recounted by an
anarchist who ventured there for
a moment in December 2008
From the moment that 14 year old Alexi Grigoropoulos was gunned down by a patrolling policeman on December 6 2008, the morphology of Greece’s capital city and many others, both on the mainland and in many of the islands, changed. The force of the people’s anger against the State and its paid killers expressed itself with limpid clarity: Athens, a European metropolis, had no cop station left untouched, no bank left functioning. Huge stores, banks and public buildings were gutted by fire and hundreds of luxury cars and car showrooms went up in flames, as the streets were blocked off with flaming barricades and hundreds of police in riot gear were forced to run away from the rebels.
It is impossible to render what happened over there in words, because what took place was a social rebellion, where the outward face of capitalist society came under assault by massive numbers of disparate people, acting as one.
Anarchist comrades who had been in the thick of the rebellion around the Polytechnic in Athens were visibly overwhelmed. Stunned by the events, their eyes shining with passion and wonder, they were the first to admit that they had lived moments that they had never imagined even in their wildest dreams, and which had completely surpassed them.
Many words have been written about these days, beautiful words, reproduced and diffused in many languages. But it seemed that something was missing...
This candid account by one anarchist who suddenly found himself acting in a completely different terrain to that which he was familiar with, and the fears and questions that this awakened in him, is a valuable testimony that opens up many questions for all anarchists.
***
The evening of December 6 2008 I was at home preparing for one of my usual Saturday nights. Then a friend called me on the phone telling me that something very bad had happened, cops in Exarchia had killed somebody. I made some phone calls, some of my friends didn’t know and some had already heard. Like them, we immediately went to the Polytechnic school. It took a little time before clashes began around it. After some hours some of my comrades and I decided to carry out an attack on a police station in the centre of Athens. It was important for us to do this at that time. We made an appointment in a busy area of Athens where we could be hidden inside the crowd after the attack. As a friend and I were walking towards the place of the appointment we encountered a spontaneous demo of a few hundred leftist people who are not normally seen clashing with the police, ready to attack. The head of the demo stopped to ask us what was going on at the Polytechnic because they wanted to go there. We told them that it might be difficult as there were some police units around, then left, each in their own direction. I was struck by the look in their eyes, something very strange for them, because I know them well. It was anger and a readiness to clash with the police, not just anger but the urgency to clash with the police. These guys are people that usually fight with the anarchists on the issue of clashing or not clashing with the police, always in favour of the latter. The look on their faces was in contradiction with their whole appearance as Greek leftist students with their carefully trimmed beards and spectacles.
We went to the appointment. We were about 100 people, which is not the usual number for a group that wants to attack a police station. It would normally be 12 to 20. We attacked the police station with molotovs and stones. We didn’t do all that much real damage as it was a spontaneous action and not well planned. We continued by smashing and burning luxury shops and chain stores before returning to the crowded area we started off from.
I went back to the Polytechnic school where clashes with police were continuing and someone called me from the law school telling me that there were also clashes there. The leftists we had met before had obviously ended up there. I remember that when I was on the road from to the Polytechnic, despite the fact that there were clashes around, we didn’t feel the sense of fear and anxiety one normally has in such situations.
At the school of law there were also clashes with the police but I think that there was a different sense. The attacks on the police were maybe more amateur than at the Polytechnic but definitively this was more a mass situation. Even the insults exchanged with the police were different, more sophisticated.
A few hours later I returned to the Polytechnic and tried to get some sleep as it was nearly morning. I didn’t manage to sleep of course and I think that it was at that moment that I began to realise what had actually happened with this young comrade who had been shot. At that moment the human tragedy that had occurred suddenly hit me and I cried. Eventually I managed to doze off for a couple of hours and when I woke up, because of all these thoughts, I was even angrier than before.
Sunday’s demo saw several thousand people and we began to move up Alexandras Avenue towards the police headquarters of Athens. Very soon clashes began and as always many shops and banks were set on fire.
The clashes with the police that day were very hard, we exchanged an unimaginable hail of stones with the police and they discharged huge amounts of teargas upon us. The anger and lack of sleep had left me totally out of control. I was wounded by a stone and ended up in hospital for some stitches. The friend who had come with me to the hospital phoned me later telling me that there were a lot of clashes around Athens in some normal areas as well as around the school of economics and other schools.
Next day, Monday, I didn’t go to work. A friend called me on the phone to tell me that some school pupils had attacked the police headquarters of Pireus, the port of Athens. Later I heard that there had been another attack in Pireus against a police station and from that moment I began to receive information about many attacks on police stations in very ordinary parts of Athens and all over Greece. Even then I had not realised what was going on. I met my father some time later and he had seen the attack on the police headquarters of Pireus while at work. He told me laughing that the pupils had overturned the police cars and smashed the facade of the building and there were ordinary people around clapping their hands.
Like some of my friends, I was considering not going on the afternoon demo, thinking that nothing much would happen there. I decided to go at the last moment and arrived just a few minutes before it began. When I came out of the metro station I saw a huge crowd, thousands of people, tens of thousands, some say between 30 and 40 thousand. There was already a burning barricade in a side street, and some young people were clashing with a police unit. As soon as the demo began—but rather than a demo, it was a crowd, a great mass of angry people—some people began to smash and loot the shops, any shops. At first some people tried to stop them but very soon the situation was chaotic with buildings, shops, everything set on fire, even a big hotel which was something that made me feel very scared, thinking there would be people trapped inside.
Despite the fact that I’m used to violent events, and not as an observer, all that was happening all of a sudden was not quite compatible with my anarchist mentality. The people around me were totally unknown, again something that was unusual for me.
When I reached Omonia Square right in the centre of Athens, many people were trying to set fire to a very central prestigious building of the national bank of Greece where a woman was trapped inside. Other people were moving towards Omonia police station to attack it, everything burning and being looted all around us. I met 2 women anarchist comrades that I don’t know very well. But we were the only people who knew each other there and they asked me what I suggested doing because, as they told me, they were not sure if they really wanted to be there. I told them that I couldn’t answer because I felt the same way.
As the chaos continued a police unit attacked the crowd very aggressively from one side, discharging a lot of teargas, while leftwing people were desperately trying to retain a sense of demo amidst this chaos. At that moment the crowd was trapped in a thick cloud of gas, the situation was very dangerous. Thankfully the crowd managed to spread out and disperse and I, on reaching Syntagma square, found other masses of people going in different directions in crowds. Then some demonstrators set fire to the huge Christmas tree in the big square in front of the Greek parliament. From this moment, because of this incident, the slogan ‘Christmas has been cancelled this year’ was born and the image of the burning tree has gone around the world giving joy to many. But at that precise moment I felt the same fear that I felt when I saw huge buildings burning, some with people inside them. The fear wasn’t for my personal security but, as I see myself as part of the Greek anarchist movement, I was afraid that after all this it might be impossible to be an anarchist in Greece as I was before, that the movement couldn’t bear the weight of what might happen.
