Humility is a paramount ideal within Judaism. Moses is referred to as "exceedingly humble, more than any man in the world" (Bamidbar 12:3). The Talmud states that humility is one of the characteristic traits of the Jewish people (Talmud, Tractate Yevamot 79a).
In the legal dimension of Orthodox Rabbinic literature, the issue of Tzniut is discussed in more technical terms: how much skin may a person expose, and so on. Notwithstanding these details, the concept of humility and modesty as a positive character trait, a practice, and a way of life—a "way of walking"—is also taught to be important in Rabbinic literature. This awareness informs the concept and the practice of Tzniut in its rules and details.
In Modern Orthodox practice it is generally accepted for sleeves to cover the elbows and shirts to cover the collarbone, skirts to cover the knees with or without tights, and not wear trousers in the presence of men. Some Modern Orthodox women will wear sleeves up to a fist's length (tefach) above their elbows or even wear short sleeves, and some do not cover their collarbones. In left wing Modern Orthodox Judaism, some women will also wear loose pants, as long as they are loose and cover the knees.
Haredi women avoid skirts with slits, preferring instead kick-pleats. They also avoid overly eye-catching colors, especially bright red. Some insist on closed-toe shoes and always wear stockings, the thickness of which varies by community. In some Haredi communities women wear loose vests over shirts. Men must wear shirts with sleeves. Some Modern Orthodox men will wear shorts, but Haredi men will not, and manyModesty: Not Just For Women, Patheos will not wear short sleeves at all. Sandals without socks, while generally not worn in a synagogue, are usually accepted in Modern Orthodox and Religious Zionist Communities in Israel for daily dress. Haredi Ashkenazi practice discourages sandals without socks both in and out of the synagogue. Haredi Sefardic communities tend to accept sandals at least outside of synagogue and sometimes in synagogue as well. Dress in a synagogue and, according to many, in public should be comparable to that worn by the community when meeting royalty/government.
Conservative Judaism formally requires modest dress , although this requirement is often unobserved on a day-to-day basis, but is somewhat more observed with respect to synagogue attendance. While day-to-day dress often simply reflects the general society, many Conservative synagogues expect somewhat more modest dress (although not necessarily as stringent as in Orthodox Judaism) for synagogue attendance and may have specific dress requirements to receive synagogue honors (such as being called for a Torah reading). Reform Judaism does not regard religious dress requirements as applicable.
Style of dress involves cultural considerations distinct from religious requirements. There are many Conservative and Reform synagogues in which suits and ties are socially expected, while there are many Orthodox synagogues (especially in Israel) where dress, while meeting religious modesty requirements, is quite casual. Many Haredi and Hassidic communities have special customs and styles of dress which serve to identify members of their communities but regard these special dress features as customs of their communities rather than as general religious requirements expected of all observant Jews.
In Yemen, unmarried girls covered their heads also, like the Muslims there; however, upon their emigration to Israel and other places, this custom has been abandoned. While Rebbe Aharon Roth, founder of Shomer Emunim, praised this custom, no Ashkenazi community, including the most strict Haredi circles, practice or have ever practiced such a custom.
Men, married or not, may cover their heads. The most common head covering is the kippah, (Hebrew: skull-cap) also known as the yarmulke (Yiddish). Most men wear something on their heads at almost all times, while some cover their heads only when performing some religious act, or when eating. Few cover the entire head. Almost all will bathe with the head uncovered but sleeping varies by community or family practice. The exact nature of this practice, and how binding it is, is a matter of dispute among halachic authorities. Wearing a hat is not required by Jewish law, and those who wear a hat always wear a kippah underneath; however, there are some rabbis, especially in Hasidic Judaism, who require a double head covering — of kippah and hat or talleth — during prayer.
Conservative and Reform Judaism do not generally require women to wear head coverings. Some more traditional Conservative synagogues will ask that married women cover their heads during services. However, some more liberal Conservative synagogues suggest that women, married or not, wear head-coverings similar to those worn by men, and some require it, not for modesty, but as a feminist gesture of egalitarianism. Almost all Conservative synagogues require men to wear a head covering (usually a kippah), but in Reform synagogues there is often no requirement.
There is debate between poskim (authorities of Jewish law) whether the prohibition applies to a recorded voice, where the singer cannot be seen, where the woman is not known to the man who is listening and where he has never seen her or a picture of her.
There are also opinions, quoting the Divrei Cheifetz, that the kol isha prohibition does not apply to women singing zemirot, songs to children, and lamentations for the dead, because in these contexts, men do not derive pleasure from the woman’s voice.
