Self inflicted misery

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As unemployment reaches a fifteen year high, a direct result of the government’s sacking of 100,000 public sector workers, and the economy flatlines, the American New York Times gives this assessment:

Austerity was a deliberate ideological choice by Prime Minister David Cameron’s ruling coalition of Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, elected 17 months ago. It has failed and can be expected to keep failing. But neither party is yet prepared to acknowledge that reality and change course.

Rather than using the state’s spending power to get people into work and off welfare, the coalition is deliberately putting people out of a job. What Cameron, Clegg and Osborne call a “deficit reduction strategy” will actually make the deficit worse and harder to pay off.

The disastrous results of this strategy so far are clear to see and, says the Times’ editorial, will lead not to “a balanced budget but a lost decade of no growth.” With a million young people out of work for the first time since the Tories were last in power and higher education now the expensive preserve of a privileged few, we are looking not just at a “lost decade” but a lost generation. A generation sacrificed for a “political ideology masquerading as an economic policy” – the myth of austerity.

“Unlike Greece”, says the Times, “which has been forced into induced recession by misguided European Union creditors, Britain has inflicted this harmful quack cure on itself”. Ouch.

It’s worth reading the whole damning indictment from a pro-free market, economically liberal, mainstream American newspaper. The economic illiteracy of this government is almost as terrifying as its dogmatic right wing zeal.


On your bike, Cameron

David Cameron today told the unemployed to ‘get on their bikes’ and travel up to 90 minutes to find work if they want to continue putting food on the table and shoes on their kids’ feet.

According to the Evening Standard

Ministers want to end a culture where claimants have been allowed to ignore vacancies that are a train or bike ride from home

Ministers didn’t explain how people taking a 90 minute train or bike ride will help them when there are six people chasing every vacancy in Britain – nine in London.

In Haringey, the borough covering Tottenham where a the recent riots began, there are 40 job seekers for every available job. This didn’t stop the prime minister telling BBC London last night, “Even in places like Tottenham that had very bad riots there are jobs and opportunities available“.

This is just a lie. A lie that is being told to shift people’s anger away from those at the top who fund David Cameron and who have brought the world’s economy to its knees, and down to those at the bottom – the very people who are already suffering most.

Unemployment is now over 2.5 million. There are almost a million young people out of work. There has just been the highest number of public sector job losses since records began. There are over 9 million 16-64 year olds classed as “economically inactive”. And there are just 450,000 vacancies.

If only this government spent as much time creating jobs as it does blaming and stigmatising those without one.

 

 


Which side are you on?

Ed Miliband, leader of the party formed to represent working people in parliament, is desperate to avoid giving his support to what looks like being the biggest industrial action since the 1926 General Strike. There’s been no such prevarication from his opponents.

Before he became prime minister, David Cameron told an audience of Bob Diamonds and Goldman Sachs-a-likes, “My father was a stockbroker, my grandfather was a stockbroker, my great-grandfather was a stockbroker”. Cameron broke the mold – living off the millions his relatives accumulated selling war bonds or running banks – rather than making them. But he’s definitely not forgotten who butters his bread.

New research by the Bureau of Investigative Journalism reveals that half of all donations to the Tory Party over the past year came from the stock brokers of today – the square mile known as the City of London. 27 per cent – or £3.3 million – was invested donated by financiers, hedge funds and private equity firms.

Bureau of Investigative Journalism

So what has the City got in return for its largesse? With talk of regulating the banks, taxing their profits and the retention (for now) of the 50p income tax rate for earnings over £150,000, on the face of it maybe not all that much.

But, behind the headlines and empty rhetoric, Cameron has been busy ensuring returns for the investment in his party. Policies to keep the state out of the City’s business and ensure maximum profits include:

  • a new 5.75 per cent tax rate on the treasury functions of large corporations in offshore tax havens
  • a reduction in stamp duty tax for bulk purchases of residential property
  • an exemption for UK resident companies from corporation tax on the profits generated by their foreign branches
  • a pledge to reduce corporation tax to 23 per cent by April 2014 for companies whose annual profits are more than £1.5m

Not a bad pay out for one year’s investment.

It’s worth noting that more than 90 per cent of the Labour Party’s funding comes from trade union members (as a proportion, up by a third since donations from wealthy businessmen dried up when Ed Miliband took over).

The Tories, or the political wing of the City of London, seem to know exactly what their purpose is and go about their mission like experts. Isn’t it about time Ed Miliband and the leaders of the Labour Party remembered theirs?