In Syntagma square some police units tried to regain control of the situation, attacking the mass and trying to arrest people. I saw a young girl being arrested, I ran towards the police unit not knowing exactly what I wanted to do, and then I realised that I was almost rounded up by another police unit running towards me. I saw a few other people behind me doing the same thing. Thankfully I managed to run through the police unit as did the others behind me, except perhaps one that I couldn’t do anything about.
Later I found a friend of mine and we decided to go towards the School of Law which was close to us and we knew that there were some riots around it. The burning and smashing hadn’t stopped around the city centre. We went to the School of Law where opposite a large historic building was up in flames. Later on we learned was the library of the School of Law. The size of the fire was so great that it was terrifying. It was not the only building in Athens in this situation. Going up on to the roof of the School of Law we saw the smoke of all the buildings that were burning in the centre of Athens. The fires had created a great glow, like a livid sunset over the city. We suddenly heard a very loud noise coming from the burning building opposite - maybe a part of its roof had collapsed.
A friend called me from the Polytechnic. He’s a comrade who is always very eager to be involved in riots and burning. He told me that there were so many riots around the Polytechnic that he was tired, and that I could not imagine what was going on there. I went later to the Polytechnic, the riots had calmed down but everything around had been burned and looted. A five-storey building near the school had been burnt to the ground.
I found a very good friend and comrade at the side entrance to the Polytechnic. I noticed that he was completely alone, sitting staring into space. He told me that he was very disappointed that he had lost the demo; I replied that I was not so sure that he would really have liked to have been there. He asked me why and I told him that they had burnt and destroyed things like the Law School library and that the situation was totally out of control. He told me that the same happened there and that he and some of his comrades had tried to prevent people from looting shops, which they saw as out of the context of the reason for the anger, the murder of a young boy in Exarchia.
Then I saw and heard something very strong that was to repeat itself constantly over the days to come: young people gathered behind a barricade of burnt cars screaming slogans at the police, using the burnt-out cars as drums. I saw an amazing image of a guy standing on top of a car in front of a big fire, arms and legs open, his silhouette etched by the flames.
From that day on the people who came to the Polytechnic were not exactly anarchists but young and very young people, a lot of them immigrants, some junkies and also some ‘emo’ kids maybe from the better-off areas of Athens, a mixture that had also been present in the demo earlier.
Over recent years the road outside the Polytechnic has been the scene of many street battles with the riot police. For the first two days following Alexi’s murder those fighting were still mainly anarchists, possibly in the widest sense, but still anarchists or at least people of the antagonist movement. Many, many comrades who until these days had never lifted a stone were involved in fighting the police. Leftists whose negative attitude towards riots or clashes with the police had until then monopolised our encounters with them were in many cases involved, and sometimes passionately, in the clashes.
On Monday, the third day, this changed. A mixture of young people but also many other people impossible to categorise became the driving force. Many anarchists were embarrassed by this situation. The violence that these people were releasing surpassed the limits of the mainstream anarchist mentality. These limits were faithfully adhered to by the school of economics occupation close by, predominantly occupied by anarchists without the presence of the ‘rabble’. In fact, the Polytechnic came to be referred to as ‘Bagdad’, whereas the ASOEE (school of Economics) was ‘Switzerland’.
The ASOEE became the centre of many discussions and also actions which also gave ideas for the publishing of a lot of stuff. In my opinion, all these discussions, actions and published stuff remained within the limits of the typical anarchist mentality - maybe in a wider and improved sense, but always inside these limits, determined by the character of the crowd that was gathering in the ASOEE, which was an anarchist, or in the wider sense a movement-involved crowd at the time when in the Polytechnic school something different and new was happening.
The Polytechnic school was a place where a mass of many different people gathered: very young people, school students, some ‘emo’ style maybe from wealthier families, simultaneously with first and second generation immigrants, many of whom didn’t speak Greek, many people who couldn’t be specifically catgorised, and inside this confusion of hundreds, sometimes thousands, of people there was a minority of anarchists desperately trying to retain some political character in the occupation.
In ASOEE there were some stories going around about dealings - drugs - or comrades who were violently trying to prevent looting in the surrounding area. These stories may or may not have been true, or were exaggerated, but they are characteristic of the image that people in ASOEE had of the Polytechnic school.
It has been common for riots or violent clashes to take place outside the Polytechnic from 1973 onwards, since the insurrection on Nov 17. If something very important happens, it’s to be expected that everybody will go there, but it’s not so common to go to ASOEE. Maybe the fact that so many anarchists went to ASOEE indicates the unwillingness of the main body of the Greek anarchist movement to be involved with this ‘rabble’. In my opinion, this also shows our inability to surpass our limits and to be able to adjust to an unknown and unpredictable situation.
This situation in the occupied schools lasted from the 6th of December until the Christmas holidays. In a way, Christmas had come to be seen as a kind of closure, not only due to some clear fall in the level of the situation, but also as a kind of expectation from the main body of anarchists, particularly in the ASOEE.
What happened to all those people that we the anarchists encountered all these days of December? Some of the Greek students were incorporated into the main body of the anarchists, but all the others, immigrants, ‘scum’, or just masses of uncategorised people simply vanished into urban anonymity. We didn’t see them, or maybe we didn’t want to see them, again.
For many anarchists December was a success in quantitative terms.
For a few, it opened up a glimpse into the elsewhere.
Maybe these days revealed our incapacity to encounter new possibilities.
Showing posts with label Greece. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Greece. Show all posts
Friday 7 May 2010
Thursday 6 May 2010
The unanimity of the fearful - Coalition of the Cells of Fire
“The unanimity of the fearful” (communique for the bomb at the ministry of Macedonia and Thrace in Thessaloniki)
On September 2, the same day that a bomb detonated outside the Athens Stock Exchange, another one went off at the ministry of Macedonia and Thrace in the city of Thessaloniki. As expected, the “Conspiracies of Cells of Fire” claimed responsibility. What follows is the communique, released on September 5, with which the attack was claimed –trans.
The unanimity of the fearful.
Throughout history, leaders of all kinds of totalitarian regimes aim at social cohesion. Through this cohesion the mass-human is produced – more flexible, more disciplined and more conservative toward the prevalent social behaviours at all given times. It is the contemporary class of these socially integrated citizens who then discover their common identity and crouch around the common interest, common aspirations and desires. All the lonelinesses of the western world meet for a moment in the snap-shot of consumerist frenzy.
