahuatl ''coyotl''), avocado (from Nahuatl ''ahuacatl'') and chile or chili (from Nahuatl ''chilli''). The word chicle is also derived from Nahuatl ''tzictli'' "sticky stuff, chicle". Some other English words from Nahuatl are: Aztec, (from ''aztecatl''); cacao (from Nahuatl ''cacahuatl'' 'shell, rind'); ocelot (from ''ocelotl''). In Mexico many words for common everyday concepts attest to the close contact between Spanish and Nahuatl, so many in fact that entire dictionaries of "''mexicanismos''" (words particular to Mexican Spanish) have been published tracing Nahuatl etymologies, as well as Spanish words with origins in other indigenous languages. Many well known toponyms also come from Nahuatl, including ''Mexico'' (from the Nahuatl word for the Aztec capital ''mexihco'') and ''Guatemala'' (from the word ''cuauhtēmallan'').
Pre-Columbian Aztec writing was not a proper writing system, since it could not represent the full vocabulary of a spoken language in the way that the writing systems of the Old World or the Maya Script could. Therefore, Aztec writing was not meant to be read, but to be told. The elaborate codices were essentially pictographic aids for memorizing texts, which include genealogies, astronomical information, and tribute lists. Three kinds of signs were used in the system: pictures used as mnemonics (which do not represent particular words), logograms which represent whole words (instead of phonemes or syllables), and logograms used only for their sound values (i.e. used according to the rebus principle).
The Spanish introduced the Roman script, which was used to record a large body of Aztec prose, poetry and mundane documentation such as testaments, administrative documents, legal letters, etc. In a matter of decades pictorial writing was completely replaced with the Latin alphabet. No standardized Latin orthography has been developed for Nahuatl, and no general consensus has arisen for the representation of many sounds in Nahuatl that are lacking in Spanish, such as long vowels and the glottal stop. The orthography most accurately representing the phonemes of Nahuatl was developed in the 17th century by the Jesuit Horacio Carochi. Carochi's orthography used two different accents: a macron to represent long vowels and a grave for the ''saltillo'', and sometimes an acute accent for short vowels. This orthography did not achieve a wide following outside of the Jesuit community.
When Nahuatl became the subject of focused linguistic studies in the 20th century, linguists acknowledged the need to represent all the phonemes of the language. Several practical orthographies were developed to transcribe the language, many using the Americanist transcription system. With the establishment of Mexico's Instituto Nacional de Lenguas Indígenas in 2004, new attempts to create standardized orthographies for the different dialects were resumed; however to this day there is no single official orthography for Nahuatl. Nahuatl literature encompasses a diverse array of genres and styles, the documents themselves composed under many different circumstances. It appears that the preconquest Nahua had a distinction much like the European distinction between "prose" and "poetry", the first called ''tlahtolli'' "speech" and the second ''cuicatl'' "song".
Nahuatl ''tlahtolli'' prose has been preserved in different forms. Annals and chronicles recount history, normally written from the perspective of a particular ''altepetl'' (locally based polity) and often combining mythical accounts with real events. Important works in this genre include those from Chalco written by Chimalpahin, from Tlaxcala by Diego Muñoz Camargo, from Mexico-Tenochtitlan by Fernando Alvarado Tezozomoc and those of Texcoco by Fernando Alva Ixtlilxochitl. Many annals recount history year-by-year and are normally written by anonymous authors. These works are sometimes evidently based on pre-Columbian pictorial year counts that existed, such as the Cuauhtitlan annals and the Anales de Tlatelolco. Purely mythological narratives are also found, like the "Legend of the Five Suns", the Aztec creation myth recounted in Codex Chimalpopoca.
One of the most important works of prose written in Nahuatl is the twelve-volume compilation generally known as the ''Florentine Codex'', produced in the mid-16th century by the Franciscan missionary Bernardino de Sahagún with the help of a number of Nahua informants. With this work Sahagún bestowed an enormous ethnographic description of the Nahua, written in side-by-side translations of Nahuatl and Spanish and illustrated throughout by color plates drawn by indigenous painters. Its volumes cover a diverse range of topics: Aztec history, material culture, social organization, religious and ceremonial life, rhetorical style and metaphors. The twelfth volume provides an indigenous perspective on the conquest itself. Sahagún also made a point of trying to document the richness of the Nahuatl language, stating:
Nahuatl poetry is preserved in principally two sources: the ''Cantares Mexicanos'' and the ''Romances de los señores de Nueva España'', both collections of Aztec songs written down in the 16th and 17th centuries. Some songs may have been preserved through oral tradition from pre-conquest times until the time of their writing, for example the songs attributed to the poet-king of Texcoco, Nezahualcoyotl. Lockhart and Karttunen identify more than four distinct styles of songs, e.g. the ''icnocuicatl'' ("sad song"), the ''xopancuicatl'' ("song of spring"), ''melahuaccuicatl'' ("plain song") and ''yaocuicatl'' ("song of war"), each with distinct stylistic traits. Aztec poetry makes rich use of metaphoric imagery and themes and are lamentation of the brevity of human existence, the celebration of valiant warriors who die in battle, and the appreciation of the beauty of life.
