Since it is New Years, we can expect that more than a few will be nursing hangovers — and may not be in the mood for serious fare.
In the spirit of “hair of the dog” I offer the following recollection of a pub crawl with Karl Marx. This night out took place in London during the 1850s, where Karl Marx lived after the defeated continental revolution of 1848. Beer was a favorite among Germans– and refugees of 1848 had brought that love with them into exile around the world.
This account was written by Wilhelm Liebknecht in 1896, about forty years after the night described. Thanks to Ret Marut over at libcom who dug this up for our enjoyment.
by Wilhelm Liebknecht
One evening, Edgar Bauer, acquainted with Marx from their Berlin time and then not yet his personal enemy […], had come to town from his hermitage in Highgate for the purpose of “making a beer trip.” The problem was to “take something” in every saloon between Oxford Street and Hampstead Road – making the something a very difficult task, even by confining yourself to a minimum, considering the enormous number of saloons in that part of the city. But we went to work undaunted and managed to reach the end of Tottenham Court Road without accident.
There loud singing issued from a public house; we entered and learned that a club of Odd Fellows were celebrating a festival. We met some of the men belonging to the “party,” and they at once invited us “foreigners” with truly English hospitality to go with them into one of the rooms. We followed them in the best of spirits, and the conversation naturally turned to politics – we had been easily recognised as Germany fugitives; and the Englishmen, good old-fashioned people, who wanted to amuse us a little, considered it their duty to revile thoroughly the German princes and the Russian nobles. By “Russian” they meant Prussian nobles. Russia and Prussia are frequently confounded in England, and not alone of account of their similarity of name. For a while, everything went smoothly. We had to drink many healths and to bring out and listen to many a toast.
In the darkness of each winter a new year is born. At a time when the sun barely seems to have the energy to push through leaden skys, people have chosen to announce the start of rebirth.
Two years ago, in December 2008, Kasama went live — with the publishing of 9 Letters to Our Comrades. From there our project has become — part community, part discussion, part network. This site itself has (as you can see below) grown in continually in its audience. We have branched out (creating an internationalist center for information on the revolutions of South Asia, and now launching a new theoretical discussion site. There have been efforts to create collectives to take up both communist theory and revolutionary practical work.)
And, meanwhile, many questions about how to both reconceive and regroup remain posed — at the center of this project — for experiment, theoretical exploration and debate.
Rather than post some “one to many” political report, I would like to urge those reading this to post here your thoughts about Kasama.
Some specific questions come to mind:
What has been the value of this site for revolutionary regroupment and thinking?
What changes and directions should we consider?
How might we induce more lurkers to risk active participation?
How can supporters more actively promote the site?
What new audiences should we draw to our deepening discussion, and what changes would that require?
What topics have we not explored enough — or not deeply enough?
After launching their armed struggle in the late 1960s, the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) has scored many successes, including the development of significant “guerrilla fronts” across this archipelago.
However, for many years, this revolutionary movement has been unable to break through to a higher level of confrontation with the brutal government — and has not been able to advance toward the seizure of power in significant regions or countrywide.
This kind of frustrating impasse is a situation faced by diverse revolutionary forces in other parts of the world (including in India over many decades, Ireland during the days of “troubles,” Sri Lanka during the Tamil secessionist revolt, Palestine and Colombia.) Meanwhile, obviously, in far too many countries, the most revolutionary forces have not even been able to consolidate themselves into a serious political party, develop significant initial mass bases, and start to confront the kinds of problems that are presented in the Philippines.
In the following statement, the CPP leadership lays out an ambitious plan to overcome their movement’s long-standing problem: To move from the strategic defensive to the strategic balance with the government forces (a moment Maoists call “strategic stalemate”) within five years. Their plan involves a systematic strengthening of their party and baseareas: with the goals of increasing the number of New Peoples Army (NPA) guerrilla fronts from 120 to 180, greatly expanding party membership, and strengthening its leadership structures in planned and concrete ways.
Weatherman's last attempt at mass action: the Days of Rage fiasco, Fall 1969
Bill Ayers has been describing his earlier Weatherman organization as merely a militant antiwar group. As part of a longer comment I wrote:
“…there is some truth to what Bill is now saying: because [Weathermen] were essentially a highly moralized, freaked out, highly militant wing of the antiwar movement — rather than a group with any serious revolutionary strategy or potential.”
“Let’s stipulate right up front: the Weather people, as you write, completely lacked any ‘serious revolutionary strategy or potential.’ They were into a deeply twisted macho/moralistic revolutionary suicide schtick: You were either ready to pick up the gun or you were part of the privileged white supremacist imperialist structure, blah, blah, blah…
“The fact that they lacked a serious strategy or revolutionary potential does not negate the fact that the Weather Underground saw itself as a force attempting to topple (or at least too materially cripple)the U.S. state. They were not merely an uber-militant anti-war group. Their analysis (however bizarre — the Manson example is a fine demonstration of their weirdness) was far broader than that, and however deluded they were, they considered and presented themselves a revolutionary organization.