In greece during the 80s social cohesion was inspired by the dream of “change” and invested in the owner-mania of house-building. Multi-storey flats in athens and thessaloniki were built one after the other in order to accommodate the absence of life emerging with the appearance of family ownership-property. Everyone was seeking their own property as recognition of their social value in the social class of the “neo-greek”, which required owner-property status.
In the 90s came the swoop of micro-electrical appliances of mortgaged joy and the second car. The neo-greek bourgeois were parading around their absence in a new environment of technological comfort and digital pleasure promised by the delayed greek capitalism. Loans for new living room couches and electrical appliances became a routine.
And so the bourgeois got to acquire all the characteristics of a class. They have common desires, common aspirations, common language and no consciousness. Yet they also have something else, something that in times of crisis becomes the strongest negotiation strategy for its administrators: They have common fears. Fear of loss of all these material “ideals” acquired with so much compromise, tolerance and humiliation. The peaceful bourgeois is capable even of killing someone should they threaten their property. Because in this very property they have invested everything they are. When someone loses their illusions, they become worse than him who has consciousness of the real loss.
In illusions all hopes for a future that will never come are placed upon; daily humiliations are soothed, stressed micro-egos get to rest. Leaders invest in the politics of crisis and fear once social cohesion of the common dream collapses, as a natural malfunction of the capitalist machine.
First of all, the notion of a crisis as constantly bombarded upon us through the media is in itself a military order, an order dictating social alert. The social fear parading in front of the unknown of the crisis has its own, very distinct smell. It is the smell of the cowardliness of all that the bourgeois has accepted, all the desires they never discovered, all the humiliations they never reacted to, all the roles they played in front of the empty stage of their bourgeois fantasizing. Social fear also has its own expression – it is vengeful, stingy and conservative.
Social cohesion is reclaimed by fear. From the religious time of crisis by some “god” to the national crises, even their breaths are tuned in military style. The entire society of zombification dances along the rhythms of the crisis, incapable of even realising what has happened.
These artificial conditions of alert act as military exercises against social polarisation. The times at which they are tested are very carefully chosen. Because they are not limited to one state, especially the economic crisis, they acquire different versions between them, so as to act more efficiently.
For example, the current economic crisis in the USA as a response of the conservative “white” republicans to the established democrats and the restructuring in the health system serve different purposes to the crisis in greece after the revolt of December. And also, the crisis with the outbreak of the new flu also comes to serve other purposes.
The politics of crisis proves to be a rather successful technique because except for the “wise ones” (political authority, journalists, analysts, “experts” of all sorts) who propagate it, there is also a stupid audience of faithful (society) ready to accept it and take orders.
In greece after all the technique of the crisis is a rather usual method. Often after social tension and clashes or ruptures caused by the enemy within, such crises of national unanimity make their appearance.
1991 was the year of the mass school occupations and the assassination of teacher Nikos Temponeras while the next year saw the crisis with skopje and the macedonian demonstrations. 1995 was the year of the largest mass arrest – 500 people in the Athens Polytechnic – while 1996 saw the Imia crisis (skirmishes between the greek and turkish army over an unpopulated rock –trans). 2008 saw the revolt of December and 2009 was the year of the migrant crisis, pogroms, concentration camps, turkish airspace violations and the revealing of the execution of missing greek-cypriots by turkish-cypriots. This does not mean to say that events were “produced” in order to disorientate the zombified public opinion. Imia did not happen to cover the Polytechnic arrests, nor was the supposed migrant issue highlighted to cover for December. Plus the fact that the economy is damaged and collapsing is a reality. The technique of the crisis is simply the director-like ability to highlight certain scenes at the right moment, so to direct the viewer’s gaze.
Air-space violations and incidents with greek rocks have happened many times, and yet in the case of Imia they were particularly promoted. (Undocumented) migrants have been living in the centre of Athens for years, and yet it was now that they had to be “revealed”. Illnesses and epidemics exist or are created constantly, yet once their usefulness period is over they disappear without anyone knowing their ending, like in the cases of the mad cow disease and the asian flu.
Economy is constantly in the red, yet now this has to be emphasized. Tables of statistics have no importance whatsoever, nor do the facts by financial authorities or financial analyses. What needs to be understood by the revolutionary force and the new urban guerilla tendency, is the social value of the financial crisis, the social value of fear – we need to proceed to our counter-analyses and to launch an attack on all fronts.
Economy is not a mere maths equation, it is a factory of production of relationships. The coming elections offer the visible exit from the crisis. They are the diffusing of the amassed social fear and its replacement by the hope for reconstruction of the bourgeois dream. We know that even sad people who carry as a badge of honour the title of the citizen, think of elections as outdated – and yet they are the only thing they have. After all as we said, illusions and idiocy are near-totally unbeatable, but not without their weaknesses.
Because we, like other comrades of the new urban guerilla tendency, do not participate in fixed games, nor do we participate in the official fiestas of demonstrations, in called-for marches such as that against the international expo in thessaloniki, we chose our own time to act.
And so at the dawn of Wednesday September 2 we placed a self-made exploding device comprising of two time bombs and 8 kilos of explosives in the back entrance of the ministry of Macedonia-Thrace. In order to avoid injuries we notified one tv station and the police.
The selection of that particular target was more of a challenge for the police protection plans devised for the particular location. The policemen by the entrance, the riot police unit in the courtyard, the police blocks on the adjacent Ayiou Dimitriou str, the patrols around the building were all a good opportunity for us to send them run panicking.
Each time that we emphasize on the operational part of a plan we do not do so in order to claim some credits for operational flawlessness and bravery. That is nonsense. Whatever we do, we do simply because we feel it and it fills us with the meaning of our existence. These references to some operational parts take place as an invitation to new comrades in order to share with them our belief that responsibility, good organising, trustworthiness, comradely feelings and decisiveness can attack that which until yesterday seemed unapproachable.
After all, the consecutive attacks that took place in our city during the summer by different groups prove that the new urban guerilla tendency is already under way and prepares its own charge. Broken doors, smashed shop fronts, smoke from the torched buildings, the chaos of the sabotages, is a network of communication beyond and outside the foreseeable. It is a way to tell our losses, our contradictions, our desires, ignoring the registries of authority and laughing at its established rules. No respect to the authorities of this city and its obedient citizens.
We shall return…
Coalition of the Cells of Fire
On September 2, the same day that a bomb detonated outside the Athens Stock Exchange, another one went off at the ministry of Macedonia and Thrace in the city of Thessaloniki. As expected, the “Conspiracies of Cells of Fire” claimed responsibility. What follows is the communique, released on September 5, with which the attack was claimed –trans.
