Letter of support to workers of Sinvoz and BEK, Serbia, Zrenjanin

A year and a half ago, more than 60 prominent intellectuals and activists of the world supported the struggle of the workers-shareholders of Zrenjanin pharmaceutical factory Jugoremedija. That support was key to the most important victory of Serbia's workers over the past eight years: on March 1st 2007, Jugoremedija became the first factory in Serbia controlled by its workers-shareholders.

Today the Jugoremedija workers-shareholders are supporting the struggle of other Zrenjanin workers for their rights.

We are asking you to read the following description of the circumstances that forced us to occupy our factories and if you would like to sign this letter of support, please send it to the following addresses, thank you:

pismo@freedomfight.net,
kabinet.merr@merr.sr.gov.yu,
kontakt.predsednik@predsednik.yu,
info@priv.yu,
aleksandar.gracanac@share-fund.co.yu 

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Catalan, Serbian workers 'squat' in factories
By Martha Grevatt

http://www.workers.org/2008/world/catalan_serbian_0110/

WORKERS WORLD (USA)

Published Jan 6, 2008 9:42 PM

The phrase "sit-down strike" generally evokes images of the 1930s,
specifically the 1936-37 takeover of General Motors in Flint, Mich., that
led to the recognition of the United Auto Workers. However, in 2007 a number
of sporadic sit-downs have occurred outside the U.S., most recently in
Serbia and the Catalan region of Spain. Workers at the Behr auto parts plant
in Barcelona and the "Shinvoz" factory in Zrenjanin, Serbia, are ringing in
the new year by occupying their place of employment.

Earlier this year workers occupied factories in Canada, Australia, Wales and
in the Spanish state.
The 470 Shinvoz metal workers are protesting the privatization of their
factory. They are supported by workers of Jugoremedija, a pharmaceutical
plant that workers had occupied to protest being privatized. They ended the
nine-month occupation when their 58 percent stake in the plant was restored.
"At this moment," writes the Balkan edition of Z magazine, "these workers
are the most progressive element of Serbian society. They are fighting for
their own working places, for equal rights, and they are inspiring whole
Serbia to fight against neoliberalism."

The article went on to explain that when a firm is privatized, "the buyer of
the state-owned factory does the following: through illegal means he first
puts the company in enormous debt to his own firms. Then he takes it out of
bankruptcy. This rids his company of all smaller shareholders and all
obligations towards the workers from the original collective bargaining
agreement with the privatized company."

Meanwhile, the 300 Frape Behr workers are protesting a "labor force
adjustment plan" to eliminate their jobs, as well as the retaliatory firing
of six workers. Their slogan in Catalan is: "Guerra, guerra, guerra, La
Frape no cerra" (War, war, war, La Frape will not close). Supporters are
demonstrating outside the occupied plant.

Behr, based in Stuttgart, Germany, makes automobile air conditioning units.
The workers have received messages of solidarity from unionists in Germany,
Norway and Canada. They have asked for protest letters, faxes, and phone
calls to be sent to Behr company locations in the United States:

 

Sinvoz: a photo essay on factory blockades and a privatization tragedy

On December 28, 2007, about 400 Sinvoz worker-shareholders blockaded the factory and demanded the cancellation of privatization agreement with Ivkovic and relief from bankruptcy. In response to pressure brought to bear by the workers, the Privatization Agency’s last investigation confirmed that Ivkovic had not invested in Sinvoz as required by the privatization agreement but did not cancel the contract, instead giving him an extra 15 days to complete the required investments.

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Workers of ``Shinvoz``, factory from Zrenjanin, Serbia, occupied their factory, 28 decembar 2007.

Workers are now squatting in the factory to put pressure on the Agency for privatization to break a privatization contract because it caused bankruptcy of factory.

Workers of ``Shinvoz`` are supported by other workers of ``Jugoremedija``, ``Bek``, etc, factories from Zrenjanin that are already managed by workers.

