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Coordinates | 46°42′0″N24°3′0″N |
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Conventional long name | Indian EmpireBritish RajBritish India |
Common name | India |
Continent | Asia |
Region | Indian Subcontinent |
Country | India |
Status | Crown Rule |
Empire | British Empire |
Government type | Monarchy |
Event start | Established |
Date start | 2 August |
Year start | 1858 |
Event end | Disestablished |
Date end | 15 August |
Year end | 1947 |
P1 | Company rule in India |
Flag p1 | Flag of the British East India Company (1801).svg |
P3 | Mughal Empire |
Flag p3 | Flag of the Mughal Empire.svg |
S1 | Union of India |
S2 | Dominion of Pakistan |
S3 | British Burma |
Flag s1 | Flag of India.svg |
Flag s2 | Flag of Pakistan.svg |
Flag s3 | British Burma 1937 flag.svg |
Flag s4 | Sikkimflag.svg |
Flag | Star of India (flag) |
Flag type | |
Image coat | Star-of-India-gold-centre.svg |
Symbol | Order of the Star of India |
Symbol type | |
Image map caption | The British Indian Empire, 1909 |
Capital | Calcutta (1858–1912)New Delhi (1912–1947)Shimla (Summer) |
National anthem | God Save the Queen/King |
Common languages | Hindustani, English and many others |
Currency | British Indian rupee |
Leader1 | Victoria¹ |
Leader2 | Edward VII |
Leader3 | George V |
Leader4 | Edward VIII |
Leader5 | George VI |
Year leader1 | 1858–1901 |
Year leader2 | 1901–1910 |
Year leader3 | 1910–1936 |
Year leader4 | 1936 |
Year leader5 | 1936–1947 |
Title leader | Emperor/Empress of India (1876–1947) |
Representative1 | The Viscount Canning |
Year representative1 | 1858–1862 |
Representative2 | The 8th Earl of Elgin |
Year representative2 | 1862–1863 |
Representative3 | Sir John Lawrence |
Year representative3 | 1864–1869 |
Representative4 | The Earl of Mayo |
Year representative4 | 1869–1872 |
Representative5 | The Lord Northbrook |
Year representative5 | 1872–1876 |
Representative6 | The Lord Lytton |
Year representative6 | 1876–1880 |
Representative7 | The Marquess of Ripon |
Year representative7 | 1880–1884 |
Representative8 | The Earl of Dufferin |
Year representative8 | 1884–1888 |
Representative9 | The Marquess of Lansdowne |
Year representative9 | 1888–1894 |
Representative10 | The 9th Earl of Elgin |
Year representative10 | 1894–1899 |
Representative11 | The Lord Curzon of Kedleston |
Year representative11 | 1899–1905 |
Representative12 | The Earl of Minto |
Year representative12 | 1905–1910 |
Representative13 | The Lord Hardinge of Penshurst |
Year representative13 | 1910–1916 |
Representative14 | The Lord Chelmsford |
Year representative14 | 1916–1921 |
Representative15 | The Earl of Reading |
Year representative15 | 1921–1926 |
Representative16 | The Baron Irwin |
Year representative16 | 1926–1931 |
Representative17 | The Earl of Willingdon |
Year representative17 | 1931–1936 |
Representative18 | The Marquess of Linlithgow |
Year representative18 | 1936–1943 |
Representative19 | The Viscount Wavell |
Year representative19 | 1943–1947 |
Representative20 | The Viscount Mountbatten of Burma |
Year representative20 | 1947 |
Title representative | Viceroy² |
Stat year1 | |
Stat area1 | |
Stat pop1 | |
Footnotes | ¹ Reigned as Empress of India from 1 May 1876, before that as Queen of Great Britain.² Governor-General and Viceroy of India |
The British Indian Empire or British Raj (rāj in Hindi: राज, Urdu: , pronounced: , lit. "reign"
During the partition of Bengal (1905–1911), a new province, Assam and East Bengal was created as a Lieutenant-Governorship. In 1911, East Bengal was reunited with Bengal, and the new provinces in the east became: Assam, Bengal, Bihar and Orissa.