The cry of the unheard

Young men with a flagrant disregard for the law; vandals who knew that any punishment they might face would not deter them or fit the crimes they were committing. With their parents nowhere to be seen, they smashed property and terrorised local businesses. But it didn’t matter. Whatever they did, their path in life had already been drawn. Whether they were caught or not would have no bearing on whatever career they might choose as the cards they held had already been dealt. Despite their brushes with the law, three of these gilded young men would go on to be some of the most powerful politicians in the country.

David Cameron and Boris Johnson - who have spent the last few days denouncing some of the poorest, most marginalised, under-educated people in the country - along with chancellor George Osborne, whiled away their university days as members of a notorious gang who got their kicks trashing local restaurants, terrorising fellow students, and smashing car windscreens. Johnson, the London mayor who has blamed this week’s riots on “an excessive sense of entitlement”, says he spent a night in the cells after smashing a restaurant window. “Some of us were whimpering for our mothers”, he pleads.

Was it “bad parenting”, “bad morals” or a ”lack of discipline” in their Eton classrooms that caused these uber privileged young men to turn to criminality (these were the three causes of the riots offered by David Cameron this week)?

Ironically, and given that members of the Cameron, Osborne, Johnson Bullingdon club used to throw money at the restauranteurs they had terrorised, it was more likely their “sense of entitlement” - the very accusation Boris Johnson throws at the rioters of Tottenham, Peckham, Hackney and Brixton.

So what of the rioters who looted, burnt and terrorised their own communities across England this week? According to the home secretary Theresa May, “the only cause of crime is a criminal”. For the prime  minister: bad parenting, morals and school discipline are to blame. Boris Johnson says it’s an “endless sense of entitlement”. Labour leader Ed Miliband lists our “take what you can culture” and the somewhat vague ”questions of hope and aspiration”.

While politicians have fallen over themselves to denounce the criminality of the rioters, you would struggle to find more than one or two offering a plausible explanation for why the riots happened or what would prevent them in the future (clue: more police, more prison places, tougher enforcement won’t).

While there has been plenty of hot air expelled over police tactics and numbers, there has been virtually no discussion of what drives thousands of young people to loot, burn and vandalise with no apparent fear for the consequences. There has been no discussion of London’s unenviable status as the most unequal city in the developed world, where some of the poorest people in the country live cheek by jowl with some of the richest, and what effect this has on the pysche of young people without hope or opportunities. One young looter told the BBC she was targetting ”the rich people”. “We’re showing the rich people we can do what we want”. 

While there have been calls for rioters to “get a job”, no one has explained how they’re suppose to ”get” one when there are 2.5 million people chasing just 500,000 vacancies nationwide. In Tottenham, where the riots began, there are 54 people for every one job vacancy. In the main, people with decent jobs or the prospect of one don’t go out looting.

There has been little acknowledgement that the people rioting – young, poor and marginalised - never have their story told. Record youth unemployment, the tripling of tuition fees, the scrapping of education maintenance allowance, and now youth services being cut and youth clubs being closed. It is largely young people who are bearing the brunt of the economic disaster that broke in 2007 but they are not listened to or spoken to by politicians or the media. One young Tottenham man told NBC news, “Two months ago we marched to Scotland Yard, more than 2,000 of us…. it was peaceful and calm and you know what? Not a word in the press. Last night a bit of rioting and looting and look around you.”

That is not to say this was a march for cheaper universities, for jobs or for more youth clubs. This was chaos and violence seemingly without rhyme or reason. People dismissed the looters, muggers and arsonists as rioters without a cause. But looking for a political message among the wreckage misses the point. As someone called Martin Luther King Junior put it,

“Living with the daily ugliness of slum life, educational castration and economic exploitation, some ghetto dwellers now and then strike out in spasms of violence and self-defeating riots. A riot is at bottom the language of the unheard. It is the desperate, suicidal cry of one who is so fed up with the powerlessness of his cave existence that he asserts that he would rather be dead than ignored.”

Remember this is all taking place against the backdrop of a huge global financial crisis where the poor are being made to pay for the greed and folly of the rich. And it follows a political crisis which saw the very MPs who are falling over themselves to denounce the rioters defrauding taxpayers for (whaddya know) plasma screen televisions, housing costs and massage chairs. 