The unanimity of the fearful.
Throughout history, leaders of all kinds of totalitarian regimes aim at social cohesion. Through this cohesion the mass-human is produced – more flexible, more disciplined and more conservative toward the prevalent social behaviours at all given times. It is the contemporary class of these socially integrated citizens who then discover their common identity and crouch around the common interest, common aspirations and desires. All the lonelinesses of the western world meet for a moment in the snap-shot of consumerist frenzy.
In greece during the 80s social cohesion was inspired by the dream of “change” and invested in the owner-mania of house-building. Multi-storey flats in athens and thessaloniki were built one after the other in order to accommodate the absence of life emerging with the appearance of family ownership-property. Everyone was seeking their own property as recognition of their social value in the social class of the “neo-greek”, which required owner-property status.
In the 90s came the swoop of micro-electrical appliances of mortgaged joy and the second car. The neo-greek bourgeois were parading around their absence in a new environment of technological comfort and digital pleasure promised by the delayed greek capitalism. Loans for new living room couches and electrical appliances became a routine.
And so the bourgeois got to acquire all the characteristics of a class. They have common desires, common aspirations, common language and no consciousness. Yet they also have something else, something that in times of crisis becomes the strongest negotiation strategy for its administrators: They have common fears. Fear of loss of all these material “ideals” acquired with so much compromise, tolerance and humiliation. The peaceful bourgeois is capable even of killing someone should they threaten their property. Because in this very property they have invested everything they are. When someone loses their illusions, they become worse than him who has consciousness of the real loss.
In illusions all hopes for a future that will never come are placed upon; daily humiliations are soothed, stressed micro-egos get to rest. Leaders invest in the politics of crisis and fear once social cohesion of the common dream collapses, as a natural malfunction of the capitalist machine.
First of all, the notion of a crisis as constantly bombarded upon us through the media is in itself a military order, an order dictating social alert. The social fear parading in front of the unknown of the crisis has its own, very distinct smell. It is the smell of the cowardliness of all that the bourgeois has accepted, all the desires they never discovered, all the humiliations they never reacted to, all the roles they played in front of the empty stage of their bourgeois fantasizing. Social fear also has its own expression – it is vengeful, stingy and conservative.
Social cohesion is reclaimed by fear. From the religious time of crisis by some “god” to the national crises, even their breaths are tuned in military style. The entire society of zombification dances along the rhythms of the crisis, incapable of even realising what has happened.
These artificial conditions of alert act as military exercises against social polarisation. The times at which they are tested are very carefully chosen. Because they are not limited to one state, especially the economic crisis, they acquire different versions between them, so as to act more efficiently.
For example, the current economic crisis in the USA as a response of the conservative “white” republicans to the established democrats and the restructuring in the health system serve different purposes to the crisis in greece after the revolt of December. And also, the crisis with the outbreak of the new flu also comes to serve other purposes.
The politics of crisis proves to be a rather successful technique because except for the “wise ones” (political authority, journalists, analysts, “experts” of all sorts) who propagate it, there is also a stupid audience of faithful (society) ready to accept it and take orders.
In greece after all the technique of the crisis is a rather usual method. Often after social tension and clashes or ruptures caused by the enemy within, such crises of national unanimity make their appearance.
1991 was the year of the mass school occupations and the assassination of teacher Nikos Temponeras while the next year saw the crisis with skopje and the macedonian demonstrations. 1995 was the year of the largest mass arrest – 500 people in the Athens Polytechnic – while 1996 saw the Imia crisis (skirmishes between the greek and turkish army over an unpopulated rock –trans). 2008 saw the revolt of December and 2009 was the year of the migrant crisis, pogroms, concentration camps, turkish airspace violations and the revealing of the execution of missing greek-cypriots by turkish-cypriots. This does not mean to say that events were “produced” in order to disorientate the zombified public opinion. Imia did not happen to cover the Polytechnic arrests, nor was the supposed migrant issue highlighted to cover for December. Plus the fact that the economy is damaged and collapsing is a reality. The technique of the crisis is simply the director-like ability to highlight certain scenes at the right moment, so to direct the viewer’s gaze.
Air-space violations and incidents with greek rocks have happened many times, and yet in the case of Imia they were particularly promoted. (Undocumented) migrants have been living in the centre of Athens for years, and yet it was now that they had to be “revealed”. Illnesses and epidemics exist or are created constantly, yet once their usefulness period is over they disappear without anyone knowing their ending, like in the cases of the mad cow disease and the asian flu.
Economy is constantly in the red, yet now this has to be emphasized. Tables of statistics have no importance whatsoever, nor do the facts by financial authorities or financial analyses. What needs to be understood by the revolutionary force and the new urban guerilla tendency, is the social value of the financial crisis, the social value of fear – we need to proceed to our counter-analyses and to launch an attack on all fronts.
Economy is not a mere maths equation, it is a factory of production of relationships. The coming elections offer the visible exit from the crisis. They are the diffusing of the amassed social fear and its replacement by the hope for reconstruction of the bourgeois dream. We know that even sad people who carry as a badge of honour the title of the citizen, think of elections as outdated – and yet they are the only thing they have. After all as we said, illusions and idiocy are near-totally unbeatable, but not without their weaknesses.
Because we, like other comrades of the new urban guerilla tendency, do not participate in fixed games, nor do we participate in the official fiestas of demonstrations, in called-for marches such as that against the international expo in thessaloniki, we chose our own time to act.
And so at the dawn of Wednesday September 2 we placed a self-made exploding device comprising of two time bombs and 8 kilos of explosives in the back entrance of the ministry of Macedonia-Thrace. In order to avoid injuries we notified one tv station and the police.
The selection of that particular target was more of a challenge for the police protection plans devised for the particular location. The policemen by the entrance, the riot police unit in the courtyard, the police blocks on the adjacent Ayiou Dimitriou str, the patrols around the building were all a good opportunity for us to send them run panicking.
Each time that we emphasize on the operational part of a plan we do not do so in order to claim some credits for operational flawlessness and bravery. That is nonsense. Whatever we do, we do simply because we feel it and it fills us with the meaning of our existence. These references to some operational parts take place as an invitation to new comrades in order to share with them our belief that responsibility, good organising, trustworthiness, comradely feelings and decisiveness can attack that which until yesterday seemed unapproachable.
