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Agency name | VCheKa () |
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Nativename | |
Logo | KGB Symbol.png |
Logo width | 100px |
Logo caption | VCheKa emblem |
Formed | 1917 |
Preceding1 | Petrograd VRK |
Dissolved | 1922(reorganized) |
Superseding | GPU |
Headquarters | 2 Gorokhovaya street, Petrograd Lubyanka Square, Moscow |
Chief1 name | Felix Dzerzhinsky |
Agency type | Secret police |
Parent agency | Council of the People's Commissars |
The Cheka (ЧК - чрезвыча́йная коми́ссия Chrezvychaynaya Komissiya, Extraordinary Commission ) was the first of a succession of Soviet state security organizations. It was created by a decree issued on December 20, 1917, by Vladimir Lenin and subsequently led by aristocrat turned communist Felix Dzerzhinsky. After 1922, the Cheka underwent a series of reorganizations into bodies whose members continued to be referred to as "Chekisty" (Chekists) into the late 1980s.
From its founding, the Cheka was an important military and security arm of the Bolshevik communist government. In 1921 the Troops for the Internal Defense of the Republic (a branch of the Cheka) numbered 200,000. These troops policed labor camps; ran the Gulag system; conducted requisitions of food; subjected political opponents (on both the right and the left) to torture and summary execution; and put down (peasant) rebellions, riots by workers, and mutinies in the desertion-plagued Red Army.
In the first month and half after the October Revolution the duties of extinguishing the resistance of exploiters were assigned to the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee (further VRK). It represented a temporary, extraordinary body working under directives of Sovnarkom and Central Committee of RDSRP(b). The VRK has been creating new bodies of government, organizing food supply to cities and the Army, requisitioning products from bourgeoisie, sending its emissaries and agitators to provinces. One of its most important functions was the security of revolutionary order and fight against counterrevolutionary (see Anti-Soviet agitation).
On December 1, 1917 the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK or TsIK) reviewed a proposition of reorganization of the VRK and creation instead of it the department in the fight against counterrevolutionary. On December 5 the Petrograd VRK published an announcement of dissolution and transfer the functions to the department of TsIK in the fight against counterrevolutionary. On December 6 the Sovnarkom reviewed an issue Possibility of strike by workers of government institutions on the All-Russian scale. It was decided to organize a special commission to find ways to fight such event by implementing the most energetically revolutionary measures. On the position of a chairman of the commission was offered a candidacy of Felix Dzerzhinsky (the Iron Felix) who was directed by Sovnarkom to its next meeting present a list of the commission members and compose measures in fight against sabotage. Dzerzhinsky invited the following people: V. K. Averin, V. N. Vasilevsky, D. G. Yevseyev, N. A. Zhydelev, I. K. Ksenofontov, G. K. Ordjonikidze, Ya. Kh. Peters, K. A. Peterson, V. A. Trifonov.
, the seat of the Soviet government, 1917]] On December 7 all invited except Zhydelev and Vasilevsky have gathered in Smolny for a discussion on the issue of competence and structure of the commission in fight with counterrevolution and sabotage. The obligations of the commission were as following, "liquidate to the root all of the counterrevolutionary and sabotage activities and all attempts to them in whole Russia, to hand over counter-revolutionaries and saboteurs to the revolutionary tribunals, develop measures to combat them and relentlessly apply them in life. The commission should only conduct a preliminary investigation". The commission should also observe the press and counterrevolutionary parties, sabotaging officials and other criminals. It was decided to create three sections: informational, organizational, and in fight against counterrevolutionary and sabotage. Upon the end of the meeting Dzerzhinsky reported to the Sovnarkom with the requested information. The commission was allowed to apply such measures of repression as 'confiscation, deprivation of ration cards, publication of lists of enemies of the people etc.'".
The next day (December 8) some of the original members of the VCheka were replaced such as Averin, Ordzhonikidze, and Trifonov were replaced by V. V. Fomin, S. E. Shchukin, Ilyin, and Chernov. The Left SRs were expelled or arrested later in 1918 following an attempted assassination against Lenin by an SR, Fanni Kaplan.