If the Government of India needed to enact new laws, the Councils Act allowed for a Legislative Council—an expansion of the Executive Council by up to twelve additional members, each appointed to a two-year term—with half the members consisting of British officials of the government (termed official) and allowed to vote, and the other half, comprising Indians and domiciled Britons in India (termed non-official) and serving only in an advisory capacity. They too were rewarded in the new British Raj by being officially recognised in the treaties each state now signed with the Crown. At the same time, it was felt that the peasants, for whose benefit the large land-reforms of the United Provinces had been undertaken, had shown disloyalty, by, in many cases, fighting for their former landlords against the British. Consequently, no more land reforms were implemented for the next 90 years: Bengal and Bihar were to remain the realms of large land holdings (unlike the Punjab and Uttar Pradesh).
Lastly, the British felt disenchanted with Indian reaction to social change. Until the rebellion, they had enthusiastically pushed through social reform, like the ban on suttee by Lord William Bentinck. It was now felt that traditions and customs in India were too strong and too rigid to be changed easily; consequently, no more British social interventions were made, especially in matters dealing with religion, even when the British felt very strongly about the issue (as in the instance of the remarriage of Hindu child widows).
Although the British East India Company had administered its factory areas in India—beginning with Surat early in the 17th century, and including by the century's end, Fort William near Calcutta, Fort St George in Madras and the Bombay Castle—its victory in the Battle of Plassey in 1757 marked the real beginning of the Company rule in India. The victory was consolidated in 1764 at the Battle of Buxar (in Bihar), when the defeated Mughal emperor, Shah Alam II, granted the Company the Diwani ("right to collect land-revenue") in Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa. The Company soon expanded its territories around its bases in Bombay and Madras: the Anglo-Mysore Wars (1766–1799) and the Anglo-Maratha Wars (1772–1818) gave it control over most of India south of the Narmada River.
Earlier, in 1773, the British Parliament granted regulatory control over East India Company to the British government and established the post of Governor-General of India, with Warren Hastings as the first incumbent. The annexed regions included the North Western Provinces (comprising Rohilkhand, Gorakhpur, and the Doab) (1801), Delhi (1803), and Sindh (1843). Punjab, Northwest Frontier Province, and Kashmir, were annexed after the Anglo-Sikh Wars in 1849; however, Kashmir was immediately sold under the Treaty of Amritsar (1850) to the Dogra Dynasty of Jammu, and thereby became a princely state. In 1854 Berar was annexed, and the state of Oudh two years later.
The East India Company also signed treaties with various Afghan rulers and with Ranjit Singh of Lahore to counterbalance the Russian support of Persia's plans in western Afghanistan. In 1839, the Company's effort to more actively support Shah Shuja as Amir in Afghanistan, led to the First Afghan War (1839–42) and resulted in a military disaster for it. As the British expanded their territory in India, so did Russia in Central Asia with the taking of Bukhara and Samarkand in 1863 and 1868 respectively, and thereby setting the stage for The Great Game of Central Asia. With increased British power in India, supervision of Indian affairs by the British Crown and Parliament increased as well; by the 1820s, British nationals could transact business under the protection of the Crown in the three Company presidencies. In the Charter Act of 1833, the British parliament revoked the Company's trade license altogether, making the Company a part of British governance, although the administration of British India remained the province of Company officers. It was hoped that knowledge of a fixed government demand would encourage the zamindars to increase both their average outcrop and the land under cultivation, since they would be able to retain the profits from the increased output; in addition, the land itself would become a marketable form of property that could be purchased, sold, or mortgaged. However, in spite of the appeal of the ryotwari system's abstract principles, class hierarchies in southern Indian villages had not entirely disappeared—for example village headmen continued to hold sway—and peasant cultivators came to experience revenue demands they could not meet. After the Company lost its trading rights, it became the single most important source of government revenue, roughly half of overall revenue in the middle of the 19th century. Since, in many regions, the land tax assessment could be revised, and since it was generally computed at a high level, it created lasting resentment that later came to a head in the rebellion that rocked much of North India in 1857. More tellingly, the latter half of the 19th century also saw an increase in the number of large-scale famines in India. Although famines were not new to the subcontinent, these were particularly severe, with tens of millions dying, and with many critics, both British and Indian, laying the blame at the doorsteps of the lumbering colonial administrations. The first train in India had become operational on 22 December 1851 for localised hauling of canal construction material in Roorkee. In 1900 the government took over the GIPR network, while the company continued to manage it. With the arrival of the First World War, the railways were used to transport troops and foodgrains to the port city of Bombay and Karachi en route to UK, Mesopotamia and East Africa. By the end of the First World War, the railways had suffered immensely and were in a poor state. It was to lead, among other things, to India, under its own name, becoming a of the League of Nations in 1920 and participating, under the name, "Les Indes Anglaises" (the British Indies), in the 1920 Summer Olympics in Antwerp.