After all, the consecutive attacks that took place in our city during the summer by different groups prove that the new urban guerilla tendency is already under way and prepares its own charge. Broken doors, smashed shop fronts, smoke from the torched buildings, the chaos of the sabotages, is a network of communication beyond and outside the foreseeable. It is a way to tell our losses, our contradictions, our desires, ignoring the registries of authority and laughing at its established rules. No respect to the authorities of this city and its obedient citizens.
We shall return…
Coalition of the Cells of Fire
Wednesday 5 May 2010
LET THE OLYMPIC GAMES DIE IN THE LAND THEY WERE BORN
a leaflet given out in Greece during preparations for the
greek Olympics
In times of war for the imposition of global domination, where the bosses proceed to inter-state coalitions and capitalist completions, coordinating their operations in the name of "anti "terrorism to establish totalitarian control and to loot the world...
In times of an all-out attack against the peoples of the so-called "third world", whose genocide through starvation and disease and their enslavement in the dungeons of multinational mass production colonies are nourishing the well-being of the "developed" world; whose death during the new order's crusades and under military occupation, their confinement and torture inside concentration camps and attempts to neutralize their resistance have become the foundation stone for the Security of the projects of dominion...
In times of intensified exploitation, surveillance and repression for the excluded and those who resist within the walls of the western world...
...The olympic games are a shop-window of capitalism and domination itself. An advertisement for the world of class slavery and the means to impose it. A global gala, sealing in one more level of the cooperation of the local bosses with multinational corporations, international political staffs and agencies of repression.
For the Greek state, a participant in the criminal coalition that is launching the global terror-war, the Olympic games are a step to upgrade its role in the world's elite and strengthen its pre-eminent position in the Balkans. They are its own way of contributing to the expansion of this terror-war and especially to the aspect that concerns the militarization of western societies and the extermination of the "internal enemy". Inside the country, the games are the spearhead for the state's attack against the exploited and oppressed, as well as the means to accelerate the imposition of a longlasting State of Emergency, signifying a new era of repression and social control.
In the name of accomplishing the National Grand Idea, the "ideals" of profit are praised by all kind of bosses: companies, contractors and state officials who handle the huge 2004 budgets. In this giant commercial enterprise, which will cost more than 6 billion euros, the proletarians are forcefully labeled "volunteers" to pay its cost by being robbed through taxes, the rise in the cost of living and wage freezes, but also to pay its price: by speeding up the work pace, in extremely dangerous conditions and under new forms of surveillance, with their own blood in working "accidents". These human sacrifices (more than 620 dead immigrant and local workers in the last four years) on the altar of profit and due to the bonuses given for the fast termination of the Works, have taken nightmarish dimensions in the Olympic construction sites where hundreds of workers have been killed or seriously injured. A new model of absolute exploitation and expendable humans is consolidated in the Olympic works, to characterize from now on the conditions of labor in every other site of wage slavery. At the same time, as the games are offering a unique opportunity for capitalist pillage, the natural environment is being plundered and destroyed, while the urban landscape is redeveloped according to the new norms of commercialization and surveillance of public spaces.
The local version of international "anti "terrorism is being established through the colossal operation "safe olympic games", including:
the collaboration of "anti"-terrorist specialists from Greek, US, British, Israeli, Australian, German, French and Spanish secret services,
military exercises by Greek and foreign special forces, based on scenarios of "preemptive action" and "management of disproportionate threats", NATO's engagement after official demands made by the Greek state, with spying aircrafts, special units on alert and navy patrolling in the Aegean and Mediteranea sea, mass imports of modern weapons and the installation of technologically advanced equipment monitoring public spaces and persons, such as the C4I system developed by the american multinational SAIC (a company providing know-how, infrastructure and armament for the war in Afghanistan and Iraq).
Hundreds of surveillance cameras are being placed and forbidden "red zones", where access is possible only for those with licences, are instituted. All areas around athletic facilities, hotels, ports and airports in the five Olympic cities are sealed and sterilized with the use of sensors to locate anything and anyone considered suspect. In the streets, the death squads of a police occupation army are undertaking "cleansing operations" against the homeless, drug addicts and immigrants, while the former US base in Aspropyrgos, outside Athens, has been transformed in to an olympic concentration camp. In Heraklio, Crete, Roma families will be evicted out of their settlement to be relocated in an old military base. During the games, 50.000 soldiers will take position around Athens and patrolling inside the red zones.
Through these orgiastic preparations, the repressive apparatus is modernized, and the new role of the army in the confrontation of the "internal enemy" is promoted. The "zero tolerance" doctrine against any expression of social and class dissidence is rooting and the borders, where already hundreds of refugees are loosing their lives, are even more fortified.
The Olympics are proclaimed "a matter of national interest" and their safety becomes the ideological vehicle for the implementation of methods that are either way considered as priorities for the intensification of state terrorism, within the framework of constructing a global Guantanamo.
Within this situation, "court-martials" are set, such as the one that accomplished its mission inside Koridallos prison, imposing on those accused as "November 17" members exterminatory sentences of political convenience, and the one that is taking place now against the five accused for participation in E.L.A (Revolutionary Popular Struggle), with the judges cynically admitting that "the trial must be finished before the Olympics".
These are trials aiming at having the institution of "independent justice" legalize torture and confinement in "white cells", by the collaborators and the pogrom against the dissidents of terror-democracy. After they're finished, political prisoners will be sent to the new isolation wing, which was recently built in the jail of Larisa. Participation in social-class struggles and the expression of solidarity are both criminalized, and every choice to resist without apology to state legality, rejecting the mediation of institutions is baptized "terrorism".
The Greek state signs international "anti "terrorist acts and treaties allowing extradition. Within these circumstances it was decided to extradite in Germany Sinan Bozcourt - Taylan, a Kurdish communist arrested in Greece on the same day that many other political refugees from Turkey were arrested in different countries of Fortress-Europe.
Using the alibi of the Olympics' safety, the Greek secret service and police authorities are officially now after political refugees, Arab and muslim immigrants, anarchists and anti- authoritarians, announcing that their places are being watched and their email and telephone communication monitored.
greek Olympics
In times of war for the imposition of global domination, where the bosses proceed to inter-state coalitions and capitalist completions, coordinating their operations in the name of "anti "terrorism to establish totalitarian control and to loot the world...
In times of an all-out attack against the peoples of the so-called "third world", whose genocide through starvation and disease and their enslavement in the dungeons of multinational mass production colonies are nourishing the well-being of the "developed" world; whose death during the new order's crusades and under military occupation, their confinement and torture inside concentration camps and attempts to neutralize their resistance have become the foundation stone for the Security of the projects of dominion...
In times of intensified exploitation, surveillance and repression for the excluded and those who resist within the walls of the western world...