On February 23, 1918 VCheKa sent a radio telegram to all soviets with a petition to immediately organize in areas of emergency commissions to combat counter-revolution, sabotage and speculation, if such were not organized yet. February 1918 saw the creation of local extraordinary commissions. One of the first was founded the Moscow Cheka. Following its example there were starting to be established sections and commissariats to combat counterrevolution in other cities. The Extraordinary Commissions arose, usually in the areas during the moments of the greatest aggravation of political situation. Such on February 25, 1918 in connection with the threat of armed intervention by the counterrevolutionary organization Union of front-liners was formed a section to combat counter-revolution at the executive committee of the Saratov Soviet. On March 7, 1918 because of transferring out of Petrograd to Moscow it was decided to create the Petrograd Cheka. On March 9 was created a section for combating counterrevolution at the Omsk Soviet. There were also created the extraordinary commissions in Penza, Perm, Novgorod, Cherepovets, Rostov, Taganrog. On March 18 VCheKa adopted a resolution On the work of VCheKa on the All-Russian scale foreseeing the formation at all locations a single-type extraordinary commissions and sent a letter, which drew attention on the necessity for the widespread establishment of the Cheka in combating counterrevolution, speculation, and sabotage. Establishment of provincial extraordinary commissions largely was completed in August 1918. At this time in the Soviet Republic was 38 gubernatorial Chekas (Gubcheks).
On June 12, 1918 the I All-Russian Conference of Cheka, adopted the Basic provisions on the organization of extraordinary commissions. There was formulated the task to form extraordinary commissions, not only at oblast and guberniya levels, but also at the large uyezd soviets. In August 1918 in the Soviet Republic had accounted for some 75 uyezd extraordinary commissions. By the end of the year there were established 365 uyezd Cheka. In 1918 the All-Russia Extraordinary Commission and the Soviets managed to establish a local Cheka apparatus. It included oblast, guberniya, raion, uyezd, and volost Cheka, with raion and volost extraordinary commissioners. In addition, in the system of local Cheka bodies were included security-border Chekas.
In the autumn of 1918 in connection with the consolidation of the political situation of the republic there have appeared a question on the elimination of uyezd, raion, and volost Chekas as well as the institution of extraordinary commissioners. On January 20, 1919 VTsIK adopted a resolution prepared by VCheKa, On the abolition of uyezd extraordinary commissions. On January 16 the presidium of VCheKa approved the draft on the establishment of the Politburo at uyezd militsiya. This decision was approved by the IV Conference of the Extraordinary Commission, held in early February 1920.
on the Soviet postage.]] The beginning of a systematic work of organs of VCheKa in RKKA refers to July 1918, the period of extreme tension of the civil war and class struggle in the country. On July 16, 1918 the Council of People's Commissars formed the Extraordinary Commission for combating counterrevolution at the Czechoslovak (Eastern) Front led by M. I. Latsis. In the fall of 1918 there began to form extraordinary commissions to combat counterrevolution on the Southern (Ukraine) Front. In late November the II All-Russian Conference of the Extraordinary Commissions accepted a decision after the report of I. N. Polukarov to establish at all frontlines and armies sections of Cheka and granted them right to appoint their commissioners in military units. On December 9, 1918 the collegiate (presumably presidium) of VCheKa had decided to form a military section, headed by M. S. Kedrov to lead the struggle against counterrevolution in the Army. In early 1919 the Military control and the Military section of VCheKa were merged into one body, the Special Section of the Republic. The head of it was appointed Kedrov. On January 1 he issued an order in which he informed on the establishment of the Special Section. Order instructed agencies everywhere to unite the Military control and the Military sections of Chekas and to forme special sections of frontlines, armies, military districts, and guberniyas.
In November 1920 the Soviet of Labor and Defense has laid on Special Section of VCheKa the security of the state border. For that purpose there have been set up special sections for protection of borders.
On February 6, 1922 after the IX All-Russian Soviet Congress the Cheka was dissolved by VTsIK "with expressions of gratitude for heroic work." It was replaced by the State Political Administration or GPU, a section of the NKVD of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR).
Initially formed to fight against counter-revolutionaries and saboteurs as well as financial speculators, Cheka classified them in its own manner. Under the category of those counter-revolutionaries fell: # any civil or military servicemen suspected of working for Imperial Russia, # families of officers-volunteers (including children), # any clergy, # workers and peasants who are under suspicion of not supporting the Soviet government, # and any other person whose private property was evaluated over 10,000 rubles.
Already according to its name (Extraordinary) the Commission had virtually unlimited powers and could interpret them in any way it wished. No standard procedures were ever set up except that the Commission was supposed to sent the arrested to the Military-Revolutionary tribunals if outside of a War zone which also could have been interpreted in any way as the whole country was in total chaos. At the direction of Lenin, the Cheka performed mass arrests, imprisonments, and executions of "enemies of the people". In this, the Cheka said that they targeted "class enemies" such as the bourgeoisie, and members of the clergy; the first organized mass repression began against the libertarian Socialists of Petrograd in April 1918. Over the next few months 800 were arrested and shot without trial.
