Blog Archives for April 2011

Dear PM, these are the issues dear to Australians

Blog Post | Blog of Sarah Hanson-Young
Friday 1st April 2011, 3:04pm

There is a growing number of Australian mums, dads, grandparents, brothers and sisters who are disillusioned with the Prime Minister's old, tired and unjustified objection to same-sex marriage. These Australians want their loved ones to have the same rights as everyone else to marry the person they love regardless of whether they are gay.

These Australians are everyday people, parents and children, friends and workmates. They live dignified lives and their belief in equality is driven by love of family and nation. They are every day Australians, of all ages and circumstance who support the Greens and our push for marriage equality. These are the people the Prime Minister insulted with her comments last night while delivering her Gough Whitlam Oration.

In her speech Gillard said "The Greens will never embrace Labor's delight at sharing the values of everyday Australians, in our cities, suburbs, towns and bush, who day after day, do the right thing, leading purposeful and dignified lives, driven by love of family and nation."

What a terribly odd and nasty thing to say of the very people who, despite their own reservations towards her party have shown good will in supporting her to form government - and in doing so kept her main opponent Tony Abbott from the Lodge.

In suggesting that the Greens are somehow out of touch with everyday Australians, the Prime Minister has offended the 1.5 million people who voted for us at the last election. Suggesting that these voters don't reflect everyday Australian values is not only wrong, but it is foolish.

It is the Greens that are standing up for measures that a majority of Australians do support - marriage equality, the protection of our native forests, and a national Denticare scheme just to name a few - while the Labor and Liberal parties are lock-step in their opposition.

But more offensive is the suggestion that somehow Greens voters aren't driven by love of family and nation.

Here the Prime Minister is disparaging all those parents who want their gay son or daughter to have the same rights as their siblings and to be able celebrate the love of their children, through marriage.

And what about all those parents who want a healthy and safe future for their children, who struggle at the supermarket every Thursday night in a tussle to fill the trolley with the healthiest food to feed their kids, not the junk advertised on TV? Or those who want an outdoor space next to the supermarket for a slide, some swings and grass for their kids to play on (rather than just another carpark). What about all those who love their country so dearly they want to see us protect our beautiful bush, native heritage and river systems?

These are all issues dear to the hearts of Greens voters because they hold mainstream values underpinned by the basic understanding that that equality, compassion, clean air and water are the principles which make a community safer, fairer and more resilient.

Oh dear Prime Minister, you have just offended all those who believe loving family and country requires more than loving oneself.

This was first published on the National Times on the 1st of April 2011.

Setting straight the facts on forest principles process and the pulp mill debate

Blog Post | Blog of Christine Milne
Tuesday 5th April 2011, 9:37am

It is time to get the facts straight with regard to the forest principles process and the Gunns pulp mill debate. Senator Abetz may be nostalgic for this glory days as Federal Minister promoting clear fell logging of high conservation value native forests and plantation establishment on our farms but he is completely out of touch.
The logging industry approached the conservation movement to seek assistance to exit native forests in Tasmania because native forest logging is unprofitable.
So Senator Abetz, it was the logging industry which approached the green groups, not the other way around. The Forest Principles process was the result.
The world has moved to plantations as a source of fibre as plantation woodchips are cheaper, higher and more even quality for pulp production than native forest woodchips. The market for them has collapsed. The Triabunna woodchip mill is closed because there is no market.
Without a woodchip market, it is not economically viable to log the forests for sawlogs. Rather than Forestry Tasmania buying the Triabunna woodchip mill to keep logging at a loss, it should rethink its 300,000 cubic metre sawlog quota. Tasmanians will be outraged if FT is subsidised to buy a woodchip mill.
If Senator Abetz wants to keep logging native forests then he will have to admit that he wants to tax Australians to pay people to cut down forests for which there is no market and no economic return. The forest industry recognises that there needs to be an exit and that is what is being negotiated.
Senator Abetz is living in a fools paradise to suggest that the majority of jobs in the native forest industry is in "family owned sawmill and furniture ventures". Since when has Gunns or Forestry Tasmania become a family owned sawmill and furniture venture? Communities are dying with the native forest industry, not without it.
As to the Gunns pulp mill, Bill Kelty is wrong to propose a trade off - the pulp mill for the forests. Senator Abetz is falling into the same trap thinking that the fate of the native forests is linked to the fortunes of Gunns pulp mill. It is not. There are two separate processes.
The people and industries of the Tamar Valley are not for trading as they have made clear at meeting after meeting and rally after rally and the Greens agree.
The Tamar Valley is not a suitable site for a pulp mill on environmental grounds because Bass Strait off the Tamar is too shallow to achieve the dilution and dispersion of effluent. Furthermore the atmospheric inversion in the winter will trap the pollution and the stench. Gunns knew it could not meet the RPDC siting guidelines and that is the main reason it pulled out of the process.
We need to stop the corruptly approved pulp mill and at the same time transition the forest industry out of native forests and into long term jobs in a genuinely sustainable, diversified forest industry. That would be the "Clean, Green and Clever" response rather than the ideological cant of a ghost of ages past.