In 1916, the moderate nationalists demonstrated new strength with the signing of the Lucknow Pact and the founding of the Home Rule leagues. With the realisation, after the disaster in the Mesopotamian campaign, that the war would likely last longer, the new Viceroy, Lord Chelmsford, cautioned that the Government of India needed to be more responsive to Indian opinion. Towards the end of the year, after discussions with the government in London, he suggested that the British demonstrate their good faith in light of the Indian war role through a number of public actions. The actions he suggested included awards of titles and honours to princes, granting of commissions in the army to Indians, and removal of the much-reviled cotton excise duty. Most importantly, he suggested an announcement of Britain's future plans for India and an indication of some concrete steps. After more discussion, in August 1917, the new Liberal Secretary of State for India, Edwin Montagu, announced the British aim of “increasing association of Indians in every branch of the administration, and the gradual development of self-governing institutions, with a view to the progressive realisation of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British Empire.” Although the plan envisioned limited self-government at first only in the provinces – with India emphatically within the British Empire – it represented the first British proposal for any form of representative government in a non-white colony.
Earlier, at the onset of World War I, the reassignment of most of the British army in India to Europe and Mesopotamia had led the previous Viceroy, Lord Harding, to worry about the “risks involved in denuding India of troops.” Revolutionary violence had already been a concern in British India, and outlines of collaboration with Germany were being identified by British intelligence. Consequently in 1915, the Government of India passed the Defence of India Act to strengthen its powers during what it saw was a time of increased vulnerability. This act allowed it to intern politically dangerous dissidents without due process and added to the power it already had – under the 1910 Press Act – to imprison journalists without trial and to censor the press. However, since the Government of India wanted to check the revolutionary problem, and since its reform plan was devised during a time when extremist violence had ebbed as a result of increased governmental control, it also began to consider how some of its war-time powers could be extended into peace time.
, left, the Secretary of State for India, whose report led to the Government of India Act of 1919, also known as the Montford Reforms or the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms]] Consequently in 1917, even as Edwin Montagu announced the new constitutional reforms, a sedition committee chaired by a British judge, Mr. S. A. T. Rowlatt, was tasked with investigating revolutionary conspiracies and the German and Bolshevik links to the violence in India, To combat subversive acts in these regions, the committee recommended that the government use emergency powers akin to its war-time authority. These powers included the ability to try cases of sedition by a panel of three judges and without juries, exaction of securities from suspects, governmental overseeing of residences of suspects, and the power for provincial governments to arrest and detain suspects in short-term detention facilities and without trial.