However, within a month the Cheka had extended its repression to all political opponents of the communist government, including anarchists and others on the left. On April 11–12, 1918, an attack on 26 anarchist political centres in Moscow occurred. 40 anarchists were killed by Cheka forces, about 500 arrested and jailed after a pitched battle took place between them. ( P.Avrich. G Maximoff) In response to the anarchists' resistance, the Cheka orchestrated a massive retaliatory campaign of repression, executions, and arrests against all opponents of the Bolshevik government in what came to be known as Red Terror. The Red Terror, implemented by Dzerzhinsky on September 5, 1918, was vividly described by the Red Army journal Krasnaya Gazeta:
On September 3, 1918 the newspaper Izvestiya published Dzerzhynsky own quote:
In the autumn of 1918 the Cheka has openly and proudly announced that it is the terrorist organization in the name of a working class. At the direction of Lenin and Trotsky, the Cheka and Red Army state security forces (later renamed the OGPU), shot, arrested, imprisoned, and executed thousands of persons, regardless of whether or not they had actually planned rebellion against the Bolshevik government. Most of the survivors were later deported to Siberian labor camps.
An early Bolshevik Victor Serge described in his book Memoirs of a Revolutionary:
The Cheka was also used against the armed anarchist Black Army of Nestor Makhno in Ukraine. After the Black Army had served its purpose in aiding the Red Army to stop the Whites under Denikin, the Soviet communist government decided it must eliminate the anarchist forces. In May 1919, two Cheka agents sent to assassinate Makhno were caught and executed.
Many victims of Cheka repression were 'bourgeois hostages' rounded up and held in readiness for summary execution in reprisal for any alleged counter-revolutionary act. Lenin's dictum that it is better to arrest 100 innocent people than to risk one enemy going free ensured that wholesale, indiscriminate arrests became an integral part of the system.
It was during the Red Terror that the Cheka, hoping to avoid the bloody aftermath of having half-dead victims writhing on the floor, developed a technique for execution known later as the Nackenschuss or Genickschuss, a shot to the nape of the neck, which caused minimal blood loss and instant death. The victim's head was bent forward and the executioner fired slightly downward at point blank range. This had become the standard method used later by the NKVD to liquidate Joseph Stalin's purge victims and others.
In September 1918, according to The Black Book of Communism in only twelve provinces of Russia, 48,735 deserters and 7,325 "bandits" were arrested, 1,826 were killed and 2,230 were executed. The exact identity of these individuals is confused by the fact that the Soviet Bolshevik government used the term 'bandit' to cover ordinary criminals as well as armed and unarmed political opponents, such as the anarchists.
Experts generally agree these semi-official figures are vastly understated. Pioneering historian of the Red Terror Sergei Melgunov claims that this was done deliberately in an attempt to demonstrate the government's humanity. For example, he refutes the claim made by Latsis that only 22 executions were carried out in the first six months of the Cheka's existence by providing evidence that the true number was 884 executions. W. H. Chamberlin claims “it is simply impossible to believe that the Cheka only put to death 12,733 people in all of Russia up to the end of the civil war.” Donald Rayfield concurs, noting that "plausible evidence reveals that the actual numbers . . . vastly exceeded the official figures." Chamberlin provides the "reasonable and probably moderate" estimate of 50,000, Several scholars put the number of executions at about 250,000. Some believe it is possible more people were murdered by the Cheka than died in battle.
Lenin himself seemed unfazed by the killings. On 12 January 1920, while addressing trade union leaders, he said:
"We did not hesitate to shoot thousands of people, and we shall not hesitate, and we shall save the country."
On 14 May 1921, the Politburo, chaired by Lenin, passed a motion "broadening the rights of the [Cheka] in relation to the use of the [death penalty]."
Women and children were also victims of Cheka terror. Women would sometimes be tortured and raped before being shot. Children between the ages of 8 and 16 were imprisoned and occasionally executed.
All of these atrocities were published on numerous occasions in Pravda and Izvestiya: January 26, 1919 Izvestiya #18 articale Is it really a medieval imprisonment? («Неужели средневековый застенок?»); February 22, 1919 Pravda #12 publishes details of the Vladimir Cheka's tortures, September 21, 1922 Socialist Herald publishes details of series of tortures conducted by the Stavropol Cheka (hot basement, cold basement, scull measuring etc.).