This appeared as an opinion piece in The Examiner, 5 April 2011.

Kevin Rudd's real mistake was refusing to talk to the Greens

Blog Post | Blog of Christine Milne
Wednesday 6th April 2011, 9:04am

Kevin Rudd has won deserved praise for admitting that he made a mistake in ditching his plans to put a price on carbon before the last election. But his real mistake ran far deeper and started much earlier.

In Bali at the UNFCCC meeting in December 2007, Mr Rudd received a standing ovation as the world welcomed Australia's decision to ratify the Kyoto Protocol. With that applause still ringing in his ears, he came home and decided to work with the Coalition to deliver policy and not the Greens, the only political party in the parliament who had consistently argued for strong action on climate change. His failure to leave all his options open was the beginning of the end.

The then-prime minister and then-climate minister Penny Wong ran the fatally flawed strategy of refusing to ever consider any of the myriad pieces of legislation, amendments and compromise proposals we Greens offered.

It was the Greens' main compromise offer of a fixed price on pollution with the targets removed from discussion until a later date which formed the architecture of the emissions trading scheme now being considered by the Government, the Greens and the independents in the Multi-Party Climate Committee.

The crash in support for Labor when the CPRS was abandoned had been building for some time. As I travelled around the country during 2009, people raised with me the defining moment at the press club when Kevin Rudd announced the 5 per cent target as the time that they lost confidence that Labor would do something real about the climate crisis.

People frequently raised the deep-seated contradictions they perceived at the heart of Labor's approach to the climate crisis. The final ditching of the policy was only the straw that broke the camel's back - it was the clear public act of betrayal which allowed the disappointment and disaffection that had been building to be let loose.

After pitching the climate crisis, quite correctly, as the 'greatest moral challenge of our time', Mr Rudd had developed a policy which was patently out of step with that level of concern; a policy which, instead of driving economic transformation, actively made it harder to do more than tinker around the edges; a policy which valued the rent-seeking of big polluters over the advice of world-leading scientists and over the interests of the community.

After pitching the Coalition, quite correctly, as a party riddled with climate denialists, Mr Rudd insisted on negotiating passage of his already fundamentally-flawed emissions trading scheme with them, leading to legislation so bad that Greens could not support it when the deal collapsed.

One of the enduring myths of the last term, pushed at the time by Labor, was that the Greens would not negotiate on climate policy. Nothing could be further from the truth.

My colleagues and I had been working for decades to get Australia moving on climate action, to see us cutting our pollution and investing properly in making clean, renewable energy cheaper. We jumped at the chance to work with a newly-elected Labor government to deliver the best policy possible. After publicly welcoming Penny Wong's appointment as climate minister - my experience dating back to work with Graham Richardson is that it is usually when an ambitious and formidable party operative gains an environment portfolio that the biggest steps are taken - I was shocked to find my every approach rebuffed.

Whilst it was easy for the media to report the Greens as refusing to negotiate, it was not true. I tried on every occasion to engage the minister on amendments and compromises to no avail.

Her preference was to deal with "Macca". The prime minister himself made time to talk with Senator Fielding of Family First but did not speak with or meet Greens Leader Bob Brown for a year before he lost his job.

During the CPRS debate, the Greens developed a suite of amendments to the legislation from the big (lifting the targets to the level that the science demands) to the small (ensuring that voluntary action is appropriately valued) through very important but easy to achieve middle ground (requiring that any permits bought in from overseas are gold-standard accredited, to make sure we can be confident that they do represent real emissions reductions). We moved for the Productivity Commission to assess trade exposure, something that was then rejected but now a key part of current negotiation. We made it clear throughout that we wanted to discuss these proposals, work them through with the Government and find a middle ground we were both comfortable with. The Government slammed the door in our faces, refusing to countenance even discussing a single one.

They argued that their 5 per cent was non negotiable and would discuss nothing else if that was not accepted.

After the CPRS was rejected a second time and Tony Abbott took the leadership of the Coalition, we spent the summer working through options for progress. We settled on Professor Garnaut's wise suggestion that, if agreement on a full emissions trading scheme seemed impossible, legislating for a fixed price on pollution, rising year on year until moving to a flexible price, was an excellent compromise position.