With the end of World War I, there was also a change in the economic climate. By year’s end 1919, 1.5 million Indians had served in the armed services in either combatant or non-combatant roles, and India had provided £146 million in revenue for the war. Returning war veterans, especially in the Punjab, created a growing unemployment crisis This situation was made only worse by the failure of the 1918-19 monsoon and by profiteering and speculation. The global influenza epidemic and the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 added to the general jitters; the former among the population already experiencing economic woes, and the latter among government officials, fearing a similar revolution in India. In the ensuing discussion and vote in the Imperial Legislative Council, all Indian members voiced opposition to the bills. The Government of India was nevertheless able to use its "official majority" to ensure passage of the bills early in 1919. However, what it passed, in deference to the Indian opposition, was a lesser version of the first bill, which now allowed extrajudicial powers, but for a period of exactly three years and for the prosecution solely of “anarchical and revolutionary movements”, dropping entirely the second bill involving modification of the Indian Penal Code. Even so, when it was passed the new Rowlatt Act aroused widespread indignation throughout India, which culminated in the infamous Jallianwala Bagh massacre and brought Mohandas Gandhi to the forefront of the nationalist movement. The new Act (with the help of the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms which lay the ground work for the act) enlarged both the provincial and Imperial legislative councils and repealed the Government of India’s recourse to the “official majority” in unfavorable votes. Although departments like defence, foreign affairs, criminal law, communications and income tax were retained by the Viceroy and the central government in New Delhi, other departments like public health, education, land-revenue and local self-government were transferred to the provinces. The provinces themselves were now to be administered under a new dyarchical system, whereby some areas like education, agriculture, infrastructure development, and local self-government became the preserve of Indian ministers and legislatures, and ultimately the Indian electorates, while others like irrigation, land-revenue, police, prisons, and control of media remained within the purview of the British governor and his executive council. The new Act also made it easier for Indians to be admitted into the civil service and the army officer corps.
to the right of Mohandas Gandhi at the Second Round Table Conference in London, October 1931]] A greater number of Indians were now enfranchised, although, for voting at the national level, they constituted only 10% of the total adult male population, many of whom were still illiterate. In the provincial legislatures, the British continued to exercise some control by setting aside seats for special interests they considered cooperative or useful. In particular, rural candidates, generally sympathetic to British rule and less confrontational, were assigned more seats than their urban counterparts. Seats were also reserved for non-Brahmins, landowners, businessmen, and college graduates. The principal of “communal representation”, an integral part of the Minto-Morley reforms, and more recently of the Congress-Muslim League Lucknow Pact, was reaffirmed, with seats being reserved for Muslims, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians, and domiciled Europeans, in both provincial and Imperial legislative councils. According to the census of 1931, the number of Europeans was 168,134. Its scope was, however, unsatisfactory to the Indian political leadership, famously expressed by Annie Beasant as something "unworthy of England to offer and India to accept". At this time, it was also decided to separate Burma from British India in 1937, to form a separate crown colony. The future Constitution of independent India would owe a great deal to the text of this act.
The British government—through its Cripps' mission—attempted to secure Indian nationalists' cooperation in the war effort in exchange for independence afterwards; however, the negotiations between them and the Congress broke down. Gandhi, subsequently, launched the “Quit India” movement in August 1942, demanding the immediate withdrawal of the British from India or face nationwide civil disobedience. Along with all other Congress leaders, Gandhi was immediately imprisoned, and the country erupted in violent demonstrations led by students and later by peasant political groups, especially in Eastern United Provinces, Bihar, and western Bengal. The large war-time British Army presence in India led to most of the movement being crushed in a little more than six weeks; In other parts of India, the movement was less spontaneous and the protest less intensive, however it lasted sporadically into the summer of 1943.
Also in early 1946, new elections were called in India in which the Congress won electoral victories in eight of the eleven provinces. The negotiations between the Congress and the Muslim League, however, stumbled over the issue of the partition. Muhammad Ali Jinnah proclaimed 16 August 1946, Direct Action Day, with the stated goal of highlighting, peacefully, the demand for a Muslim homeland in British India. The following day Hindu-Muslim riots broke out in Calcutta and quickly spread throughout India. Although the Government of India and the Congress were both shaken by the course of events, in September a Congress-led interim government was installed, with Jawaharlal Nehru as united India’s prime minister.
Later that year, the Labour government in Britain, its exchequer exhausted by the recently concluded World War II, and conscious that it had neither the mandate at home, the international support, nor the reliability of native forces for continuing to control an increasingly restless India, decided to end British rule of India, and in early 1947 Britain announced its intention of transferring power no later than June 1948.