Another kind of parallelism used is referred to by modern linguists as ''difrasismo'', in which two phrases are symbolically combined to give a metaphorical reading. Classical Nahuatl was rich in such diphrasal metaphors, many of which are explicated by Sahagún in the Florentine Codex and by Andrés de Olmos' in his ''Arte''. Such difrasismos include:
:''in xochitl, in cuicatl'' :"The flower, the song" – meaning "poetry"
:''in cuitlapilli, in atlapalli'' :"the tail, the wing" – meaning "the common people"
:''in toptli, in petlacalli'' :"the chest, the box" meaning "something secret"
:''in yollohtli, in eztli'' :"the heart, the blood" – meaning "cacao"
:''in iztlactli, in tenqualactli'' :"the drool, the spittle" – meaning "lies"
Message to be passed around |
|
To the towns that are located in the area | that fought under General Arenas. |
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Now, that the dwellers of this earth, | of those towns, finish shaking out | that black, evil life of the Carrancismo | my heart is very happy | and with the dignity | in the name of those who fight in the ranks, | and to You all I send | a happy greeting. | and with all of my heart | I invite those towns, | those who are there, to join the fight | for a righteous mandate | to not vainly issue statements, | to not allow to be done away with | your good way of life. | We salute those fighters | who turn towards this joyous labour | and confront the greed | in this great war, | which can never end, nor will ever end | until the end of the black tyrant | of that glutton, who mocks | and always cheat people | and whose name is Venustiano Carranza, | who takes the glory out of war | and who shames our motherland, Mexico | completely dishonouring it. |
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;Grammars of Classical Nahuatl
;Modern Dialects
;Miscellaneous
* Category:Agglutinative languages Category:Polysynthetic languages Category:Indigenous languages of Mexico Category:Uto-Aztecan languages Category:Mesoamerican languages Category:VSO languages
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Since 1600 in North America alone, 52 Native American languages have disappeared. Globally, there may be more than 7000 languages that exist in the world today, though many of them have not been recorded because they belong to tribes in rural areas of the world or are not easily accessible. It is estimated that 6,809 "living" languages exist in the world today, but 90 per cent of them are spoken by fewer than 100,000 people. Some languages are even closer to disappearing.
"Forty six languages are known to have just one native speaker while 357 languages have fewer than 50 speakers. Rare languages are more likely to show evidence of decline than more common ones."
Of those languages, this means that roughly 6,100 languages are facing a risk of extinction.
The State of Oklahoma provides the backdrop for an example of language loss in the developed world. It boasts the highest density of indigenous languages in the United States. This includes languages originally spoken in the region, as well as those of Indian tribes from other areas that were forcibly relocated onto reservations there.
The U.S. government drove the Yuchi from Tennessee to Oklahoma in the early 19th century. Until the early 20th century, most Yuchi tribe members spoke the language fluently. Then, government boarding schools severely punished American Indian students who were overheard speaking their own language. To avoid beatings and other punishments, Yuchi, and other Indian children abandoned their native languages in favor of English.
. “In 2005, only five elderly members of the Yuchi tribe were fluent in the language. These remaining speakers spoke Yuchi fluently before they went to school and have maintained the language despite strong pressure to abandon it.”
This was not a problem limited to Oklahoma either. In the Northwest Pacific Plateau, there are no speakers left of the indigenous tribal languages from that area, all the way to British Columbia.
“Oregon's Siletz reservation, established in 1855, was home to the endangered language Siletz Dee-ni. The reservation held members of 27 different Indian bands speaking many languages. In order to communicate, people adopted Chinook Jargon, a pidgin or hybrid language. Between the use of Chinook Jargon and the increased presence of English, the number of speakers of indigenous languages dwindled.”
Other tribes of Native Americans were also forced into Government schools and reservations. They were also treated badly if they did not become “civilized”. This meant they were to go to Christian churches and speak English. They were forced to give up their tribal religious beliefs and languages. Now, these Native Americans are trying to regain some of their lost heritage. They gather at “Pow-wow” to share culture, stories, remedies, dances, music, rhythms, recipes and heritage with anyone who wants to learn them.
"In January of 2008, in Anchorage, Alaska, friends and relatives gathered to bid their last farewell to 89 year old Marie Smith Jones, a beloved matriarch of her community. “As they bid her farewell to her, they also bid farewell to the Eyak language as Marie was the last fluent speaker of the language. "
Category:Indigenous peoples Category:Languages Category:Linguistic rights Category:Linguistic minorities
pt:Língua indígena ru:Автохтонные языкиThis text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.
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