Is it any wonder that a disenfranchised, uneducated group of the poorest people in a hugely unequal country have lashed out in this way? These are young people who can see little hope or opportunity for their future but who have seen those at the top – those who lecture them from positions of power, wealth and privilege - getting away with murder.

I should probably say at this point, I’ve taken it as a given that no one wants to see violence and thuggery, homes and businesses destroyed, innocent people being mugged. But dismissing all this as ”mindless” and calling, as Boris Johnson has, for an end to ”economic and sociological justifications” will not get us anywhere. There’s a reason people are rioting in Hackney and Haringey but not in Henley-on-Thames. It doesn’t take much to work out what that reason is.


All in it together, part 2

Tory mayor of London Boris Johnson has just made one of his deputies the highest paid councillor in the country.

Daniel Moylan, a Kensington and Chelsea councillor who holds several lucrative non-executive directorships in the private sector, was appointed by Johnson in 2008 as vice chair of Transport for London.

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According to the Sunday Mirror, the mayor has bumped up his deputy’s salary from a measly £60,000 a year to a more liveable £115,000. Moylan will now work an arduous four days a week at TfL instead of the two he has been working since 2008.

It makes him more highly paid pro rata – £143,750 – than the Prime Minister, who is on £142,500.

The pay rise comes on top of Moylan’s £10,597 councillor’s allowance and the £6,000 he is paid to sit on something called the London waste and recycling board.

But despite his obviously packed diary, the busy councillor still finds time to unwind at his holiday home in Thailand where he has taxpayers pay thousands of pounds to courier over his very important papers.

The whopping total of £131,597 a year means Moylan has jumped into first place in the highest paid councillors’ leader board. Incidentally, the second and third place spots are also held by Tories appointed by Boris Johnson. Councillors Brian Coleman and Steve O’Connell are both reportedly paid almost £120,000 a year by the taxpayer.

Bear all that in mind, won’t you. Next time you hear David Cameron bleating about public sector fat cats or state-sponsored scroungers, remember who the greedy piggies really are.


‘AV a think before you vote ‘yes’

Electoral reform is one of those subjects that excites politicos but acts as a cure for insomnia for most. Imprenetable terminology, seemingly abstract concepts and no immediately obvious explanation as to how the single transferable vote system would put more food on the table than AV plus - the debate can be dry to say the least.

The less than edifying debate over whether we should switch to the alternative vote (AV) has been ‘raging’ for a few months now, or is it years?

It says a lot about the political priorities of those involved that the arguments on both sides have been angrier and on the face of it more passionate on this issue than on any of the social or economic destruction this government has engaged in. 

The fight, essentially between the Liberal Democrat (pro-AV) and Tory (anti-AV) wings of the government has been bad tempered, misleading and all in all a massive turn off.  But the result - while it won’t mean babies dying, the end of right-wing governments, or saintly MPs - will be significant so is worth a few words.

It would be easy, not to mention lazy, for those on the left to take one look at the ‘no’ campaign – its financial backers, its arguments and the fact Cameron and the forces of reaction are vocally opposed to change – and instinctively vote ‘yes’. 

Here’s why – as a huge opponent of Cameron and someone normally opposed to the status quo - I think you shouldn’t:

AV encourages consensus politics

The race to the mythical centre ground of British politics, saying nothing that will offend too many people and making changes by stealth has to be the biggest reason so many people have stopped voting. As the two big parties have moved closer together, notably on the economy, so turnout has dropped. Since 1997 and the convergance of Labour and the Conservatives turnout has plummeted to unprecedented lows.

Because under AV political parties need second and third preference votes from supporters of parties they would normally oppose, politicians will be keen not to offend, not to polarise and not to distance themselves from their opponents. Remember this?

 

Surely we want the best, rather than the least worst, to win.

Some ‘Yes’ campaigners argue that, actually, AV will move us away from punch and judy politics and towards a more consensual way of doing things. But arguably it’s the void left by the absence of real politics, of genuine alternatives, that shouty attacks focussing on personalities and perceptions of incompetence has filled. Encouraging more consensus in the search for opponents’ votes will make this worse, not better.    

Other supporters of the ‘yes’ campaign are actually attracted to this – the idea of a permanent centrist coalition. This can be traced back to Tony Blair and his early plan to make Paddy Ashdown a full cabinet member, creating an economically and socially liberal coalition and breaking Labour’s link with the trade unions. For anyone who wants to see a genuinely left-wing government, the idea of having to temper every policy to please the Liberal Democrats, should be enough to make voting ’no’ the only option.       

