“I don’t pretend to understand Dr. Žižek’s ‘Lacanian,’ ‘post-Maoist’ philosophy or critiques of popular culture or whatever it is that he does.”
That says it all — right in the opening sentence. It is a confession.
Friendly suggestion: Perhaps if you don’t understand someone’s work, you should remain silent. And listen to those who have done the hard work of understanding and actually critiquing that work.
In fact, this opening statement is a declaration that you don’t have to understand something to evaluate it. And that alone is revealing. It is a form of identity politics — it says we can categorize and dismiss an idea by considering the source. If we can peg the person speaking, then we can dismiss the idea. We don’t have to evaluate it, we don’t have to “divide it into two,” we con’t even need to understand it (or even “pretend to understand it”!)
In short, the essay starts with a militant statement of know-nothingism. that is its main theme, it is its main method. And it is truly militant: it is right there, proudly, in the opening sentence.
It is a remarkable negative example — of how not to approach the world around us. For that reason it may prove valuable.
What about Slavoj Žižek?
“The dialectics of history were such that the theoretical victory of Marxism compelled its enemies to disguise themselves as Marxists.”
– V. I. Lenin, The Historical Destiny of the Doctrine of Karl Marx
“Pre-Marxian socialism has been defeated. It is continuing the struggle, no longer on its own independent ground, but on the general ground of Marxism, as revisionism.”
– V. I. Lenin, Marxism and Revisionism
Someone asked me today what I think of Slavoj Žižek, the well known celebrity of “leftist” philosophy. I’ve always had a hard time reading his rambling, jargon-filled books. I have to admit, having tried to read a couple of his books back when I was a philosophy student, I found them mostly incomprehensible. Most recently I read his book First As Tragedy, Then As Farce. I was disappointed that he basically follows the “islamo-fascism” line on Arab resistance movements like Hezbollah, the capitalist restoration line on People’s China, and basically gets his facts wrong on any number of other points. He believes the socialist project in the twentieth century was mainly a giant failure. I see no real value in his writings.
Slavoj Žižek likes to pose as some kind of “Stalinist.”
That said, I’d like to share an article here on Žižek, from the blog Never Forget Class Struggle for consideration:
I’m currently reading The Philosophy of Marx, by Etienne Balibar, and it got me thinking on this question of false consciousness and working class self activity, which is used a lot amongst Marxists, and which I think is very problematic and mechanical. I hope folks can take a look at it, give me their thoughts, and critique it. We’re all in the process of learning.
In the chapter titled “Ideology or Fetishism,” Balibar attempts to break down Marx’s thought on the concept of ideology, both as it emerged from previous philosophy and how Marx attempted to move beyond it.
It explains Marx’s view on the dominant ideology, how the ‘ruling material force of society is at the same time its ruling intellectual force’, and how Marx has to confront the problematic of this division between the ‘ideal expression’ of dominant social relations and the fact that the material and intellectual means of production are in the hands of those same rulers.
In other words, Balibar explains that Marx wants to move beyond the schematic division of ideology into either the theoretical (the opposite of science,as illusions and manipulation) and the practical (the concept that all thought expresses the identity of a group or movement and legitimates its established power).
We have not had enough discussion about the political forces and the ongoing war in Colombia. Nicholas submitted the following piece to Kasama — and we post it to stimulate that discussion. Presenting it here is not an endorsement of its views, but an acknowlegement of its substance and the importance of this whole experience.
By Nicholas DeFilippis
In the jungles of Colombia, hidden from the eyes of the first world, the class struggle rages on a scale unknown to many 21st Century political activists. It is a struggle of the disenfranchised and downtrodden against the ruling elites of their native land and the United States. I’m talking, of course, about the old, hardened, and ongoing guerrilla struggle of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army, or FARC-EP (sometimes they’re simply called FARC).
Formed on May 27, 1964, the FARC-EP succeeded the rural self-defense groups originally formed by the Colombian Communist Party (PCC) to protect peasant communities from attacks by liberal and conservative government forces. Since then, the USA has backed military operations against the communist forces and continues to do so today (Brittain, 8). The mainstream media attacks on the FARC-EP are well known. We have all heard the stories about how they are a “narco-terrorist” organization void of any political and ideological content. In recent years we have even heard that the guerrillas are on the verge of defeat. We must wonder, as any informed citizen should, if these claims are true. Starting with the accusations of being big, bad drug dealers, moving on to accusations of terrorism, popular support, supposed military weakening, and finally politics and culture I will examine whether or not what we have been told about the FARC-EP is true.
Thanks to Gary for suggesting this. (This is the version last revised on July 27. Posted from Empire Burlesque.
“The treachery of Iran is a constant theme in the leakage — both in the raw, unsifted, uncorroborated ‘humint’ and in the diplomatic cables of puzzled occupiers who cannot fathom why there should be any opposition to their enlightened rule. It must the fault of those perfidious Persians!