At this moment these workers are the most progressive element of Serbian society. They are fighting for their own working places, for equal rights, and they are inspiring whole Serbia to fight against neoliberalism by supporting Balkan edition of Z magazine.

www.freedomfight.net

1. novembar 2007

Z Magazine Balkans, print magazine that is distributed in Serbia, is not allowed to enter Croatia. The only one Croatian press distributor ''Tisak'' that is shiping press from Serbia to Croatia refused to distribute Z Magazine Balkans with an explanation that it is ''not appropriate for them'' and ''it don't fit in their policy'' although the Croatian Media Law claims that ''press distributors can't refuse to take press of other publisher that ask for and states that accepts General Rules'' for all publishers.

Z magazine Balkans is a print magazine produced by Freedom Fight, a grassroots organization based in Serbia, and it is modeled on Z Magazine US and utilizing content from it as well as local content bearing more directly on the Balkans. It is published four times per year and the next issue is coming out on 1 Decembar. Web address is on www.freedomfight.net.

 

 

Freedom Fight is producing ZMag Balkans, a new print magazine, for Balkan audiences, modeled on Z Magazine US and utilizing content from it as well as local content bearing more directly on the Balkans

Interview: Freedom Fight, ZNet, February 20, 2007.

If you could first introduce Freedom Fight to ZNet readers, and then give us something of the socio-political background of contemporary Serbia. I have just been reading the latest UNICEF report, according to which there are over 300,000 children today who are living in poverty or are at risk of poverty. These kinds of things were unimaginable 15 years ago. They were, dare I say it, unimaginable not only in the times of Yugoslav state-socialism, but also in the times of Slobodan Milosevic's cleptocratic regime. It seems that neoliberal, modern and European Serbia demonstrates certain atavistic social traits. Serbia is now considered to be "the last Balkan state". Balkan is still considered to be a permanent and natural powder keg of Europe, pacified by the international capitalist community, a region that is, as Richard Holbrooke pointed out, "too complicated (and trivial) for outsiders to master". How does an anarchist feel living and fighting in this "strange and feral Balkans" (Simon Winchester)?

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Interview: Freedom Fight, Monthly Review, February 02, 2007.

Milenko Srećković is a spokesperson for the Balkan anarchist movement FreedomFight and is one of the editors of the webzine www.freedomfight.net.

Q: Could you start by telling us a bit about the alternative media initiative you are involved with?

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Private companies in serbia forbid workers to organise labour unions, ZNet, July 11, 2007

Belgrade, Serbia July 3rd--The results of research conducted on the rights of workers and their access to labor organizations for middle and large sized companies throughout Serbia are now compiled and documented by Freedom Fight, a grassroots organization based in Balkan.

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Parecon as a New Path for the Balkans?, ZNet, August 01, 2007 

by Michael Albert and Andrej Grubacic 

The following interview was prepared for ZMag Balkans, a new print magazine, produced by "Freedom Fight collective" for Balkan audiences, modeled on Z Magazine US and utilizing content from it as well as local content bearing more directly on the Balkans. The interview was done, more specifically, at the request of the workers in a pharmaceutical factory, "Jugoremedija," in Zrenjanin (Serbia) for an issue of ZMag Balkans focusing on participatory economics. The workers are running the plant, having taken it over, and are looking for information and ideas about how to rearrange their workplace to escape the ills of both capitalism and the market socialism they experienced in Yugoslavia. The interviewer was Andrej Grubacic, who is working with both the new magazine and the workers in the plant.

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Major Victory for Worker Recovered Factory "Jugoremedija" in Serbia 

by Association of Worker-Shareholders of Serbia -- AW-SA

December 28, 2006

Dear comrades, allies, and supporters,

A major victory for worker's rights and struggles in Serbia has been won following a 9 month factory occupation and a 2 and a half year strike by the workers of Jugoremedija in Zrenjanin, Serbia. On December 14, 2006, the Belgrade Higher Economic Court reaffirmed the  June 2006 ruling of the Zrenjanin Economic Court that the recapitalization of the Zrenjanin-based pharmaceutical factory Jugoremedija be repealed because it was carried out illegally through the illegitimate manoeuvres of businessman Jovica Stefanovic Nini to attempt to gain majority ownership. This means that the ownership of the workers has now been restored to their rightful 58% of the company shares. With this decision, Jugoremedija is set to become the  first factory amongst the "transition" countries in Eastern Europe undergoing neoliberal privatization to be recovered and controlled by its workers.