On January 27 last year, we presented this option to Mr Rudd and Minister Wong. After making it public, our offer received the backing of the broadest array of environment groups, social groups and progressive business that any climate proposal had received in Australia for a long time.

I still find it extraordinary that Penny Wong never even took our compromise proposal to the prime minister or Cabinet for consideration. As I understand it, the Department of Climate Change was never even asked to put together a brief on the proposal.

Critics say that the compromise proposal could not have passed the outgoing Senate. But I met with both Liberal Senators who crossed the floor to support the CPRS and received indications from both that they were open to considering any proposal which had secured the government's support. This very real possibility was never tested thanks to Mr Rudd and Minister Wong's intransigence.

By then they had decided to ditch it in favour of a mining super profit's tax.

The Greens' rejection of the CPRS was controversial at the time, but it has now been vindicated. What then was a ceiling on action, can now become a platform on which to build greater ambition. Having secured a multi-party negotiating process as part of the agreement to support a Gillard Government, we are now working hard to deliver the best possible climate action through this parliament. If Kevin Rudd had been open to talking to us 18 months ago, he may have been able to both save his own prime ministership and deliver the beginnings of the climate action we all need that much sooner.

That was his real mistake.

Greens won't get much further if we repeat poll blunders

Blog Post | Blog of Bob Brown
Thursday 14th April 2011, 2:46pm
by DavidParis in

The following piece is by NSW Greens MLC Cate Faehrmann.

The election of the first Greens MP to the NSW Legislative Assembly is a historic breakthrough for the party, but if success for the Greens in NSW is to continue, we need a reality check and some soul searching.

The nail-biting win in Balmain, with an almost certain increase in our upper house numbers from four to five, means the Greens have come close to achieving the objectives we set at the start of the election campaign.

But if truth be told, more than a few of us are feeling a little flat about the overall result. That is because the success in Balmain was not repeated in Marrickville and our statewide vote was expected to be significantly higher.

A month before the election, an increase from four to six upper house Greens MPs was not in the realm of fantasy. But despite an unprecedented swing away from Labor, support for the Greens in NSW increased by only about 1½ per cent.

We failed to capitalise on what may turn out to have been a once-in-a-generation opportunity to attract large numbers of once loyal Labor voters, who stampeded away from the party many had voted for since turning 18.

The necessary soul searching is not just about the party's future fortunes. Climate change, the loss of native plants and animals, the need to foster healthy communities, the reduction of air and water pollution, and the creation of a sustainable economy, are urgent challenges. We must be a party of government within one generation.

If we are to reach our potential within the next couple of elections, we need to be honest about our mistakes and learn from them. The party's handling of the boycott, divestment and sanctions policy against Israel was an unnecessary distraction from issues relevant to a state election.

Like all Greens, I strongly support the rights of the Palestinian people, but I watched dismayed as the issue was elevated to national prominence. Parts of the print media and right-wing radio commentators treated us roughly, but it should not have been surprising that they smelt blood, and we were ill-prepared for the avalanche of ridicule that followed.

In an election that should have been fought on local issues, public transport and integrity in politics, the Greens in Marrickville unwittingly found themselves the bandwagon for a motion on a foreign policy issue that was rejected by the Australian Greens National Council little more than a year ago.

Its original proponents within the NSW Greens were nowhere to be seen, and our overwhelmed candidate for Marrickville was left with little support. In any language, it was poor strategy and bad behaviour.

The experience can teach us important lessons. These should focus party members and strategists on bridging the gap between those who vote Green and those who agree with our values, but don't vote for us.

We must be smart and mature enough to operate in a heavyweight political environment while maintaining Greens values. We must show voters that wanting a fairer, more compassionate and more sustainable future is not incompatible with pragmatism, responsible governance and genuine negotiation.

We failed to explain what we could deliver. We can't promise sweeping changes without a clearly communicated plan of how to implement them. The Greens must speak to people about the issues important to them, bringing green solutions to their daily lives.

Many voters were searching for a progressive alternative to NSW Labor, and we failed to present as that. This should not be surprising since we have no leader in NSW, no shadow cabinet and, therefore, offer no picture of what a Greens government would look like.

Whether or not the Greens adopt some or all of these features of our modern political system are matters of debate within the party. Until voters can picture us as a government in our own right, or as a key player in shaping a government, we will struggle to poll more than a few percentage points higher than we did.

It has been evident in all elections for more than a decade now that targeted campaigns by the major parties deter some voters from going Green. It is all too easy and predictable a tactic to focus on creating doubt in the minds of people who identify with our principles, but have not made up their mind to switch their vote.