“One can only imagine the lipsmacking and handclapping now rampant among the Bomb Iran crowd as they pore over these unsubstantiated rumors and Potomac ass-coverings which are being doled out — by the “liberal” media, no less! — as the new, grim truth about Afghanistan.”
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Leaky Vessels:
Wikileaks “Revelations” Will Comfort Warmongers, Confirm Conventional Wisdom
by Chris Floyd
“I am shocked — shocked! — to find gambling is going on in here” – Captain Renault at the gaming tables in Casablanca.
The much ballyhooed dump of intelligence and diplomatic files concerning the Afghan War has been trumpeted as some kind of shocking expose, “painting a different picture” than the official version of events — revelations that are sure to rock the Anglo-American political establishments to their foundations.
1. Constantly insist that Marxism is discredited, outdated, and totally dead and buried. Then proceed to build a lucrative career on beating that supposedly ‘dead’ horse for the rest of your working life.
2. Remember, any unnatural death that occurs under a ‘Communist’ regime is not only attributable to the leaders of the state, but also Marxism as an ideology. Ignore deaths that occur for the same reason in non-Communist states.
3. Communism or Marxism is whatever you want it to be. Feel free to label countries, movements, and regimes as ‘Communist’ regardless of things like actual goals, stated ideology, diplomatic relations, economic policy, or property relations.
4. If there was a conflict involving Communists, the conflict and all ensuing deaths can be laid at the feet of Communism. Be careful when applying this to WWII. Fascist movements who fought against the Soviets or Communist partisans are fine, but try not to openly praise Nazi Germany. Save that for private conversations if you must do so.
5. You decide what Marxism “really means”, and who the rightful representatives of Communism were. Feign interest that Trotsky was somehow robbed of power by Stalin, despite the fact that you hate him as well.
6. Constantly talk about George Orwell. Quote from Animal Farm or 1984. Do not worry about the fact that Orwell never set foot in the Soviet Union and both of those books are novels.
Remembering the founding of the militant and inspiring American Indian Movement July 28, 1968, and expressing our anger that brother Leonard Peltier is still in prison.
If you don’t know about this, go learn. If you do know about this, go share it.
The Maoist revolution has made a major forward leap — after the initiation of people’s war in Nepal in 1996 and the merger of two major revolutionary streams to form the Communist Party of India (Maoist), in 2004.
The Nepalese people’s revolution has now reached to the threshold of seizing central political power.
In the present era, the proletarian revolution does not remain a phenomenon merely of a single country.
South Asia is becoming a front of collision between two fronts: one formed of the proletariat and their class allies national and international and other alliance formed of the imperialists and their lackeys from the individual countries. A new world in South Asia is now gestating in the womb of this contradiction.
The victory of revolution in South Asia will have a far-reaching implication and become a harbinger to spread the flames of revolution all across the world.
On the other, its defeat will result in a complete demoralisation of the people not only of this region but those all across the globe. In this situation, a strong solidarity to the revolution in South Asia is the need of the day.
The following talk was given on July 2, in Istanbul, during the European Social Forum’s seminar on South Asia’s revolutions.
By Basanta (Indra Mohan Sigdel) Politburo of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)
Dear comrades and delegates, revolutionary greetings!
I would like to take this opportunity to extend our revolutionary salutation on behalf of our party, the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), to the organiser, the European Social Forum, who invited our party to attend this august programme in Istanbul, Turkey.
In addition, I would like to extend our revolutionary greetings to the entire delegates participating in this seminar. I feel honoured to be here with all the delegates from around the world.
But, more than that I would like to utilise this opportunity to share experiences that the working class all across the world has gathered through their valiant struggles against imperialism and its anti-people and neo-colonial policies like privatisation, liberalisation and globalisation, and as well the ruling classes subservient to it.
Remember Sesame Street? Remember the song, “One of these things is not like the other” ? On that theme, I’d call this post, “One of these things is just like the other!”
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Since the Wikileaks story about the US gov’t's failed criminal war on Afghanistan broke this past weekend, I’ve been following the trail of the “truth hemorrhage “… Julian Assange, founder of Wikileaks said, in this der Speigel interview, “…There is a legitimate role for secrecy, and there is a legitimate role for openness. Unfortunately, those who commit abuses against humanity or against the law find abusing legitimate secrecy to conceal their abuse all too easy. People of good conscience have always revealed abuses by ignoring abusive strictures.
It is not WikiLeaks that decides to reveal something…” Sounds familiar to the eye trained on the unrelenting war on the planet, as exemplified by BP’s crimes and their work (and failure) to destroy the evidence, such as the results of the horrific use of dispersants, and the fact that The Q-4000 rig is burning off 6,000 barrels of oil a day, burning which creates sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxides in the air and when they merge with moisture, creating acid rain.