As independence approached, the violence between Hindus and Muslims in the provinces of Punjab and Bengal continued unabated. With the British army unprepared for the potential for increased violence, the new viceroy, Louis Mountbatten, advanced the date for the transfer of power, allowing less than six months for a mutually agreed plan for independence. In June 1947, the nationalist leaders, including Nehru and Abul Kalam Azad on behalf of the Congress, Jinnah representing the Muslim League, B. R. Ambedkar representing the Untouchable community, and Master Tara Singh representing the Sikhs, agreed to a partition of the country along religious lines. The predominantly Hindu and Sikh areas were assigned to the new India and predominantly Muslim areas to the new nation of Pakistan; the plan included a partition of the Muslim-majority provinces of Punjab and Bengal.
Many millions of Muslim, Sikh, and Hindu refugees trekked across the newly drawn borders. In Punjab, where the new border lines divided the Sikh regions in half, massive bloodshed followed; in Bengal and Bihar, where Gandhi's presence assuaged communal tempers, the violence was more limited. In all, anywhere between 250,000 and 500,000 people on both sides of the new borders died in the violence. On 14 August 1947, the new Dominion of Pakistan came into being, with Muhammad Ali Jinnah sworn in as its first Governor General in Karachi. The following day, 15 August 1947, India, now a smaller Union of India, became an independent country with official ceremonies taking place in New Delhi, and with Jawaharlal Nehru assuming the office of the prime minister, and the viceroy, Louis Mountbatten, staying on as its first Governor General.
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Category:History of Pakistan Category:States and territories established in 1858 Category:1947 disestablishments Category:European colonisation in Asia
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Coordinates | 46°42′0″N24°3′0″N |
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Name | Tipu Sultan |
Title | Ruler of Mysore |
Reign | 1782–1799 |
Predecessor | Hyder Ali |
Royal house | Kingdom of Mysore |
Father | Hyder Ali |
Mother | Fakhr-un-nissa |
Religion | Islam |
Date of birth | 20 November 1750 |
Place of birth | Devanahalli |
Date of death | May 04, 1799 |
Place of death | Srirangapattana |
Buried | Srirangapattana |
Tipu Sultan (Kannada: ಟಿಪ್ಪು ಸುಲ್ತಾನ್, ) (November 1750, Devanahalli – 4 May 1799, Srirangapattana), also known as the Tiger of Mysore, was the de facto ruler of the Kingdom of Mysore. He was the son of Hyder Ali, at that time an officer in the Mysorean army, and his second wife, Fatima or Fakhr-un-nissa. His full name was Sultan Fateh Ali Khan Shahab, Tipu Saheb or Bahadur Khan Tipu Sultan.
During Tipu's childhood, his father rose to take power in Mysore, and Tipu took over rule of the kingdom upon his father's death. In addition to his role as ruler, he was a scholar, soldier, and poet. He was a devout Muslim but the majority of his subjects were Hindus. At the request of the French, he built a church, the first in Mysore. He was proficient in many languages. In 1780 CE he declared himself to be the Badshah or Emperor of Mysore, and struck coinage in his own name without reference to the reigning Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II. H. D. Sharma writes that in his correspondence with other Islamic rulers such as Zaman Shah of Afghanistan, Tipu Sultan used this title and declared that he intended to establish an Islamic empire in the entire country, along the lines of the Mughal Empire which was at its nadir during the period in question. He even invited him to invade India to help achieve this mission.
Tipu is regarded to be anti-Christian by some historians.