AV isn’t a ‘proportional’ system

There is an argument for a proportional system that better reflects the way the country votes. The current first past the post system means that parties with sometimes just 35 per cent of the vote can win large majorities in parliament (Labour in 2005). A purely proportional system would mean 35 per cent of the votes translating to 35 per cent of the seats, so smaller parties would be represented in parliament even with a small vote share.

But AV isn’t proportional because votes for a party that doesn’t get more than 50 per cent support in a constituency won’t count. So if you vote Green 1, for example, and Labour 2, it’s likely that only your second preference will count as the Greens won’t have achieved enough first preferences across the constituency. So all those votes for smaller parties across the country, instead of being reflected in seats in parliament, will be binned.  

AV could even lead to less proportional election results. Electoral reform godfather, Roy Jenkins, said AV “offers little prospect of a move towards greater proportionality, and in some circumstances ….. it is even less proportional than FPTP.” Using the Green example again, Monica Threfall of London Metropolitan University, points out that in the UK in 2010 with 1 per cent of the national vote, the Green Party got one MP under first past the post. The Australian Greens got nearly 12 per cent of the national vote, but still only one MP under AV.

A coalition with the Liberals?

The Tory right oppose AV for the same reasons they oppose the coalition: they don’t like being in government with the Liberals. But their radical agenda has hardly been held back by Clegg and his party. The speed with which a party supposedly on the left abandoned their promises and chose to prop up what would have been a weak ineffectual minority Tory government should make anyone who fancies the idea of future Lib-Lab coalitions under AV stop and think hard.

There are more arguments it’s worth taking time to read if you’re still unconvinced and still awake.

The various claims of the ‘yes’ and ‘no’ campaigns fact-tested
http://blogs.channel4.com/factcheck/factcheck-av-round-up-the-truth-behind-the-claims/6364

More on why the Liberal Democrats could come become king-makers and why only Australia, Papua New Guinea and Fiji use AV
http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/2011/03/16/av-not-the-answer/

Why AV isn’t a move towards proportional representation and supporters of PR should oppose it
http://davidhencke.wordpress.com/2011/04/26/why-im-going-to-vote-no-to-av/


Liberal hypocrisy

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‘Liberal Democrat in hypocrisy shocker’ is about as newsworthy and as rare as the sighting of a bear disappearing into some trees, toilet paper in hand. But I’m going to point it out any way.

Lib Dem cabinet minister Chris Huhne today urges people to vote ‘yes’ in this Thursday’s AV referendum to avoid a repeat of the “worst excesses of the Thatcher government”.

So, just to get this straight, one of the most senior members not just of the government but of the Lib Dem team that negotiated that grubby post-election deal with the Conservatives, wants the electoral system changed to stop his coalition partners getting power in the future.

Change the electoral system so the government I prop up will fall, seems to be what Huhne is saying.

His argument that there is an anti-Tory majority in Britain is undoubtedly true. As he writes:

“Britain consistently votes as a centre-left country, and yet the Conservatives have dominated our politics for two-thirds of the time since 1900″

The Tories have not won a majority of votes since 1931.

The problem with Huhne’s argument is that a year ago a majority of British people voted for parties who specifically ruled out immediate and deep cuts to public services. A majority voted against the wholesale privatisation of 80 per cent of the NHS’s budget. A majority voted for parties committed to the education maintenance allowance and a large number voted specifically for a party that promised to scrap university tuition fees.

We all know what happened next. And it was nothing to do with the electoral system. Huhne and the rest of the neo-liberal wing of the Lib Dem leadership CHOSE to do a backroom deal with Cameron’s Tories – denying the electorate what they voted for. Without the support of Huhne and his colleagues Cameron and the Tories wouldn’t have a majority in parliament and wouldn’t be able to push through their radical programme.

Huhne’s call for ‘fair votes’ to keep out right wing Tories when he shoulders more personal responsibility for the existence of a right wing Tory government than almost anyone is like that bear in the woods moaning to the ranger about the stink.


Labour should ditch Murdoch’s advice

Rupert Murdoch

So Gordon Brown is refusing to comment on reports Rupert Murdoch urged him to “back away” from investigations into phone hacking at the News of the World.

If true, it wouldn’t be the first time Brown had made policy based on the desires of the Australian media monster mogul.