The Chekists were also supplemented by the militarized Units of Special Purpose (the Party's Spetsnaz or ).
Cheka was actively and openly utilizing kidnapping methods. With kidnapping methods Cheka was able to extinguish numerous cases of discontent especially among the rural population. Among the notorious ones was the Tambov rebellion.
Villages were bombarded to complete annihilation like in the case of Tretyaki, Novokhopersk uyezd, Voronezh Governorate.
As a result of this relentless violence more than a few Chekists ended up with psychopathic disorders, which Nikolai Bukharin said were "an occupational hazard of the Chekist profession." Many hardened themselves to the executions by heavy drinking and drug use. Some developed a gangster-like slang for the verb to kill in an attempt to distance themselves from the killings, such as 'shooting partridges', of 'sealing' a victim, or giving him a natsokal (onomatopoeia of the trigger action).
On November 30, 1992, by the initiative of the President of the Russian Federation the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation recognized the Red Terror as unlawful, which in turn led to suspension of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.
In 1918, Cheka head Felix Dzerzhinsky issued the following instructions:
“Let all those who are assigned to conduct searches, take people into custody, and imprison them behave solicitously toward those being arrested or searched. Let them be much more courteous even than toward close friends. Let them remember that the incarcerated cannot defend themselves and that they are in our power. Each and every one must remember that they represent Soviet power, the workers’ and peasants’ government, and that any verbal abuse, rudeness, injustice, or impropriety is a blot upon the Soviet power.”
When a small Moscow journal, Cheka Weekly, published a letter calling for the use of torture, the Cheka responded, “The proletariat is merciless in its struggle. At the same time it is unshakable and strong. Not a single curse at our most wicked enemies. No tortures and torments!” The Presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, the highest governmental body, passed a decree that read, “Although the Soviet regime resorts of necessity to the most drastic measures of conflict with the counterrevolutionary movement, and remembers that the conflict with the counterrevolution has taken the form of open armed conflict, in which the proletariat and poor peasants cannot renounce the use of terror, the Soviet regime fundamentally rejects the measures advocated in the indicated article, as despicable, dangerous, and contrary to the interests of the struggle for Communism”
Category:1917 establishments Category:1922 disestablishments Category:Russian loanwords Category:Law enforcement in communist states
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Name | Nico |
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Background | solo_singer |
Birth name | Christa Päffgen |
Origin | Cologne, Germany |
Born | October 16, 1938 |
Died | July 18, 1988Ibiza, Spain |
Genre | Protopunk, avant-garde, experimental, folk rock |
Occupation | Composer, singer, fashion model, actress |
Years active | 1963–1988 |
Instrument | Vocals, harmonium, harpsichord, piano, tambourine |
Voice type | Contralto |
Associated acts | The Velvet Underground, John Cale, Lou Reed, Brian Jones, Kevin Ayers, John Cooper Clarke, The Invisible Girls, Blue Orchids, Bob Dylan, Brian Eno |
In 1959 she was invited to the set of Federico Fellini's La Dolce Vita, where she attracted the attention of the acclaimed director, who gave her a minor role in the film as herself. By this time, she had moved to New York to take acting classes with Lee Strasberg. 's La Dolce Vita.]] She appears as the cover model on jazz pianist Bill Evans' 1962 album, Moon Beams. After splitting her time between New York and Paris, she got the lead role in Jacques Poitrenaud's Strip-Tease (1963). She recorded the title track, which was written by Serge Gainsbourg but not released until 2001, when it was included in the compilation Le Cinéma de Serge Gainsbourg.
In 1962 Nico gave birth to her son, Christian Aaron "Ari" Päffgen, commonly held to have been fathered by French actor Alain Delon. Delon always denied his paternity. The child was raised mostly by Delon's mother and her husband and eventually was adopted by them, taking their surname, Boulogne.
For The Marble Index, released in 1969, Nico wrote the lyrics and music. Accompaniment mainly centered around Nico's harmonium while John Cale added an array of folk and classical instruments, and produced the album. The harmonium became her signature instrument for the rest of her career. The album combines classical music with a European folk.
On 13 December 1974, Nico opened for Tangerine Dream's infamous concert at Reims Cathedral in Reims, France. The promoter had so greatly oversold tickets for the show that members of the audience couldn't move or reach the outside, eventually resulting in some fans urinating inside the cathedral hall. The Roman Catholic Church denounced these actions, ordered the rededication of the cathedral and banned future performances on church property.