Today is the 57th annoversary of the failed attack on the Moncada Barracks that marked the beginning of the Cuban Revolution and from which the July 26 Movement took its name.
The Olympia Food Co-op Board of Directors has decided to boycott Israeli goods at their two locations in Olympia, Washington. At a July 15th meeting packed with Co-op members, the Board reached this consensus. The Co-op becomes the first US grocery store to publicly join the international grassroots movement for boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) on Israel for its human rights abuses.
Co-op board member Rob Richards explained, “My hope is that by being the first in the US to adopt the boycott we act as a catalyst for other co-ops to join in. Each additional organizational entity that joins may have a very small effect on the big picture, but drop by drop fills the tub.”
Noah Sochet, a Co-op member and OlympiaBDS organizer adds, “As a US citizen and as a Jew, I’m proud to say that my Co-op no longer underwrites the suffering in Palestine.”
In accordance with its mission statement, the Olympia Food Co-op has a longstanding boycott policy, which includes a boycott of China (for its occupation of Tibet) and a previous boycott of Colorado (for legalizing discrimination against gays, lesbians, and bisexuals in 1992). The Co-op also has policies for rejecting items whose packaging feature exploitive or oppressive imagery.
One Israeli product is exempt from the boycott: “Peace Oil,” a brand of olive oil fairly traded from Palestinian farmers in the West Bank and the Galilee, will continue to be carried by the Co-op. Read the rest of this entry »
“This task is not an easy one: to fight for science, Marxist science, in the face of a tradition which embodies the very opposite. Yet its necessity can never be doubted.
“As Marx himself, wrote:
“’There is no royal road to science, and only those who do not dread the fatiguing climb of its steep paths have a chance of gaining its luminous summits.’”
A Critical History of the New Communist Movement, 1969-1979
By Paul Costello
The history of the new communist movement presents an extremely complicated and confusing picture of countless small groups developing, interacting, growing and splitting. In origins, the NCM appears to have burst on the scene at the end of the 1960s, virtually out of nowhere.
In reality it was a product of the 1960s and the mass struggles of those years. To understand the new communist movement an understanding of the 1960s is therefore imperative. At the same time we must recognize that the decade of the 1960s was itself unique inasmuch as it was the beginning of the end of a particular period in American history which started with World War II.
The end of the second world war and the anti-labor offensive typified by the Taft-Hartley Act, the Smith Act persecution of the Communist Party and McCarthyism helped to inaugurate a new “long wave” of capitalist expansion in the United States. Although it carried America through the 1950s this economic “miracle” began to falter in the following decade. The effects of a transition from a long wave of expansion to one of economic contraction and stagnation were only beginning to be felt in the 1960s, while their full impact would only become apparent in the following years.
The following article appeared on the Marxist-Leninist site — in response to the piece “Marxism is Not a Layer Cake.” The FRSO discussed below is the group associated with the newspaper “Fight Back.”
by Professor Toad
First, I would like to clarify one point to avoid confusion. When the article Marxism is Not a Layer Cake was first posted, it was stated that it was a comment on the official Freedom Road Socialist Organization reading list. It has since been clarified that the reading list under discussion is not an official Freedom Road Socialist Organization list, but merely a study guide produced by a person who is a member of FRSO. Similarly, I am not writing this article on behalf of Freedom Road Socialist Organization. The editor of the Marxist-Leninist blog has, of course, had an opportunity to discuss it with me, and I have listened to his input, because he is a respected comrade. I have had some input from certain other comrades as well, in the US and abroad. But this article is solely my own responsibility.
The following essay was submitted to the US Social Forum, and appears on Organizing Upgrade. Kasama makes essays from many different points of view available, and posting here does not represent an endorsement of the analysis or proposals. The style of this piece — its analogies and images — are interesting in themselves. Thanks to Jose for suggesting this.
by Ricardo Levins Morales
Don’t fight the riptide. It’ll wear you down.
A riptide occurs when water at high tide gets pooled behind reefs or sand bars so when the sea goes out again, the trapped water has to find a channel through which to escape the pool. It empties through that opening with such force that it can sweep a swimmer out to sea. Our instinct is to start swimming toward shore as hard as we can. The better strategy is to swim parallel to the coast until you are out of the riptide, then ride the regular waves to shore. Left activists know the feeling of being caught in a riptide without knowing the way out. When the political tide runs against us it takes all our effort just to stay in place. Our standards slide until a “victory” just means that we didn’t get screwed as badly as we could have been. Our gains are swept away the moment we turn away.
When conservative activists faced this problem, back in the mid-1960s, they tried something different. Instead of swimming faster they looked into what it would take to turn the tide around. They pulled it off. With the tide behind you, you can achieve all kinds of success even with less that brilliant leadership. It’s a lot easier to slash local school budgets when half the population already believes that government is incompetent, teachers are lazy, taxes are evil and the private sector can do it better. That’s the tide.
by Mike Ely