...The olympic games are a shop-window of capitalism and domination itself. An advertisement for the world of class slavery and the means to impose it. A global gala, sealing in one more level of the cooperation of the local bosses with multinational corporations, international political staffs and agencies of repression.
For the Greek state, a participant in the criminal coalition that is launching the global terror-war, the Olympic games are a step to upgrade its role in the world's elite and strengthen its pre-eminent position in the Balkans. They are its own way of contributing to the expansion of this terror-war and especially to the aspect that concerns the militarization of western societies and the extermination of the "internal enemy". Inside the country, the games are the spearhead for the state's attack against the exploited and oppressed, as well as the means to accelerate the imposition of a longlasting State of Emergency, signifying a new era of repression and social control.
In the name of accomplishing the National Grand Idea, the "ideals" of profit are praised by all kind of bosses: companies, contractors and state officials who handle the huge 2004 budgets. In this giant commercial enterprise, which will cost more than 6 billion euros, the proletarians are forcefully labeled "volunteers" to pay its cost by being robbed through taxes, the rise in the cost of living and wage freezes, but also to pay its price: by speeding up the work pace, in extremely dangerous conditions and under new forms of surveillance, with their own blood in working "accidents". These human sacrifices (more than 620 dead immigrant and local workers in the last four years) on the altar of profit and due to the bonuses given for the fast termination of the Works, have taken nightmarish dimensions in the Olympic construction sites where hundreds of workers have been killed or seriously injured. A new model of absolute exploitation and expendable humans is consolidated in the Olympic works, to characterize from now on the conditions of labor in every other site of wage slavery. At the same time, as the games are offering a unique opportunity for capitalist pillage, the natural environment is being plundered and destroyed, while the urban landscape is redeveloped according to the new norms of commercialization and surveillance of public spaces.
The local version of international "anti "terrorism is being established through the colossal operation "safe olympic games", including:
the collaboration of "anti"-terrorist specialists from Greek, US, British, Israeli, Australian, German, French and Spanish secret services,
military exercises by Greek and foreign special forces, based on scenarios of "preemptive action" and "management of disproportionate threats", NATO's engagement after official demands made by the Greek state, with spying aircrafts, special units on alert and navy patrolling in the Aegean and Mediteranea sea, mass imports of modern weapons and the installation of technologically advanced equipment monitoring public spaces and persons, such as the C4I system developed by the american multinational SAIC (a company providing know-how, infrastructure and armament for the war in Afghanistan and Iraq).
Hundreds of surveillance cameras are being placed and forbidden "red zones", where access is possible only for those with licences, are instituted. All areas around athletic facilities, hotels, ports and airports in the five Olympic cities are sealed and sterilized with the use of sensors to locate anything and anyone considered suspect. In the streets, the death squads of a police occupation army are undertaking "cleansing operations" against the homeless, drug addicts and immigrants, while the former US base in Aspropyrgos, outside Athens, has been transformed in to an olympic concentration camp. In Heraklio, Crete, Roma families will be evicted out of their settlement to be relocated in an old military base. During the games, 50.000 soldiers will take position around Athens and patrolling inside the red zones.
Through these orgiastic preparations, the repressive apparatus is modernized, and the new role of the army in the confrontation of the "internal enemy" is promoted. The "zero tolerance" doctrine against any expression of social and class dissidence is rooting and the borders, where already hundreds of refugees are loosing their lives, are even more fortified.
The Olympics are proclaimed "a matter of national interest" and their safety becomes the ideological vehicle for the implementation of methods that are either way considered as priorities for the intensification of state terrorism, within the framework of constructing a global Guantanamo.
Within this situation, "court-martials" are set, such as the one that accomplished its mission inside Koridallos prison, imposing on those accused as "November 17" members exterminatory sentences of political convenience, and the one that is taking place now against the five accused for participation in E.L.A (Revolutionary Popular Struggle), with the judges cynically admitting that "the trial must be finished before the Olympics".
These are trials aiming at having the institution of "independent justice" legalize torture and confinement in "white cells", by the collaborators and the pogrom against the dissidents of terror-democracy. After they're finished, political prisoners will be sent to the new isolation wing, which was recently built in the jail of Larisa. Participation in social-class struggles and the expression of solidarity are both criminalized, and every choice to resist without apology to state legality, rejecting the mediation of institutions is baptized "terrorism".
The Greek state signs international "anti "terrorist acts and treaties allowing extradition. Within these circumstances it was decided to extradite in Germany Sinan Bozcourt - Taylan, a Kurdish communist arrested in Greece on the same day that many other political refugees from Turkey were arrested in different countries of Fortress-Europe.
Using the alibi of the Olympics' safety, the Greek secret service and police authorities are officially now after political refugees, Arab and muslim immigrants, anarchists and anti- authoritarians, announcing that their places are being watched and their email and telephone communication monitored.
LET THE OLYMPIC GAMES DIE IN THE LAND THEY WERE BORN
a leaflet given out in Greece during preparations for the
greek Olympics
In times of war for the imposition of global domination, where the bosses proceed to inter-state coalitions and capitalist completions, coordinating their operations in the name of "anti "terrorism to establish totalitarian control and to loot the world...
In times of an all-out attack against the peoples of the so-called "third world", whose genocide through starvation and disease and their enslavement in the dungeons of multinational mass production colonies are nourishing the well-being of the "developed" world; whose death during the new order's crusades and under military occupation, their confinement and torture inside concentration camps and attempts to neutralize their resistance have become the foundation stone for the Security of the projects of dominion...
In times of intensified exploitation, surveillance and repression for the excluded and those who resist within the walls of the western world...
...The olympic games are a shop-window of capitalism and domination itself. An advertisement for the world of class slavery and the means to impose it. A global gala, sealing in one more level of the cooperation of the local bosses with multinational corporations, international political staffs and agencies of repression.
For the Greek state, a participant in the criminal coalition that is launching the global terror-war, the Olympic games are a step to upgrade its role in the world's elite and strengthen its pre-eminent position in the Balkans. They are its own way of contributing to the expansion of this terror-war and especially to the aspect that concerns the militarization of western societies and the extermination of the "internal enemy". Inside the country, the games are the spearhead for the state's attack against the exploited and oppressed, as well as the means to accelerate the imposition of a longlasting State of Emergency, signifying a new era of repression and social control.