With this in mind, we must prepare and avoid providing our opponents with fodder for attacks as best we can.

Like my Greens colleagues about to join me in the NSW Parliament, I am focused on delivering solid results for the hundreds of thousands of people who voted Green, and the many more who share our values. But armed with some election humility and self-reflection, we can also start to build on our Balmain win and play a role in government within a generation.

First published in the Sydney Morning Herald.

Statement acknowledging 20 years since the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody

Blog Post | Blog of Rachel Siewert
Monday 18th April 2011, 1:10pm

I start by acknowledging that this statement is being made on the land (boodja) of the Wadjuk Nyoongar people. I pay my respects to the traditional owners of this land and the elders past and present. It always was and always will be Aboriginal land.

I’d also like to acknowledge the excellent work done by the Deaths in Custody Watch Committee.

I am deeply sorry that I was unable to be with you today to discuss with you the pressing need to act on Aboriginal deaths in custody.

To act on fully and comprehensively implementing the findings of the Royal Commission.

To act on reducing the appalling over-representation of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in our prisons, and in the criminal justice system.

To act on the alarming over-representation of young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the juvenile justice system – on remand and in our lock-ups.

And, more specifically, to act on the underlying causes of this over-representation: To act to reduce the disadvantage in employment, education and health, and to act on the lack of cultural awareness and institutional racism within our police force - that results in young Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people being more likely to be targeted, harassed or charged than their non-Indigenous counterparts.

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are 14 times more likely to be incarcerated and represent 26% of our prison population - despite representing less than 3% of our total population.  Between 2000 and 2010 the rate of imprisonment increased from 1,248 to 1,892 Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander prisoners per 100,000 adults, as compared to a change from 130 to 134 non-Indigenous prisoners per 100,000 adults. Since the tabling of the report of the Royal Commission in 1991 we have seen 269 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people die in custody – that’s nearly one in five of all deaths in custody.

Too many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are being locked up, often for very minor offences, when incarceration should really be the last resort – not the first.

This is why The Greens are advocating for Justice Reinvestment … and supporting the excellent work being done by ALSWA. Justice reinvestment is about diverting a proportion of the money that we expect to go into locking people up and re-targeting it to provide services in at-risk communities to address the underlying causes of crime.

We need to be directing more resources into diversionary programs, rehab programs, as well as addressing health, education and housing.

You may be aware that during the last sitting the Senate unanimously supported a Greens motion calling on the Australian Government: To recognise the passing of twenty years since the report of the royal commission, to look at the outcomes of reviews into the implementation of the recommendations of the Royal Commission, report on progress (or the lack of progress) and to act on those findings and to work with the States and Territories to audit the standards of places of detention across the country and ensure we put truly independent monitoring in place.

You may also be aware that the Aboriginal Legal Services are working together this year on a project being led by NSW ALS to audit the implementation of the recommendations of the Royal Commission by Commonwealth, State and Territory governments and departments. The Greens are keen to do what we can to support this process, and we are committed to working with the community, with the ATSILS, prisoner advocates and deaths in custody watch committees to use the findings of this audit to drive change.

This event today is mirrored by other rallies in other capital cities.

We need to send a clear message that enough is enough …

Its time to end the appalling over-representation of Aboriginal people, and particularly Aboriginal youth, in custody …

And its time to ensure that any person in custody in Australia – whether they are white or Aboriginal citizen or an asylum seeker – can be sure they are safe, are treated with care and respect and above all justice…

So that no-one need die in custody in Australia ever again.

Thank you.

Australia is an 'embarassment' on climate change

Blog Post | Blog of Sarah Hanson-Young
Tuesday 19th April 2011, 10:55am
by RobertSimms in

Were you to arrive in Australia and read the front pages of our newspapers you would be forgiven for thinking that we are living in some type of black hole, devoid of information, news and expert opinion from the rest the world.

What other possible explanation could there be for the ignorance of those who warn of the end of civilisation were a carbon tax to established than by claiming Australia would be out on a limb, leading the world.

Leading the world? You've got to be joking. Many other countries have already put a price on carbon and introduced realistic pollution reduction targets. And while they are spending significant public and private dollars firming up investment in the technologies and energy sources for the future, Australia is still locked in a debate over whether big polluters should even pay for their pollution.

Unfortunately this isn't just leaving us with a reputation of being environmentally blind, it is also costing us real jobs right here in our own backyard.

Let's just take Europe for example, where many countries have already had a carbon tax for 10 years or more.