Nico and Island Records allegedly had many disputes during this time, and in 1975 the label dropped her from their roster.
Nico recorded her next studio album, Drama of Exile, in 1981. She was also said to have been a vegetarian, as well as a self-proclaimed nihilist.
Nico was buried in her mother's plot in Grunewald Forest Cemetery in Berlin, Germany. A few friends played a tape of "Mütterlein", a song from Desertshore, at her funeral.
Late singer-songwriter Elliott Smith cited her as a major inspiration and was said to have listened to The Marble Index for months. Smith performed covers of some of her songs - most notably "Chelsea Girls" and "These Days", both of which he performed live at Satyricon in Portland, Oregon in October 1999.
Two of her songs from Chelsea Girl, "The Fairest of the Seasons" and "These Days", both written by Jackson Browne, are featured in Wes Anderson's film The Royal Tenenbaums.
Shannon Hoon of Blind Melon named his daughter 'Nico Blue' partly after Nico. Blind Melon's album Nico was released after Hoon's death.
Hedwig and the Angry Inch, a movie written by John Cameron Mitchell, mentions Nico as an influential artist in its song, "Midnight Radio". The song is written by Stephen Trask.
The Cult recorded the song "Nico", which celebrates the life of the singer, on their 2001 album Beyond Good And Evil.
For her 2002 album, Kissin' Time, Marianne Faithfull recorded "A Song for Nico", cowritten with Dave Stewart.
Nico was portrayed by Christina Fulton in the 1991 biopic The Doors. She was later portrayed by Meredith Ostrom in the 2006 film, Factory Girl, which chronicles the life of fellow "Warhol Superstar", Edie Sedgwick.
Natasha Khan (Bat for Lashes) has quoted Nico as an influence in particular Desertshore (The opening song her her first albumFur and Gold, uses the name of the album in its lyrics). During 2007 she would start concerts with "Le Petit Chevalier" from that record.
Singer-songwriter Patrick Wolf has been influenced by Nico, and released cover versions of "Afraid" and "Ari's Song" as b-sides on EPs.
Rock band Anberlin named one of their songs after her: "Dance, Dance Christa Päffgen" on their album "Never Take Friendship Personal". The song also makes reference to her death, and her drug use.
Austin based band Shearwater dedicated their album Palo Santo to the memory of Nico. The opening song ("La Dame Et La Licorne") depicts Nico's death at Ibiza, Spain.
Windsor for the Derby, another Austin based band, released an instrumental track in 2000 on their Young God Release "Difference and Repetition." A live version of the song can be found on a limited edition 7-inch.
Low, an American indie rock group from Duluth, Minnesota, has a song titled "Those Girls (Song For Nico)". It is included on the box set , released in 2004.
Two Nico tribute concerts took place in Europe in the autumn of 2008 to commemorate the 70th anniversary of Nico's birth and the 20th anniversary of her death. On 11 October 2008, John Cale, James Dean Bradfield (of the Manic Street Preachers), Fyfe Dangerfield of the Guillemots and others appeared on stage at the Royal Festival Hall in London. On 17 October 2008 at the Volksbuehne in Berlin, Nico's ex-boyfriend Lutz Ulbrich presented another tribute concert, which featured Marianne Rosenberg, Soap & Skin, Marianne Enzensberger and James Young, the keyboardist from The Faction, Nico's last band. Nico's son, Ari Boulogne (sometimes called Ari Päffgen), made a brief appearance on stage at the close.
Category:1938 births Category:1988 deaths Category:Contraltos Category:Female rock singers Category:German female singers Category:German rock singers Category:German film actors Category:German female models Category:German vegetarians Category:The Velvet Underground Category:Warhol Superstars Category:Lee Strasberg Theatre Institute alumni Category:Dark cabaret musicians Category:Cycling road accident victims Category:Reachout International Records recording artists Category:Protopunk musicians Category:Harmonium players Category:Elektra Records artists
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Name | Baby Rasta & manhood |
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Background | group_or_band |
Origin | Puerto Rico |
Birth name | Wilmer Alicea & Samuel Gerena |
Alias | Los LobosEl Duo De Mayor TrayectoriaEl Verdadero Dúo De La Historia |
Born | October 11, 1976 (Baby Rasta) July 3, 1978 (Gringo) |
Genre | Reggaeton |
Years active | 1992–present |
Label | Eme MusicUniversal Music |
Associated acts | Zion y Lennox, Plan B (duo), Farruko |
Wilmer Alicea (Baby Rasta) (born October 11, 1976) and Samuel Gerena (Gringo) (born July 3, 1978), respectively are a reggaeton duo from Puerto Rico, famous for their track El Carnaval (The Carnival). They were originally called "Eazy Boyz". After changing their names they released three albums, New Prophecy in 1998, Fire Live in 2003 and Sentenciados in 2004. Sentenciados came out in both parental advisory and edited versions, and a "platinum version", including a bonus DVD, was released in 2005. Even though their first album came out in 1998, they started recording together in an album produced by DJ Negro, The Noise: Underground.