In the name of accomplishing the National Grand Idea, the "ideals" of profit are praised by all kind of bosses: companies, contractors and state officials who handle the huge 2004 budgets. In this giant commercial enterprise, which will cost more than 6 billion euros, the proletarians are forcefully labeled "volunteers" to pay its cost by being robbed through taxes, the rise in the cost of living and wage freezes, but also to pay its price: by speeding up the work pace, in extremely dangerous conditions and under new forms of surveillance, with their own blood in working "accidents". These human sacrifices (more than 620 dead immigrant and local workers in the last four years) on the altar of profit and due to the bonuses given for the fast termination of the Works, have taken nightmarish dimensions in the Olympic construction sites where hundreds of workers have been killed or seriously injured. A new model of absolute exploitation and expendable humans is consolidated in the Olympic works, to characterize from now on the conditions of labor in every other site of wage slavery. At the same time, as the games are offering a unique opportunity for capitalist pillage, the natural environment is being plundered and destroyed, while the urban landscape is redeveloped according to the new norms of commercialization and surveillance of public spaces.
The local version of international "anti "terrorism is being established through the colossal operation "safe olympic games", including:
the collaboration of "anti"-terrorist specialists from Greek, US, British, Israeli, Australian, German, French and Spanish secret services,
military exercises by Greek and foreign special forces, based on scenarios of "preemptive action" and "management of disproportionate threats", NATO's engagement after official demands made by the Greek state, with spying aircrafts, special units on alert and navy patrolling in the Aegean and Mediteranea sea, mass imports of modern weapons and the installation of technologically advanced equipment monitoring public spaces and persons, such as the C4I system developed by the american multinational SAIC (a company providing know-how, infrastructure and armament for the war in Afghanistan and Iraq).
Hundreds of surveillance cameras are being placed and forbidden "red zones", where access is possible only for those with licences, are instituted. All areas around athletic facilities, hotels, ports and airports in the five Olympic cities are sealed and sterilized with the use of sensors to locate anything and anyone considered suspect. In the streets, the death squads of a police occupation army are undertaking "cleansing operations" against the homeless, drug addicts and immigrants, while the former US base in Aspropyrgos, outside Athens, has been transformed in to an olympic concentration camp. In Heraklio, Crete, Roma families will be evicted out of their settlement to be relocated in an old military base. During the games, 50.000 soldiers will take position around Athens and patrolling inside the red zones.
Through these orgiastic preparations, the repressive apparatus is modernized, and the new role of the army in the confrontation of the "internal enemy" is promoted. The "zero tolerance" doctrine against any expression of social and class dissidence is rooting and the borders, where already hundreds of refugees are loosing their lives, are even more fortified.
The Olympics are proclaimed "a matter of national interest" and their safety becomes the ideological vehicle for the implementation of methods that are either way considered as priorities for the intensification of state terrorism, within the framework of constructing a global Guantanamo.
Within this situation, "court-martials" are set, such as the one that accomplished its mission inside Koridallos prison, imposing on those accused as "November 17" members exterminatory sentences of political convenience, and the one that is taking place now against the five accused for participation in E.L.A (Revolutionary Popular Struggle), with the judges cynically admitting that "the trial must be finished before the Olympics".
These are trials aiming at having the institution of "independent justice" legalize torture and confinement in "white cells", by the collaborators and the pogrom against the dissidents of terror-democracy. After they're finished, political prisoners will be sent to the new isolation wing, which was recently built in the jail of Larisa. Participation in social-class struggles and the expression of solidarity are both criminalized, and every choice to resist without apology to state legality, rejecting the mediation of institutions is baptized "terrorism".
The Greek state signs international "anti "terrorist acts and treaties allowing extradition. Within these circumstances it was decided to extradite in Germany Sinan Bozcourt - Taylan, a Kurdish communist arrested in Greece on the same day that many other political refugees from Turkey were arrested in different countries of Fortress-Europe.
Using the alibi of the Olympics' safety, the Greek secret service and police authorities are officially now after political refugees, Arab and muslim immigrants, anarchists and anti- authoritarians, announcing that their places are being watched and their email and telephone communication monitored.
greek Olympics
In times of war for the imposition of global domination, where the bosses proceed to inter-state coalitions and capitalist completions, coordinating their operations in the name of "anti "terrorism to establish totalitarian control and to loot the world...
In times of an all-out attack against the peoples of the so-called "third world", whose genocide through starvation and disease and their enslavement in the dungeons of multinational mass production colonies are nourishing the well-being of the "developed" world; whose death during the new order's crusades and under military occupation, their confinement and torture inside concentration camps and attempts to neutralize their resistance have become the foundation stone for the Security of the projects of dominion...
In times of intensified exploitation, surveillance and repression for the excluded and those who resist within the walls of the western world...
...The olympic games are a shop-window of capitalism and domination itself. An advertisement for the world of class slavery and the means to impose it. A global gala, sealing in one more level of the cooperation of the local bosses with multinational corporations, international political staffs and agencies of repression.
For the Greek state, a participant in the criminal coalition that is launching the global terror-war, the Olympic games are a step to upgrade its role in the world's elite and strengthen its pre-eminent position in the Balkans. They are its own way of contributing to the expansion of this terror-war and especially to the aspect that concerns the militarization of western societies and the extermination of the "internal enemy". Inside the country, the games are the spearhead for the state's attack against the exploited and oppressed, as well as the means to accelerate the imposition of a longlasting State of Emergency, signifying a new era of repression and social control.
In the name of accomplishing the National Grand Idea, the "ideals" of profit are praised by all kind of bosses: companies, contractors and state officials who handle the huge 2004 budgets. In this giant commercial enterprise, which will cost more than 6 billion euros, the proletarians are forcefully labeled "volunteers" to pay its cost by being robbed through taxes, the rise in the cost of living and wage freezes, but also to pay its price: by speeding up the work pace, in extremely dangerous conditions and under new forms of surveillance, with their own blood in working "accidents". These human sacrifices (more than 620 dead immigrant and local workers in the last four years) on the altar of profit and due to the bonuses given for the fast termination of the Works, have taken nightmarish dimensions in the Olympic construction sites where hundreds of workers have been killed or seriously injured. A new model of absolute exploitation and expendable humans is consolidated in the Olympic works, to characterize from now on the conditions of labor in every other site of wage slavery. At the same time, as the games are offering a unique opportunity for capitalist pillage, the natural environment is being plundered and destroyed, while the urban landscape is redeveloped according to the new norms of commercialization and surveillance of public spaces.
The local version of international "anti "terrorism is being established through the colossal operation "safe olympic games", including:
the collaboration of "anti"-terrorist specialists from Greek, US, British, Israeli, Australian, German, French and Spanish secret services,
military exercises by Greek and foreign special forces, based on scenarios of "preemptive action" and "management of disproportionate threats", NATO's engagement after official demands made by the Greek state, with spying aircrafts, special units on alert and navy patrolling in the Aegean and Mediteranea sea, mass imports of modern weapons and the installation of technologically advanced equipment monitoring public spaces and persons, such as the C4I system developed by the american multinational SAIC (a company providing know-how, infrastructure and armament for the war in Afghanistan and Iraq).