Tipu ordered the destruction of 27 Catholic churches, all beautifully carved with statues depicting various saints. Among them included the Church of Nossa Senhora de Rosario Milagres at Mangalore, Fr Miranda's Seminary at Monte Mariano, Church of Jesu Marie Jose at Omzoor, Chapel at Bolar, Church of Merces at Ullal, Imaculata Conceiciao at Mulki, San Jose at Perar, Nossa Senhora dos Remedios at Kirem, Sao Lawrence at Karkal, Rosario at Barkur, Immaculata Conceciao at Baidnur. All were razed to the ground, with the exception of The Church of Holy Cross at Hospet, owing to the friendly offices of the Chauta Raja of Moodbidri. , who was detained a prisoner for 10 years by Tipu Sultan along with the Mangalorean Catholics]] Tipu Sultan's rule of the Malabar coast had an adverse impact on the Syrian Malabar Nasrani community. Many churches in the Malabar and Cochin were damaged. The old Syrian Nasrani seminary at Angamaly which had been the centre of Catholic religious education for several centuries was razed to the ground by Tipu's soldiers. A lot of centuries old religious manuscripts were lost forever. The church was later relocated to Kottayam where it still exists. The Mor Sabor church at Akaparambu and the Martha Mariam Church attached to the seminary were destroyed as well. Tipu's army set fire to the church at Palayoor and attacked the Ollur Church in 1790. Furthernmore, the Arthat church and the Ambazhakkad seminary was also destroyed. Over the course of this invasion, many Syrian Malabar Nasrani were killed or forcibly converted to Islam. Most of the coconut, arecanut, pepper and cashew plantations held by the Syrian Malabar farmers were also indiscriminately destroyed by the invading army. As a result, when Tipu's army invaded Guruvayur and adjacent areas, the Syrian Christian community fled Calicut and small towns like Arthat to new centres like Kunnamkulam, Chalakudi, Ennakadu, Cheppadu, Kannankode, Mavelikkara, etc. where there were already Christians. They were given refuge by Sakthan Tamburan, the ruler of Cochin and Karthika Thirunal, the ruler of Travancore, who gave them lands, plantations and encouraged their businesses. Colonel Macqulay, the British resident of Travancore also helped them.
Napoleon was finally defeated by the Ottoman Empire helped with Britain at the Siege of Acre in 1799, and at the Battle of Abukir in 1801, so that by 1802, the French were completely vanquished in the Middle East. Napoleon also formed a Franco-Persian alliance in 1807, again with the aim of linking with India.
There were over 26,000 soldiers of the British East India Company comprising about 4000 Europeans and the rest Indians. A column was supplied by the Nizam of Hyderabad consisting of ten battalions and over 16,000 cavalry, and many soldiers were sent by the Marathas. Thus the soldiers in the British force numbered over 50,000 soldiers whereas Tipu Sultan had only about 30,000 soldiers. The British broke through the city walls, and Tipu Sultan died defending his capital on May 4. When the fallen Tipu was identified, Wellesley felt his pulse and confirmed that he was dead. Next to him, underneath his palankeen, was one of his most confidential servants, Rajah Cawn. Rajah was able to identify Tipu for the soldiers. Tipu Sultan was killed at the Hoally (Diddy) Gateway, which was located 300 yards from the N.E. Angle of the Srirangapattana Fort. The Fort Gateway had been built only 5 years prior to Tipu's death. Tipu was buried the next afternoon, near the remains of his father. In the midst of his burial, a great storm struck, with massive winds and rains. As Lieutenant Richard Bayly of the British 12th regiment wrote, "I have experienced hurricanes, typhoons, and gales of wind at sea, but never in the whole course of my existence had I seen anything comparable to this desolating visitation".
The rocket men were trained to launch their rockets at an angle calculated from the diameter of the cylinder and the distance to the target. In addition, wheeled rocket launchers capable of launching five to ten rockets almost simultaneously were used in war. Rockets could be of various sizes, but usually consisted of a tube of soft hammered iron about long and 1.5 to 3 in (3.8 to 7.6 cm) in diameter, closed at one end and strapped to a shaft of bamboo about long. The iron tube acted as a combustion chamber and contained well packed black powder propellant. A rocket carrying about one pound of powder could travel almost 1,000 yards. In contrast, rockets in Europe, not being iron cased, could not take large chamber pressures and as a consequence, were not capable of reaching distances anywhere near as great.
Hyder Ali's father, the Naik or chief constable at Budikote, commanded 50 rocketmen for the Nawab of Arcot. There was a regular Rocket Corps in the Mysore Army, beginning with about 1200 men in Hyder Ali's time. At the Battle of Pollilur (1780), during the Second Anglo-Mysore War, Colonel William Baillie's ammunition stores are thought to have been detonated by a hit from one of Hyder Ali's rockets, contributing to a humiliating British defeat.