“My point is simply that a proper analysis and critique of our own history must include the revolutionary movement’s swings into adventurism. And that certainly includes the Weather Underground.”
““It is important for us to find the ways to popularize and politically support the most radical currents that emerge, and tirelessly expose the intrigues of the CIA agents, military bullies and lying U.S. rulers who want to tighten their grip on this whole part of the world. These are real responsibilities. The fact that our previous revolutionary movement has slid into impotence, and that a long-standing internationalism has been shamefully undermineds, does not change those responsibilities. They need to be taken up with strength and consciousness we can muster.“
A Quick Report by Mike Ely
Clearly major collisions are happening in Iran, as sections of the people (and sections of the elite) strain to isolate and topple the existing regime. It is hard, for obvious reasons, to offer quick and reliable analysis from here.
It seems clear however that the last days of protest have developed into tenacious streetfighting — confronting police and reactionary vigilantes and in some cases driving them back. The people attacked police with their bare hands and rocks — often taking over the streets, sometimes cornering the police and burning their vehicles. There were hundreds of arrests and beatings of protesters in the streets, and reports of at least eight deaths (all taking place in the context of revelations of atrocities taking place within the regime’s prisons).
Important sections of people are rising in fearless resistance to their oppressors. They have built new organizations secretly over the last months, made vital new connections in the streets, learned important political lessons through bitter experience — and they have clearly emerged more and more determined to break the spine of the hated Islamist Regime. Clearly there are all kinds of reactionary forces hoping to gain advantage of “regime change” in Iran — starting first of all with our own overlords, the U.S. imperialists, and followed by various ruling class forces in Iran (who hope to prevent deep or fundamental change). The fact that reactionaries intrigue in such crises is not news — while we all need to understand that, in revolutionary situations, the people often find ways to thwart and defeat the attempts by new reactionaries to exploit their struggle.
Members of the earth’s earliest known civilization, the Sumerians, looked on in shock and confusion some 6,000 years ago as God, the Lord Almighty, created Heaven and Earth.
According to recently excavated clay tablets inscribed with cuneiform script, thousands of Sumerians—the first humans to establish systems of writing, agriculture, and government—were working on their sophisticated irrigation systems when the Father of All Creation reached down from the ether and blew the divine spirit of life into their thriving civilization.
“I do not understand,” reads an ancient line of pictographs depicting the sun, the moon, water, and a Sumerian who appears to be scratching his head. “A booming voice is saying, ‘Let there be light,’ but there is already light. It is saying, ‘Let the earth bring forth grass,’ but I am already standing on grass.”
“Everything is here already,” the pictograph continues. “We do not need more stars.”
This was posted as a comment in one of our several threads on the film Avatar.
“…when we use these archetypes, we are also reinforcing them – incorporating them into the culture of our movements. This might be ok – for those who feel only minor friction between these archetypes and their own identity and cultural frames. However, for others, it is very alienating to see these “stereotypes” anywhere, let alone in works we uphold and respect. When we see them in there, we assume the film was not intended for ‘us.’”
By Shanin
Thank you for this thoughtful conversation. I haven’t found another place online where people are considering this film so deeply, politically. I agree with almost everything Nando has said — so much of deconstructionist critique seems to spindle down to pulling small threads… we loose the tapestry.
That being said, I have some real questions about the role of “archetypes” in the art and culture of social movements – particularly red movements. The tension is spelled out by Nando above – art can use cultural archetypes to relate to people – to align frames of reference to provide a basis to move forward. This makes sense. We see it at work.
However – there is also the issue that when we use these archetypes, we are also reinforcing them – incorporating them into the culture of our movements. This might be ok – for those who feel only minor friction between these archetypes and their own identity and cultural frames. However, for others, it is very alienating to see these “stereotypes” anywhere, let alone in works we uphold and respect. When we see them in there, we assume the film was not intended for “us.”
Chacon's mutiny -- just another "stereotypical gender role"?
By Nando Sims
I won’t reproduce Hegemonik’s whole comment on Avatar. I urge you to go read it (and his other thoughtful remarks). Among other things he writes (in a discussion focused on gender portrayals):
“Sexuality isn’t the issue here, it’s stereotyped gender roles and character arcs. And while it’s interesting to have Cameron around expanding the realm of what’s acceptable, he is doing precisely that – *expanding* the contours and not *breaking* them. And in this, he’s subtle: he has to balance out the tease with enough material to make sure that it’s all just a tease. Cameron’s tough women either go one of three ways in order to resolve the problem of presenting something “too far out” (i.e., something too queer for mainstream film):
The overall tone and thrust of these remarks has an approach to works of art that (imho) applies arbitrary standards to reach unwarranted conclusions about what is reactionary.
