Monday, January 17, 2011

How the Big Society works

2004-2010: Number of people working in voluntary sector rises by 200,000, in a steady upwards trend.

May 2010: Conservative / Liberal Democrat coalition formed. They pledge to roll back the state and give new opportunities to voluntary and community groups to run services and take action to make society stronger, as part of their flagship "Big Society" programme.

Jul-Sep 2010: Number of people working in the voluntary sector falls by 13,000.

Wednesday, January 12, 2011

Evidence based policy

Nic Dakin: To ask the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions what evidence he used to determine that planned changes to housing benefit for those out of work for over 12 months will increase employment levels.

Steve Webb: We did not make any specific assumptions about the impact on employment levels of this measure. Research shows that the reasons for long term unemployment are complex. However we believe reducing housing benefit after 12 months will provide an additional financial incentive for jobseekers to take up work.

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So the government has no evidence that cutting benefits for people unemployed for more than one year will impact on employment levels, but they are going to cross their fingers and hope that the fear of becoming homeless will force people into work.

In other news, their Universal Credit scheme (which will add nearly £2 billion to the welfare bill) will make 1.4 million people worse off, increase marginal tax rates and reduce work incentives for 1.8 million people, and penalise savers and lone parents. The government is yet to explain how the Credit will interact with housing or caring costs, and they currently plan to require every local council to set its own rules on who is eligible for council tax benefit, which will make the benefits system even more complicated.

And the whole thing relies on setting up an earnings database which tracks people's earnings on a real time basis and which is going to be set up on the cheap after the Treasury slashed the amount of money available for it.

Tuesday, January 11, 2011

The welfare trap

At his press conference yesterday, Ed Miliband got asked about which cuts he accepted, and replied that Labour has accepted the need for welfare cuts.

The hope, I guess, is that this sounds sensible and moderate. Miliband aims to position Labour against the government making excessive cuts, and against the unrealistic lefties who oppose all cuts. By supporting cuts to a sacred cow like welfare, he shows Labour's credibility and prevents attacks from hostile journalists. And it sort of worked in its own terms, judging by the next day's newspaper coverage of his press conference.

But this kind of triangulation on welfare is a big strategic error.

At the next election in 2015, George Osborne is aiming to pose a choice between the Tories offering tax cuts and Labour offering higher welfare spending. His hope is that faced with that choice, a majority of people will opt for the tax cuts and the Tories will win the election. In order to get to this dividing line, he will be prepared to cut, cut and cut again at the welfare budget over the next few years.

In response to this, Labour could decide to accept every single welfare cut the Tories propose, no matter how ill advised, savage or counter productive. Or they could agree with the need to cut welfare spending overall, but pick a few specific examples to oppose - as Miliband did over child benefit for higher earners, and as his brother did by suggesting a mansion tax instead of the housing benefit cuts.

But both of these are pretty weak options. People affected by the cuts will quite reasonably conclude that there is little point in supporting Labour if they accept the need for massive welfare cuts - whether or not they pick out one or two specific cuts to oppose. And people not affected by the welfare cuts will definitely pick Tory tax cuts over Labour's alternative at the next election if our message for the next four years is "we agree with cutting welfare, but slow down a bit".

Instead, we need to challenge the basic assumptions of the Tory case. The Tory approach to welfare policy is to pick a handful of highly unrepresentative examples of how the system works and pretend that all the money gets spent on them, and to make up their numbers and facts. Their cuts are making millions of people worse off, and thousands homeless or destitute. Their policies involve cutting support which used to help people live and work with dignity, and then spending more on picking up the pieces when people lose their jobs or are forced into residential care.

This should provide ample material for a tough, principled opposition to inflict major damage on an extreme right-wing government, particularly when most people already think that the Tories are more concerned with looking after the rich than ordinary people. And yet this is an issue where Labour is running scared and where our leaders appear to believe that credibility involves pretending we agree with the Tories rather than taking their flawed, lying policies to pieces.

Labour can't win on this issue by splitting the difference between the Tories and the people that the Tories are trying to hurt. And they can't rely on civil society, disabled people's groups, women's groups and all the rest, to defeat the government on its own. Even if there wasn't an absolutely overwhelming moral case for opposing welfare cuts - and there is - it would still be the right thing to do.