In 1792, during the Third Anglo-Mysore War, there was mention of two rocket units fielded by Tipu Sultan, 120 men and 131 men respectively. Lt. Col. Knox was attacked by rockets near Srirangapatna on the night of 6 February 1792, while advancing towards the Kaveri River from the north. The Rocket Corps ultimately reached a strength of about 5000 in Tipu Sultan's army. Mysore rockets were also used for ceremonial purposes. When the Jacobin Club of Mysore sent a delegation to Tipu Sultan, 500 rockets were launched as part of the gun salute.
During the Fourth Anglo-Mysore War, rockets were again used on several occasions. One of these involved Colonel Arthur Wellesley, later famous as the First Duke of Wellington. Wellesley was defeated by Tipu's Diwan, Purnaiya, at the Battle of Sultanpet Tope. Quoting Forrest,
At this point (near the village of Sultanpet, Figure 5) there was a large tope, or grove, which gave shelter to Tipu's rocketmen and had obviously to be cleaned out before the siege could be pressed closer to Srirangapattana island. The commander chosen for this operation was Col. Wellesley, but advancing towards the tope after dark on the 5 April 1799, he was set upon with rockets and musket-fires, lost his way and, as Beatson politely puts it, had to "postpone the attack" until a more favourable opportunity should offer.
The following day, Wellesley launched a fresh attack with a larger force, and took the whole position without losing a single man. On 22 April 1799, twelve days before the main battle, rocketeers worked their way around to the rear of the British encampment, then 'threw a great number of rockets at the same instant' to signal the beginning of an assault by 6,000 Indian infantry and a corps of Frenchmen, all directed by Mir Golam Hussain and Mohomed Hulleen Mir Mirans. The rockets had a range of about 1,000 yards. Some burst in the air like shells. Others, called ground rockets, would rise again on striking the ground and bound along in a serpentine motion until their force was spent. According to one British observer, a young English officer named Bayly: "So pestered were we with the rocket boys that there was no moving without danger from the destructive missiles ...". He continued:
The rockets and musketry from 20,000 of the enemy were incessant. No hail could be thicker. Every illumination of blue lights was accompanied by a shower of rockets, some of which entered the head of the column, passing through to the rear, causing death, wounds, and dreadful lacerations from the long bamboos of twenty or thirty feet, which are invariably attached to them.
During the conclusive British attack on Srirangapattana on May 2, 1799, a British shot struck a magazine of rockets within Tipu Sultan's fort, causing it to explode and send a towering cloud of black smoke with cascades of exploding white light rising up from the battlements. On the afternoon of 4 May when the final attack on the fort was led by Baird, he was again met by "furious musket and rocket fire", but this did not help much; in about an hour's time the fort was taken; perhaps within another hour Tipu had been shot (the precise time of his death is not known), and the war was effectively over.
After the fall of Srirangapattana, 600 launchers, 700 serviceable rockets and 9,000 empty rockets were found. Some of the rockets had pierced cylinders, to allow them to act like incendiaries, while some had iron points or steel blades bound to the bamboo. By attaching these blades to rockets they became very unstable towards the end of their flight causing the blades to spin around like flying scythes, cutting down all in their path.
These experiences eventually led the Royal Woolwich Arsenal to start a military rocket research and development program in 1801, based on the Mysorean technology. Their first demonstration of solid-fuel rockets came in 1805 and was followed by publication of A Concise Account of the Origin and Progress of the Rocket System in 1807 by William Congreve, son of the arsenal's commandant. Congreve rockets were soon systematically used by the British during the Napoleonic Wars and the War of 1812. These descendants of Mysorean rockets were used in the 1814 Battle of Baltimore, and are mentioned in the Star Spangled Banner.