Hundreds of surveillance cameras are being placed and forbidden "red zones", where access is possible only for those with licences, are instituted. All areas around athletic facilities, hotels, ports and airports in the five Olympic cities are sealed and sterilized with the use of sensors to locate anything and anyone considered suspect. In the streets, the death squads of a police occupation army are undertaking "cleansing operations" against the homeless, drug addicts and immigrants, while the former US base in Aspropyrgos, outside Athens, has been transformed in to an olympic concentration camp. In Heraklio, Crete, Roma families will be evicted out of their settlement to be relocated in an old military base. During the games, 50.000 soldiers will take position around Athens and patrolling inside the red zones.
Through these orgiastic preparations, the repressive apparatus is modernized, and the new role of the army in the confrontation of the "internal enemy" is promoted. The "zero tolerance" doctrine against any expression of social and class dissidence is rooting and the borders, where already hundreds of refugees are loosing their lives, are even more fortified.
The Olympics are proclaimed "a matter of national interest" and their safety becomes the ideological vehicle for the implementation of methods that are either way considered as priorities for the intensification of state terrorism, within the framework of constructing a global Guantanamo.
Within this situation, "court-martials" are set, such as the one that accomplished its mission inside Koridallos prison, imposing on those accused as "November 17" members exterminatory sentences of political convenience, and the one that is taking place now against the five accused for participation in E.L.A (Revolutionary Popular Struggle), with the judges cynically admitting that "the trial must be finished before the Olympics".
These are trials aiming at having the institution of "independent justice" legalize torture and confinement in "white cells", by the collaborators and the pogrom against the dissidents of terror-democracy. After they're finished, political prisoners will be sent to the new isolation wing, which was recently built in the jail of Larisa. Participation in social-class struggles and the expression of solidarity are both criminalized, and every choice to resist without apology to state legality, rejecting the mediation of institutions is baptized "terrorism".
The Greek state signs international "anti "terrorist acts and treaties allowing extradition. Within these circumstances it was decided to extradite in Germany Sinan Bozcourt - Taylan, a Kurdish communist arrested in Greece on the same day that many other political refugees from Turkey were arrested in different countries of Fortress-Europe.
Using the alibi of the Olympics' safety, the Greek secret service and police authorities are officially now after political refugees, Arab and muslim immigrants, anarchists and anti- authoritarians, announcing that their places are being watched and their email and telephone communication monitored.
The greek state murders Nigerian street vendor Tony Onuoha
On the evening of Saturday, August 18, 2007 undercover police follow 25 year old Tony Onuoha, an immigrant from Nigeria, who is selling pirate CDs in a cafe in the area of Kalamaria, Thessaloniki. According to accounts given by people close to him, Tony recognised the cops as being the same ones that had brutally beaten him a year before and attempts to escape them, resulting in him falling from the 5 meter high first floor balcony of the cafe to meet instant death on the pavement below. According to some accounts he was pushed over the 1,5 meter balcony railings by the pursuing cops. Immediately, a number of people from the Nigerian community gather on the spot to demonstrate and clash with anti-riot squads (MAT) and undercover cops that arrive in the area to stop this spontaneous demonstration. Street barricades are erected and the fight with the cops continues untill 4 in the morning, with anarchists and anti-authoritarians also taking part in the demonstration and the clash with the cops that followed, in solidarity.
On August 20, a 400 strong demo goes around the area of Kalamaria, with very angry members of the black community at the front. Anarchists, anti-authoritarians, leftists and the anti-racist group also take part. When the demo arrives outside the police station, stones are thrown towards the cops and the anti-riot bus and the MAT answer with a bombarment of teargas. Barricades are again erected, people fight off the cops and manage to re-join the main demo, which ends at the place where Tony was killed.
On August 21, another demo takes place in Thessaloniki. Clashes break out again, with anarchists and some members of the black community attacking the state-owned ET-3 broadcasting building and the MAT, which answer again with chemical warfare. Barricades are made on the street in front of the university, inside which people have gathered. For the next few hours the fight continues with molotov coctails and stones being thrown to the MAT from within the university grounds, with the MAT in turn throwing abundant quantities of tear gas and an arson grenade. Three cops are lightly injured and one catches on fire- but manages to escape from becoming pork flambe.
21 people from the demo where arrested. The one was released later in the night while the remaining 20 are only facing the charge of breaching the peace, as there is no evidence against them. Some of them where beaten, although not badly as at the moment of their arrest there were media present, which acted as a deterrent for the pigs.
The greek state, through the ministry of public order, maintains that the two persons that led Tony Onuoha to his death are not cops in a pathetic attempt to hide its trully brutal and deeply racist nature.Although this cover-up story might fool some people it certainly won't fool us.
WE WILL NOT FORGET-WE WILL NOT FORGIVE
SOLIDARITY TO ALL IMMIGRANTS- FREEDOM FOR ALL
On August 20, a 400 strong demo goes around the area of Kalamaria, with very angry members of the black community at the front. Anarchists, anti-authoritarians, leftists and the anti-racist group also take part. When the demo arrives outside the police station, stones are thrown towards the cops and the anti-riot bus and the MAT answer with a bombarment of teargas. Barricades are again erected, people fight off the cops and manage to re-join the main demo, which ends at the place where Tony was killed.
On August 21, another demo takes place in Thessaloniki. Clashes break out again, with anarchists and some members of the black community attacking the state-owned ET-3 broadcasting building and the MAT, which answer again with chemical warfare. Barricades are made on the street in front of the university, inside which people have gathered. For the next few hours the fight continues with molotov coctails and stones being thrown to the MAT from within the university grounds, with the MAT in turn throwing abundant quantities of tear gas and an arson grenade. Three cops are lightly injured and one catches on fire- but manages to escape from becoming pork flambe.
21 people from the demo where arrested. The one was released later in the night while the remaining 20 are only facing the charge of breaching the peace, as there is no evidence against them. Some of them where beaten, although not badly as at the moment of their arrest there were media present, which acted as a deterrent for the pigs.
The greek state, through the ministry of public order, maintains that the two persons that led Tony Onuoha to his death are not cops in a pathetic attempt to hide its trully brutal and deeply racist nature.Although this cover-up story might fool some people it certainly won't fool us.
WE WILL NOT FORGET-WE WILL NOT FORGIVE
SOLIDARITY TO ALL IMMIGRANTS- FREEDOM FOR ALL
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