In a novel ruling, Rabbi David Bigman holds that kol isha only applies when there is sexual pleasure involved. According to the majority of authorities, i.e. those who did not link kol isha to Kriat Shema, kol isha is in fact similar to gazing at a woman's little finger, which is another case in Berachot ibid. But the Rishonim rule that gazing at a woman's finger only applies when done expressly for sexual pleasure, or when there is any sexual pleasure involved. Thus, it stands to reason (no previous authority has explicitly stated as such) that kol isha is similar, and has parallel by-laws applicable to it. Therefore, Rabbi Bigman states, Rabbi Avraham Shammah comes to the same conclusion as Rabbi Bigman. He argues that ideologically, the laws of tzniut are defined by time and place, according to what people are accustomed to, and what gives them sexual pleasure. He quotes the Maharam Alkashar (a 15th century rabbinic exile from Spain), who says
Response: Indeed, there is no concern about that hair [that is outside of the braid], because it is customary to reveal it ... and that [which is said] ‘a woman’s hair is a sexual enticement’ is only referring to hair that it is usual to be covered, but a person is accustomed to that which is usually uncovered [and therefore is not aroused] and it is permitted ... Likewise, the Ra'avya wrote that all those [things] that we mentioned for [concern about] sexual enticement are specifically for things that are not customarily exposed ... all is according to the customs and the locations.Rabbi Shammah cites many sources, such as Maharshal and Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, who permit various violations of their theretofore normative laws of tzniut, on the basis that the behavior in question is not sexually enticing in that time and place. In regards to kol isha specifically, he notes that
R. [Yehiel Yaakov] Weinberg cites Maimonides Hilkhot Isurei Bi’a (Laws of Forbidden Sexual Relations) 21:2, in which Maimonides states that "one who looks even at a woman’s little finger with the intent to derive [erotic] pleasure is as if he looked at her privates and even to hear the voice of a forbidden woman or to see her hair is forbidden." R. Weinberg points out that the meaning of Maimonides’ words is that the prohibition to hear a woman’s voice is only if there is intent to thereby derive erotic pleasure.Rabbi Weinberg relies also on the Sdei Chemed, quoting the Divrei Cheifetz, that Shabbat hymns and funeral dirges, when sung by women, are not kol isha, as men do not derive sexual pleasure from them. Rabbi Shammah simply takes this logic further, and concludes that if a man judges himself sincerely and honestly, that in a particular case, he will not be enticed by a woman's voice, he may listen to her sing, even ordinary songs in concerts, and the like, depending on the case. He closes saying that
From my childhood [growing up under Syrian Jewish-Orthodox immigrants to Israel] until my adulthood I do not remember closing my ears, nor was I instructed to do so, and I heard the best music, both from the Orient and the West, even when performed by female singers, and even at live performances. Apparently, the principle is based on the fact that there is no intent here for some forbidden pleasure. [People] have testified to me that there were Torah-observant Jews at the performances of the famous Egyptian singer, Umm Kulthum [considered by some to be Egypt’s most famous and distinguished twentieth-century singer], and even more than that, they listened to her songs and learned them well, even though some of the songs had inappropriate words. Prayer leaders (among them scholars) used her tunes [in the prayer services], until this day, with the approval of halakhic authorities, who knew quite well the source [of these tunes].
On the other hand, against the novel and minority view of Rabbis Bigman and Shammah, Rabbi Cherney notes that,
[W]e find that Shmuel's claim that it [i.e., various violations of the normative laws of tzniut] is permitted "for the sake of Heaven, הכל לשם שמים," [meaning, the act is normatively forbidden, but permitted because it gives no sexual pleasure in the given time and place] is quoted by later authorities. R. Moses Isserles (the Ramo) quotes Shmuel's liberal view, as stated by Tosafot. But we should note that although Ramo obviously accepts this principle, he does not quote it in the context of Kol isha. In our own generation, R. Ovadia Yosef [who elsewhere is willing to be lenient on certain normative laws of tzniut when men are no longer enticed by them in the given time and place] has expressed the opinion that, "you should not let your heart seize the argument that nowadays since we are accustomed to the voices of women, we need not be concerned that [the voice arouses lewd thoughts], for we may not say these things out of our own understanding if it is not mentioned in the authorities."Rabbi Yehuda Henkin, based especially on the Maharshal, permits men and women to mix in general society, based on the fact that this is no longer sexually enticing today, but he, like Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, likewise forbids this same argument to be applied to kol isha.
Examples of relatives that one may touch include parents, grandparents, grandchildren, and one's spouse if she is not niddah. This prohibition is colloquially called shmirath negiah (observance of the laws of touching) or shomer negiah. Whether or not children adopted at a young age are included in this prohibition is a matter of dispute and case-by-case decision.
Conservative and Reform Judaism do not generally follow these practices.
Conservative and Reform Judaism do not regard these rules as applicable.
Mechitzot are usually seen in Orthodox synagogues to separate the men and women. In Conservative synagogues, a Mechitza is rarely seen because the conservative movement put a strong emphasis on egalitarianism meaning men and women should have equal roles in the prayer service because men and women are considered equal and a strong familial feeling in the synagogue. In Reform synagogues, they are never seen.
Issues that have received wide interpretation are:
The degree to which a woman's legs must be covered (thickness of tights/stockings/socks as well as different length socks vs. knee-highs vs. thigh-highs)
The principal guiding point is that a Jew should not dress in a way that attracts attention. This does not mean dressing poorly, but neither men nor women should dress in a way that overly emphasizes the physical or attracts undue attention.
*Not dwelling on lascivious or immoral thoughts.
From the 1960s to 1980s, this issue became a topic of conversation within the non-Orthodox Jewish community and many people began to express an interest in practicing some of these observances. Conversely, by the 1980s some within the Orthodox Jewish community debated these issues publicly.
Category:Jewish marital law Category:Hebrew words and phrases Category:Judaism and sexuality
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