I've just returned from an official parliamentary delegation to Denmark, Sweden and Greece, meeting with various governments, MPs, businesses and industry leaders. Meeting after meeting the message was clear - Australia is far behind in tackling greenhouse gas emissions and absent in using smart investment choices to drive the use of renewable energy.

Business leaders wanting to invest in Australia would say "Australia has great wind, solar opportunities but until there's a carbon price we can't afford to start-up there".

The delegation would have to explain that Australia is lagging because we still don't have an agreement from some parties that polluters should pay for their pollution and that the market should be given the signals to drive reform.

Admittedly, many European countries had to change their ways some 30 years ago as a result of the oil crisis in the Middle East, forcing them to find more self-sufficient ways to power their homes and industry. Development in wind-power, hydro-electricity and bio-fuel among others ensured that there has been a multi-source mix of power for decades.

Now, in the face of climate change, the EU members have signed up to the 20-20-20 platform (20 per cent emission reductions with at least 20 per cent of renewable power and energy efficiency increase all by 2020). And as a result there is now a race between the countries as to who can be more ambitious in order to secure the industry investment on their soil.

While countries like Sweden have had a carbon tax for 20 years, the debate in parliaments throughout Europe is how they can become carbon neutral by 2050. The idea that those who pollute should pay for the cost of that pollution is simply understood as commonsense. Political parties from the far-right to the far-left agree with a carbon tax and the need to reduce pollution.

They all agree with the polluter pays system and that taking action on climate change can also be good for business.

The message to take home from our European cousins is that we are falling embarrassingly behind in facing the realities of climate change. From a business perspective our lacklustre someone-else-will-wash-the-dishes attitude is costing investment opportunities and real jobs in manufacturing, construction and service delivery.

And to Barnaby Joyce, who doesn't want Australia to lead the way - well, it's okay, no need to worry, we're not.

This was first published on the National Times on the 19th of April 2011.

Temporary protection visas are not the answer

Blog Post | Blog of Sarah Hanson-Young
Thursday 28th April 2011, 10:11am

I don't for a moment condone violence or the torching of buildings at detention centres. I am not interested in excusing the behaviour of those involved in recent weeks inside the Villawood or Christmas Island facilities.  I believe people must understand the consequences of their actions. Where they have broken the law, our criminal justice system should be able to respond.

But, just like asylum seekers who have now found themselves in police custody after riots inside Villawood last week, the government must also accept the consequences of its actions. While we may not condone how they behave, we must look at why these individuals are driven to self-destruction.

The reasons for unrest, frustration and anxiety in Australia's detention centres are that more than 6,000 thousand men, women and children continue to be locked up like prisoners in jail, while their applications for asylum take months and even years to process. Most have very little information about why their case is taking so long, or even the status of their application.  Some have already been found to be genuine refugees needing protection, yet they remain in detention because ASIO has been tardy in processing the paper work.

Mandatory detention with no time limit, together with the government's poor decision to introduce a six-month freeze on peoples' applications, has led to overcrowding in centres and a spike in mental illness, post-traumatic stress disorder, suicides and self-harm.

Rather than address these issues -- and the root cause of tension and helplessness inside detention centres - on Tuesday the government tried to divert attention by laying the ground work to reintroduce the Howard Government's failed Temporary Protection Visa (TPV) regime. Visas which Immigration Minister Bowen told a UN audience on World Refugees Day in 2008 were "unjust". Sadly, Labor's about-turn on TPVs will not solve the government's problem – as already proven by new roof-top protests on Christmas Island only hours after the minister's announcement.

The Greens believe the problems encountered with the TPVs under the former Howard government will be replicated under the Gillard government. They won't stop people rioting in detention centres, as also occurred during the Howard years, and they won't stop people making the treacherous voyage by boat during the Gillard government's term.

Tony Abbott is already out pushing that the government extend TPVs to all asylum seekers  - not just those protesting their time in detention. Now that the government has opened the door a fraction, it won't be long before it flings it wide open, and resurrects policies that would make the former Immigration Minister in the Howard administration, Phillip Ruddock, proud.

This announcement is in stark contrast to Labor's 2007 national conference resolution, at which members agreed they would not re-introduce temporary visas. They cited reasons including the inability of a temporary visa-holder to sponsor their spouse or children to visit them or join them in Australia. The conference also agreed temporary visas worsened the mental health of visa holders, left them financially worse off, and increased the number of boat arrivals.

Mr Bowen says his "tougher" measures would stop "inappropriate and criminal behaviour" in detention centres at Villawood and Christmas Island. In 1999, Mr Ruddock said his "tough new initiatives" would curb the growing number of people "arriving illegally." We know the effectiveness of those efforts.

This was first published on the National Times on the 28th of April 2011.