In 1998 they released their first album, titled New Prophecy. With the arrival of Héctor y Tito, who were quickly becoming reggaeton's greatest talent, were one of among others their biggest competition.
After only appearing on several compilation albums, they released their second album, Fire Live in 2003. It sold better than their previous album. Baby Rasta & Gringo were quickly garnering enemies, due to many of their songs being aimed at other artists, because other artists were dissing them in songs, namely Lito y Polaco and Pina Records. Even after all this, they were the most popular underground duo, with sold-out concerts in dance halls and such. They were also getting individual attention, with Baby Rasta being noted for his skills at writing romantic lyrics and Gringo for his rapping abilities.
With reggaeton finally getting worldwide recognition, and other duo's (H&T;, Karel y Voltio, among others) on the verge of separating, they decided to try once more, and released Sentenciados in 2004. This was the break they had been awaiting for so long. Sentenciados was, and still is, regarded as one of the greatest reggaeton albums of all time. Featuring many hits, it included El Carnaval, the duo's biggest hit, and one of the most popular dancehall songs in Puerto Rico. They also made big hits with Cheka. Making songs together became a hit for Baby Rasta and Gringo.
In 2007, Baby Rasta & Gringo reunite for the first time since their break up. And in 2008, Baby Rasta & Gringo release their newest CD 'The Comeback' and has received positive reviews since their return.
Baby Rasta has achieved success and fame, mostly due to his appearing on many artist's albums and landing a hit with his only Billboard Top 100 hit so far, Hay de Mí, with producer Noriega.He also appears in Somos de Calle (Remix) with Daddy Yankee, Arcangel & De La Ghetto, Guelo Star, MC Ceja, Voltio, Ñejo, Chyno Nyno, and Cosculluela
Gringo's solo album El Independiente was released in March 2007. Gringo also released "Reggaeton Con Navidad" on December 13, 2005. It featured Bebe, Machito, Klasico, and many others.
In 2006 Baby Rasta released his first solo album "La Última Risa", which due to poor promotion did not reach incredible heights in terms of sales. However, many underground fans, most who bootlegged the album, labeled it as the best reggaeton album of the year. Later in 2006, Baby Rasta released his single "Toma Nena". Gringo released his solo album "El Independiente" in 2007. Baby Rasta has a new record of his own called Ilegal Life Records.
The duo released "Dejame Conocerte" the first single from their new album. This song also officially marked their comeback as a duo.
November 23, the most awaited album of 2008, Baby Rasta & Gringo The come Back back To Business
On the Somos de Calle (Remix) a Dominican hip hop artist named Vakero criticized Baby Rasta because of the song have strong racism against the Dominican workforce who live in New York saying that Dominicans have no class. Rasta has gone on Dominican radio to say that what he said was misunderstood and that he doesn't apologize because he didn't disrespect Dominicans, two different words that obviously don't mean the same. Baby Rasta & Gringo also said they loved their Dominican followers and they were really pleased with how Dominicans always had received them, Baby Rasta & Gringo are currently feuding with reggaeton duo Wisin & Yandel dissing them with the track "Se Mueren" from their new album. Baby Rasta & Gringo have recently released songs at the duo called "Dime Cuando & Donde" (Tell me When and Where") is a very strong song aimed at them. Wisin has said on a diss song aim at them that he is "El Lobo" a name that Baby Rasta & Gringo call their clan.
Wilmer Alicea (Baby Rasta) was at the Jardines de Country Club recording studio working on a new album when he and two other men were shot by unidentified gunmen before dawn. Police said the shooters were inside a vehicle and waited for the trio to step outside of the studio before opening fire with a hail of bullets. Authorities recovered more than 100 bullet casings of various caliber at the scene.
Category:Reggaeton musicians Category:Reggaeton duos Category:1978 births Category:Living people
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