Former Downing Street spin doctor Lance Price claims that Brown was “completely obsessed” with the Murdoch press. So much so that he doubled the income tax rate for Britain’s lowest paid workers to fund a 2p cut in the basic rate to 20 per cent.

The failure to understand how redistributing wealth from the bottom upwards would be felt goes a long way to explaining why Labour lost in 2010 (and why the drop in support for Labour between 1997 -2010 was four times higher among those in lower social classes than those in the highest).

The phone-hacking scandal looks to be coming to a head, revealing the seedy underbelly of Murdoch’s empire and the power it wields over those in public life. If Labour’s “obsession” with News International had any bearing on how senior party figures dealt with the scandal, serious questions should again be raised about Brown’s judgement and his famous moral compass.

The lesson for Labour? There was surely something wrong if Murdoch felt the party’s leader was a friend; not someone to fear. So, remember who your real friends are, stop listening to the dirty digger and the rest of the right-wing press, and start listening to those you’re supposed to be there for.


Evening Standard claims just 4,000 people marched

London’s Evening Standard tonight claims that only 4,000 people attended what was the biggest march against British government domestic policy in history.

In four pages of news coverage, including a hysterical front-page, the only mention of the size of the demonstration states it was “4,000 strong” (read the rest of the smear attempt against UKuncut here).

Of course, this could just be a typo. It could just be pure coincidence that, in all those pages of coverage, the reporters and editors involved simply didn’t think it was significant to tell readers that half a million people marched peacefully through London against their government at the weekend.

It could be that a policeman saying the Met are, “looking specifically at the royal wedding and what we can do to prevent Saturday’s disorder and violence creeping into that event” is newsworthy enought to justify this front page:

 

It could be that the right-wing press aren’t at all worried that so many ordinary people are so opposed to this right-wing government that they actually have to lie about it. 

Or maybe, just maybe, it could be a deliberate attempt to distort and re-write history, to play down the huge opposition to the economic policies the paper supports and to leave readers with the false impression that Saturday’s march (unrelated incidents of vandalism aside) was inconsequential.

Tough one, eh.


Huge march ignored

It’s looking like, sadly and predictably, the Sunday papers are going to be dominated by stories about violent protesters, broken windows and damaged property.

This isn’t sad because today’s huge anti-cuts march was disrupted. It wasn’t. And it isn’t sad because a few shops catering for those with far more money than taste had their windows broken.

Those who indulged in a bit of mindless vandalism didn’t disrupt the march, because they were nothing to do with it. There was literally a handful of them – fewer than 200 arrests.

As anyone else who was there will confirm, the atmosphere from start to finish was fantastic. Babies, parents, students, pensioners, private sector, public sector, people in wheelchairs, on stilts, playing the drums – it felt like the whole country was there.

There’s no way, we thought, the news can get away with reporting this as anything other than what it was: an unprecedented number of people coming together in opposition to their government’s economic policies.

Wrong. A few teenagers looking for mischief and calling themselves anarchists, breaking a couple of windows, spraying an A in a circle on a couple of buildings, letting off a firework or two. This is what led the news.

The BBC, whose director general was summoned to Downing Street a few months ago to discuss how public spending cuts should be reported, have spent the whole evening reporting a few incidents of vandalism, largely ignoring what could be a record size protest against government public policy.

The Sunday Telegraph takes ridiculous to a new level with this front page:

The size of the march, confirmed at an estimated 500,000, meant that the Right couldn’t really ignore it. And the make up of the marchers – teachers, fire fighters, binmen, literally all walks of life – meant they couldn’t really portray it as the usual lefty suspects doing their lefty things.

It was massive and it was mainstream. Newsnight’s Paul Mason (deviating on his blog from what seems to the BBC’s editorial line) describes the march as “certainly the biggest and most representative demo for 25 years”. The “sheer size and social depth of the demo”, says Mason, means this “is people who have never been on a demo in their lives and in no way count themselves to be political”.

The only way to avoid reporting this huge and significant event accurately is to focus instead on a few teenagers and their minor stand-offs with the police, which is exactly what the right-wing press (and for some reason the BBC) have done.

So, even taking the most conservative estmiate for the number of marchers and the most generous figure for the number of arrests, television and newspaper editors based their headlines on the actions of 0.08 per cent of those in central London on Saturday.

Maybe ‘mass demo against government policies no-one voted for’ just doesn’t make for a dramatic headline or for exciting, non-contentious pictures. Either that or newspaper editors are scared that this many people rejecting their propaganda might just be something to worry about.


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