“The challenge of being unable to find people in detention centers, documented in the Human Rights Watch report, is worsened when one does not even know where to look. The absence of a real-time database tracking people in ICE custody means ICE has created a network of secret jails.”
America’s Secret ICE Castles
by JACQUELINE STEVENS
“If you don’t have enough evidence to charge someone criminally but you think he’s illegal, we can make him disappear.” Those chilling words were spoken by James Pendergraph, then executive director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) Office of State and Local Coordination, at a conference of police and sheriffs in August 2008. Also present was Amnesty International’s Sarnata Reynolds, who wrote about the incident in the 2009 report “Jailed Without Justice” and said in an interview, “It was almost surreal being there, particularly being someone from an organization that has worked on disappearances for decades in other countries. I couldn’t believe he would say it so boldly, as though it weren’t anything wrong.”
With sorrow and respect we mark the passing of the anti-apartheid activist, poet and former political prisioner Dennis Brutus — who was one of the rare sharp voices speaking out against the continuing oppression of South African people after the fall of apartheid. There is much to learn from his tenacity, courage, and breadth of mind.
Sadly, we say “Hamba kahle” (goodbye in Zulu). His loss will be felt in this scoundrel time.
World-renowned political organizer and one of Africa’s most celebrated poets, Dennis Brutus, died early on December 26 in Cape Town, in his sleep, aged 85.
Even in his last days, Brutus was fully engaged, advocating social protest against those responsible for climate change, and promoting reparations to black South Africans from corporations that benefited from apartheid. He was a leading plaintiff in the Alien Tort Claims Act case against major firms that is now making progress in the US court system.
Brutus was born in Harare in 1924, but his South African parents soon moved to Port Elizabeth where he attended Paterson and Schauderville High Schools. He entered Fort Hare University on a full scholarship in 1940, graduating with a distinction in English and a second major in Psychology. Further studies in law at the University of the Witwatersrand were cut short by imprisonment for anti-apartheid activism.
Brutus’ political activity initially included extensive journalistic reporting, organising with the Teachers’ League and Congress movement, and leading the new South African Sports Association as an alternative to white sports bodies. After his banning in 1961 under the Suppression of Communism Act, he fled to Mozambique but was captured and deported to Johannesburg. There, in 1963, Brutus was shot in the back while attempting to escape police custody. Memorably, it was in front of Anglo American Corporation headquarters that he nearly died while awaiting an ambulance reserved for blacks.
While recovering, he was held in the Johannesburg Fort Prison cell which more than a half-century earlier housed Mahatma Gandhi. Brutus was transferred to Robben Island where he was jailed in the cell next to Nelson Mandela, and in 1964-65 wrote the collections Sirens Knuckles Boots and Letters to Martha, two of the richest poetic expressions of political incarceration.
This article first appeared on Links — the international journal of socialist renewal. The fact that this bill shamefully excludes the bottom tier of the working class (millions of immigrants) and that it will likely restrict abortion access even further… that alone condemns the result and the process.
By Billy Wharton
December 25, 2009 — Call it the nightmare before Christmas or Santa’s lump of healthcare coal.
Either title captures the disastrous qualities of the healthcare reform bill passed by US Senate on December 24. After months of media coverage, a summer of wild town hall meetings and all the high-sounding rhetoric one could swallow, a 2000 page monster has been birthed.
Though US President Barack Obama hailed the bill’s passage by declaring, “This will be the most important piece of social legislation since Social Security passed in the 1930s”, it carries few of the universal qualities or public control of the social security legislation.
For all the political theatre associated with the bill, remarkably little in the bigger picture of healthcare in the United States has changed: private health insurers still run the system; Washington politicians are still gathering in the campaign contributions from the industry; and millions of people will still be left without health insurance.
The Highwaymen (the 1980s “supergroup” drawn from the progressive, “outlaw” edge of country including Johnny Cash, Waylon Jennings, Willie Nelson and Kris Kristofferson) covers and updates this beloved song about our brothers and sisters crossing the border.
The following appeared on the New Scientist. This article focuses reactionary potential and examples, but it is hard not to think about ways that such new possibilities can serve resistance, revolution and a future socialist society.
So far crowdsourcing has been associated with well-meaning altruism, such as the creation and maintenance of Wikipedia or searching for lost aviators. But crowdsourcing of a different flavour has started to emerge.
Since it is New Years, we can expect that more than a few will be nursing hangovers — and may not be in the mood for serious fare. 