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Chronology of fight for Jugoremedija

Although without jobs for two years, the workers of «Jugoremedija» refused to quit. Their militancy and creative direct actions made them a symbol of resistance to neoliberal capitalism in Serbia.

The Recuperated Factory Movement Spreads to Eastern Europe: Jugoremedija Pharmaceutical Factory Workers Face Eviction

Serbian pharmaceutical factory «Jugoremedija», from the town of Zrenjanin, was privatized in 2000, in such a way that 58% of the shares were given to the workers, and the state took 42%. In 2002, the state sold it’s shares to Jovica Stefanovic, an infamous local capitalist, who made his fortune smuggling cigarettes, and who was wanted by Interpol at the time he bought the shares of «Jugoremedija». As all the other buyers in Serbian privatization, Stefanovic was not even investigated in money laundering, because the Serbian Government’s position at that time was, and still is, that it’s better to have dirty money in privatization, than to let workers manage the company, because that will “bring us back to the dark days of self-management”.

Allow us to give you a little context.

The first attack on Yugoslav self-management happened before the break up of socialist Yugoslavia. The first organized attempt to dismantle the system of self-management in Serbia dates back to the times of Slobodan Milosevic. But the real full-blown process of privatization and curtailment of workers rights happen after Milosevic was sent to the Hague Tribunal. In this context in transitional Serbia of the 21st century, with the transition to capitalism and parliamentary democracy, everything became allowed in the fight against what the new neoliberal government saw as the “ideological monster of self management” – even if it means the government and the court break laws.

Breaking all the rules, the state allowed the new co-owner of Jugoremedija, Stefanovic to become the dominant owner of the factory. Through various illegal maneuvers the ownership structure was changed: Stefanovic was given 68% of the shares and the workers portion was reduced to 32%.

In December 2003 the workers began a strike, and factory occupation, as well as a lawsuit against the recapitalization. This was the first work place occupation in the post socialist Yugoslavia!

In May 2004 the state, pressed by the workers, investigated privatization of «Jugoremedija» found that Stefanovic’s investment was in violation of the contract.

The state did nothing to enforce the violation of the contract. In response the workers, mainly women, came to the capital, Belgrade, and occupied the state’s Privatization Agency for one whole day. Only after this occupation did the state begin to take the violation seriously. Meanwhile the factory occupation continued.

During summer of 2004, Stefanovic’s private army tried several times to take over the factory, but the workers, with breathtaking courage, kicked them out. Sometimes using their bodies to block the military vehicles. This kept the boss out. … but he returned …

In September 2004, the private army was joined by the Serbian police, who had the order to evict the workers from «Jugoremedija». Police and the private army forced their way into the factory, resulting in the hospitalization of many workers and the arrest of four of the leaders of the strike. The workers were then charged with disturbing the peace. Criminal proceedings are still taking place. Now that he physically emptied the factory he illegally fired the two hundred workers.

After participating in a Peoples Global Action conference in Belgrade, in August of 2004, workers from «Jugoremedija» joined with workers from other factories to form the Union of Workers and Shareholders of Serbia. At first the Union’s mission was limited to fighting against corruption in privatization, but after experiencing different aspects of Serbian privatization, the Union came out with another demand – the call for a constituent assembly. They believe that the people should make the decisions that effect their lives and work places, and a new constitution can help make this happen. Graffiti appeared on the walls of Belgrade asking, “ Who owns our factories?”

Although without jobs for two years, the workers of «Jugoremedija» refused to quit. Their militancy and creative direct actions made them a symbol of resistance to neoliberal capitalism in Serbia.

Finally, as a response to a series of direct and legal actions, in May 2006 the Serbian Supreme Court reached the decision that recapitalization was in violation of the contract, and ordered Zrenjanin Economic Court to re-open the case. Last Friday, Zrenjanin Economic Court brought ownership structure back to 58%-42%.

According to Serbian law, workers-shareholders need three weeks to call for an assembly of all shareholders, in order to appoint their management. Stefanovic needs to be prevented from dividing up the company, and a court injunction would allow the workers to democratically decide who manages their factory, and how.