1. Shahzada Hyder Ali Sultan Sahib (1771-30 July 1815)
2. Shahzada Abdul Khaliq Sultan Sahib (1782-12 September 1806
3. Shahzada Muhi-ud-din Sultan Sahib (1782-30 September 1811)
4. Shahzada Mu‘izz-ud-din Sultan Sahib (1783-30 March 1818)
5. Shahzada Mi‘raj-ud-din Sultan Sahib (1784?-?)
6. Shahzada Mu‘in-ud-din Sultan Sahib (1784?-?)
7. Shahzada Muhammad Yasin Sultan Sahib (1784-15 March 1849)
8. Shahzada Muhammad Subhan Sultan Sahib (1785-27 September 1845)
9. Shahzada Muhammad Shukrullah Sultan Sahib (1785-25 September 1837)
10. Shahzada Sarwar-ud-din Sultan Sahib (1790-20 October 1833), desc
11. Shahzada Muhammad Nizam-ud-din Sultan Sahib (1791-20 October 1791)
12. Shahzada Muhammad Jamal-ud-din Sultan Sahib (1795-13 November 1842)
13. Shahzada Munir-ud-din Sultan Sahib (1795-1 December 1837)
14. His Highness Shahzada Sir Ghulam Muhammad Sultan Sahib, KCSI (March 1795-11 August 1872)
15. Shahzada Ghulam Ahmad Sultan Sahib (1796-11 April 1824)
16. Shahzada ............. Sultan Sahib (1797–1797)
Tipu Sultan's family was sent to Calcutta by the British. Noor Inayat Khan, who was a major in the British Indian army, is said to be one of Tipu Sultan's descendants who died in the German Dachau concentration camp on 13 September 1944.
Category:Indian Muslims Category:Kings of Mysore Category:People from Karnataka Category:Muslim generals Category:1750 births Category:1799 deaths Category:Indian military writers
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Coordinates | 46°42′0″N24°3′0″N |
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Name | Josh Malihabadi |
Caption | Josh Malihabadi |
Pseudonym | Josh |
Birthname | Shabbir Hasan Khan |
Birthdate | December 5, 1894 |
Birthplace | Malihabad, United Provinces, British India |
Deathdate | February 22, 1982 |
Deathplace | Islamabad, Pakistan |
Occupation | Poet |
Nationality | Pakistani |
Education | Tagore's University, Shantiniketan |
Notableworks | Yaadon ki Baarat |
Relatives | Bashir Ahmed Khan (father) |
Awards | Padma Bhushan, 1954 |
Josh Malihabadi (}}) (born as Shabbir Hasan Khan; ) (December 5, 1894 – February 22, 1982) was a noted Urdu poet born in British India, who was an Indian citizen until 1958, when he emigrated to Pakistan and became a Pakistani citizen. He wrote ghazals and nazm under the takhallus (Urdu for nom de plume) Josh () (literally, "Passion" or "Intensity").
Soon thereafter, he founded the magazine, Kaleem (literally, "interlocutor" in Urdu), in which he openly wrote articles in favour of independence from the British Raj in India. As his reputation spread, he came to be called Shaayar-e-Inquilaab ("Poet of the Revolution"). Subsequently, he became more actively involved in the freedom struggle (albeit, in an intellectual capacity) and became close to some of the political leaders of that era, especially Jawaharlal Nehru (later to be the first Prime Minister of independent India).
After the end of British Raj in India (1947), Josh became the editor of the publication Aaj-Kal .
He remained in Pakistan until he died on February 22, 1982 in Islamabad. Faiz Ahmad Faiz and Syed Fakhruddin Balley both were the closest companions and friends of Josh and Sajjad Hyder Kharosh (son of Josh). Faiz Ahmad Faiz visited Islamabad during his illness and Syed Fakhruddin Balley remained entirely engaged with Hazrat Josh and Sajjad Hyder Kharosh. Even then , when Josh was on the death bed only Fakhruddin Balley Sajjad Hyder Kharosh his son Fawwad and daughter Tabbasum were there. It is reported that he was not entirely well-received in Pakistan where his iconoclastic ideas and socialistic leanings and views were not in tandem with the political and the social set up of the country. In fact, he deeply regretted his decision (as he would tell his close friends and acquaintances) and felt slighted that he was not accorded the respect and importance he had expected on becoming a Pakistani citizen.
Category:1898 births Category:1982 deaths Category:Pakistani people Category:People from Lucknow Category:People from Karachi Category:Indian poets Category:Pakistani poets Category:Urdu poets Category:Muhajir people Category:Recipients of the Padma Bhushan Category:Pakistani Muslims Category:Pakistani Shi'a Muslims
This text is licensed under the Creative Commons CC-BY-SA License. This text was originally published on Wikipedia and was developed by the Wikipedia community.