Whose Insecurity?
The news media seem to be increasingly full of lurid stories about terrorism and crime, and a common reaction is a general feeling of anxiety throughout society. Is this anxiety misplaced or are we really more insecure than ever before? It may really depend on who “we” are.
Since the 7/7 bombs, terror, and the threat of terror, have filled many with dread. This has certainly been fuelled by media speculation, but the facts tell a different story. You are still more likely to be killed by lightning than in a terrorist attack (1). Likewise, whilst muggings and burglaries are a common occurrence in student areas, most crime is committed against the poorest and most vulnerable in society (2). This is an interesting statistic because poverty is a huge factor in determining not just whether an individual will become a victim of crime, but their quality of life, health, and life opportunities. Low wage jobs are becoming more and more precarious, with short-term contracts taking the place of lifetime careers, and a continual push by employers for lower wages and poorer conditions. The working classes suffer from a much more rational insecurity about their day to day existence, than the fear of terrorism.
One group of desperately poor people in the UK are those seeking political asylum. Not only are they reduced to existing on a pittance (destitute asylum seekers are entitled to £38.96 per week in benefits) but they face being deported to countries in which they could be persecuted if their claims are rejected (3, 4). Despite the growing number of refugees in the world, the UK is making it harder for asylum seekers to enter the country, spurred on by tabloid-fuelled hatred of their kind. These are forms of insecurity that are severe and very real, but media and political discourse is rarely concerned with them. Whose insecurity should be dealt with first? Do we really think our laptops getting nicked should be a priority?
The measures that have been implemented in order to deal with the “headline story” insecurities are manifold. A whole swathe of new anti-terror laws are being debated and look set to be implemented, and the police are being given a license to shoot-to-kill. In attempts to tackle (or at least appear to be tackling) crime, the government has introduced Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs), and councils and property owners increasingly rely on CCTV. These measures appear designed to reduce the insecurity of the “average law-abiding person”, but who is that person? Not those belonging to Afro-Caribbean, Arabic or Asian ethnicities, who are being disproportionately targeted by police anti-terror laws (and by laws in general). Not youths, mental health service users or prostitutes, who are under the threat of criminalisation for breaking ASBOs. Not those whose homes and streets are not under the watchful eyes of CCTV, where crime is displaced (5). Not political protestors, against whom anti-terror laws, ASBOs, and anti-harassment laws are being used. These measures allow those whose concerns are considered important to evade their fears, whilst their insecurities are displaced onto the less privileged in society.
Ultimately this is bound to fail, as insecurity in one segment of society will sooner or later increase the insecurity of others. The insecuritiy of Muslims who feel that their people are under attack fuels the insecurity of those who suspect them of being terrorists. The insecurity of those desperate for money feed the insecurity of those who fear theft. Whilst those with power and a voice in society can call for draconian measures against those who don’t have such power, they still have to lock their doors at night, glance anxiously around on the tube, and keep their wallets out of sight. Terror and crime are desperate attempts by those who have little power to make an impact on the world. To reduce the chance of these things happening, we have to empower everyone in society to take back control of their lives. That means that everyone gets a say in how their life is run, how political decisions are made, and how resources are allocated. To know that you genuinely do have the same opportunities and status as your neighbours is to eradicate insecurity about your privilege or resentment of your neighbour’s. Creating a society in which direct democracy is implemented means that no one’s voice should go unheard, and everyone has the confidence to take back control of their lives.
For most students, insecurity is a fleeting and temporary problem – until the poorest and most vulnerable are made secure we shouldn’t see ourselves as the priority. Perhaps our deepest insecurity is that we know we don’t really have a right to the privileges we have, and that the dispossessed are at the door.
1) Lifetime mortality rates : Lightning = 1:56,000, Terrorist-related activity = 1:88,000 (National Safety Council, US, 2002).
2) “The type of area in which people live can affect their likelihood of being a victim of violent crime. In general, those households located in council estates and low-income areas were the most likely to have been victims of violent crimes - around twice the rate of those living in affluent suburban and rural areas.” (Proportion of adult victims of violent crime: by household characteristics, 1999: Social Trends 32, Office for National Statistics).
In the US (2004)
• Persons in households with an annual income under $7,500 were robbed at a significantly higher rate than persons in households earning more.
• Persons in households with an annual income of less than $7,500 have higher rates of assault than persons in households with higher income levels.
• Households with an annual income below $7,500 were burglarized at rates higher than those of households with larger incomes.
• Households earning below $7,500 and above $75,000 experience motor vehicle theft at similar rates.
(US Bureau of Justice statistics).
3) Asylum seekers cannot claim mainstream welfare benefits. If destitute, they can apply to the National Asylum Support Service (NASS), the Government department responsible for destitute asylum applicants, for basic food and shelter. A single adult is eligible for £38.96 a week, equivalent to 70% of basic income support.
(Refugee Council).
4) 90% refugees rejected on initial claim, with many having to go through the appeals process to have their claim successfully recognised.
(Arun Kundnani, Asylum figures - behind the headlines, 8 March 2003).
5) "The justification for CCTV is seductive, but the evidence is not convincing. In a report to the Scottish Office on the impact of CCTV, Jason Ditton, Director of the Scottish Centre for Criminology, argued that the claims of crime reduction are little more than fantasy. "All (evaluations and statistics) we have seen so far are wholly unreliable", The British Journal of Criminology described the statistics as "....post hoc shoestring efforts by the untrained and self interested practitioner...
Many CCTV system operators routinely exercise their prejudices to discriminate against race, age, class or sexual preference."
(Privacy International).
Since the 7/7 bombs, terror, and the threat of terror, have filled many with dread. This has certainly been fuelled by media speculation, but the facts tell a different story. You are still more likely to be killed by lightning than in a terrorist attack (1). Likewise, whilst muggings and burglaries are a common occurrence in student areas, most crime is committed against the poorest and most vulnerable in society (2). This is an interesting statistic because poverty is a huge factor in determining not just whether an individual will become a victim of crime, but their quality of life, health, and life opportunities. Low wage jobs are becoming more and more precarious, with short-term contracts taking the place of lifetime careers, and a continual push by employers for lower wages and poorer conditions. The working classes suffer from a much more rational insecurity about their day to day existence, than the fear of terrorism.
One group of desperately poor people in the UK are those seeking political asylum. Not only are they reduced to existing on a pittance (destitute asylum seekers are entitled to £38.96 per week in benefits) but they face being deported to countries in which they could be persecuted if their claims are rejected (3, 4). Despite the growing number of refugees in the world, the UK is making it harder for asylum seekers to enter the country, spurred on by tabloid-fuelled hatred of their kind. These are forms of insecurity that are severe and very real, but media and political discourse is rarely concerned with them. Whose insecurity should be dealt with first? Do we really think our laptops getting nicked should be a priority?
The measures that have been implemented in order to deal with the “headline story” insecurities are manifold. A whole swathe of new anti-terror laws are being debated and look set to be implemented, and the police are being given a license to shoot-to-kill. In attempts to tackle (or at least appear to be tackling) crime, the government has introduced Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs), and councils and property owners increasingly rely on CCTV. These measures appear designed to reduce the insecurity of the “average law-abiding person”, but who is that person? Not those belonging to Afro-Caribbean, Arabic or Asian ethnicities, who are being disproportionately targeted by police anti-terror laws (and by laws in general). Not youths, mental health service users or prostitutes, who are under the threat of criminalisation for breaking ASBOs. Not those whose homes and streets are not under the watchful eyes of CCTV, where crime is displaced (5). Not political protestors, against whom anti-terror laws, ASBOs, and anti-harassment laws are being used. These measures allow those whose concerns are considered important to evade their fears, whilst their insecurities are displaced onto the less privileged in society.
Ultimately this is bound to fail, as insecurity in one segment of society will sooner or later increase the insecurity of others. The insecuritiy of Muslims who feel that their people are under attack fuels the insecurity of those who suspect them of being terrorists. The insecurity of those desperate for money feed the insecurity of those who fear theft. Whilst those with power and a voice in society can call for draconian measures against those who don’t have such power, they still have to lock their doors at night, glance anxiously around on the tube, and keep their wallets out of sight. Terror and crime are desperate attempts by those who have little power to make an impact on the world. To reduce the chance of these things happening, we have to empower everyone in society to take back control of their lives. That means that everyone gets a say in how their life is run, how political decisions are made, and how resources are allocated. To know that you genuinely do have the same opportunities and status as your neighbours is to eradicate insecurity about your privilege or resentment of your neighbour’s. Creating a society in which direct democracy is implemented means that no one’s voice should go unheard, and everyone has the confidence to take back control of their lives.
For most students, insecurity is a fleeting and temporary problem – until the poorest and most vulnerable are made secure we shouldn’t see ourselves as the priority. Perhaps our deepest insecurity is that we know we don’t really have a right to the privileges we have, and that the dispossessed are at the door.
1) Lifetime mortality rates : Lightning = 1:56,000, Terrorist-related activity = 1:88,000 (National Safety Council, US, 2002).
2) “The type of area in which people live can affect their likelihood of being a victim of violent crime. In general, those households located in council estates and low-income areas were the most likely to have been victims of violent crimes - around twice the rate of those living in affluent suburban and rural areas.” (Proportion of adult victims of violent crime: by household characteristics, 1999: Social Trends 32, Office for National Statistics).
In the US (2004)
• Persons in households with an annual income under $7,500 were robbed at a significantly higher rate than persons in households earning more.
• Persons in households with an annual income of less than $7,500 have higher rates of assault than persons in households with higher income levels.
• Households with an annual income below $7,500 were burglarized at rates higher than those of households with larger incomes.
• Households earning below $7,500 and above $75,000 experience motor vehicle theft at similar rates.
(US Bureau of Justice statistics).
3) Asylum seekers cannot claim mainstream welfare benefits. If destitute, they can apply to the National Asylum Support Service (NASS), the Government department responsible for destitute asylum applicants, for basic food and shelter. A single adult is eligible for £38.96 a week, equivalent to 70% of basic income support.
(Refugee Council).
4) 90% refugees rejected on initial claim, with many having to go through the appeals process to have their claim successfully recognised.
(Arun Kundnani, Asylum figures - behind the headlines, 8 March 2003).
5) "The justification for CCTV is seductive, but the evidence is not convincing. In a report to the Scottish Office on the impact of CCTV, Jason Ditton, Director of the Scottish Centre for Criminology, argued that the claims of crime reduction are little more than fantasy. "All (evaluations and statistics) we have seen so far are wholly unreliable", The British Journal of Criminology described the statistics as "....post hoc shoestring efforts by the untrained and self interested practitioner...
Many CCTV system operators routinely exercise their prejudices to discriminate against race, age, class or sexual preference."
(Privacy International).