A tale of two coalitions: using German opinion polls to predict the future

Guess who:

This party achieved its best election result in a generation recently. Then it went into coalition with the main Centre Right party, since when its support has collapsed.

It is, of course, the German Free Democrat Party, who achieved nearly 15% of the vote in the 2009 elections, and then formed a governing coalition with the Christian Democratic Union. Fifteen months on, one recent opinion poll showed the FDP polling at a mighty 3%.

The German elections took place seven and a half months before the UK elections, and both resulted in a similar outcome. So I wondered whether there were any other parallels in how public opinion in the two countries has changed since the elections.

To find out, I took monthly data from Forsa opinion polls in Germany and YouGov opinion polls in the UK. I compared the opinion polls results for each successive month after the election (so the first poll compared October 2009 in Germany with June 2010 in the UK, and the latest comparison was between May 2010 in Germant and January 2011 in the UK).

- After 8 months, the FDP in Germany had lost just over half their support from the election, going from 15% to 7%. At the same point, the Lib Dems had also lost just over half their support, from 24% to 10%.

- In contrast, support for the CDU and the Tories had stayed roughly the same as at the elections (CDU was down 2% after 8 months, the Tories were up 3% after 8 months). As a result, the governing parties lost 10% of their support in 8 months in Germany, and 11% in the UK over the same time period.

- Labour's level of support was almost exactly the same as the combined score for the SPD and the Greens at the same point after the election. After 8 months, combined support for SPD and Greens was 42%, for Labour was 41%. With the exception of one month, Labour's opinion poll rating has been within 2% of the combined SPD/Green score for every month since the election.

- Labour recovered support more rapidly than the SPD/Greens in Germany, gaining 12% in 8 months compared to 8% - possibly a result of more effective leadership and campaigning? However, they started from a worse position. In the 2009 election, the combined SPD/Green vote was 34%, 15% behind the CDU/FDP. In the 2010 election, Labour got 29%, which was 32% behind the combined Tory/Lib Dem score.

There are considerable differences between British and German politics (a Left Party which gets 10% of the vote in Germany, different electoral systems, different economic policies, leaders and much more). However, it is interesting to note these similarities in trends in opinion polls since the respective elections and formation of a Conservative-Liberal coalition. If these similarities persist over the next few months, we could expect the following:

1. At the local elections in May, the combined vote of the Coalition parties will be just 4% more than the Labour vote. Labour's share of the vote will peak at 46% during the summer.

2. The Lib Dems will continue to decline in support, and by next July or August will be at 5% in the polls. The Tories will continue to poll close to their score in the General Election over the next six months.

3. Other parties outside of the Big 3 or 4 will continue to get a similar share of the vote as they did at the General Election.

Lessons from Latin America: how to reduce inequality

Over the past decade, the gap between rich and poor in most Latin American countries fell, in contrast to the rest of the world where it rose.

Recently published research found that there were two key reasons for this. Firstly, there was a decrease in the earnings gap between high-skilled and low-skilled workers; the second was an increase in government transfers to the poor.

Market forces in Latin America were likely to produce and maintain inequality unless government action equalised opportunities and outcomes. Furthermore, these countries are likely to benefit from redistribution not only through improvements in equality but also through improvements in growth.

The research found that social democratic left-leaning regimes have been more effective at reducing inequality and poverty than both non-left and radical left regimes. Inequality fell more quickly in Lula's Brazil than in Chavez's Venezuala.

To sustain the reduction in inequality, the researchers argue that it will be essential to help the disenfranchised to mobilise and to act collectively through political parties as well as to promote the strengthening of legislatures and the restriction of presidential powers. Sustaining equity over time requires a permanent redistributive effort through progressive income and wealth taxation of the very top incomes in particular. They also find that progressive fiscal policy is consistent with prosperity.

There's a lot here that we could learn from in the UK. Reducing the earnings gap between high and low paid workers and cash transfers to the poor really does make a difference in tackling poverty, and government action to counteract market forces can increase prosperity. And social democratic parties which closed the gap between rich and poor won landslide election victories.

Monday, January 10, 2011

Lib Dem Doublethink

Lib Dem Voice has an article called "One Good Reason to vote Lib Dem", which concludes:

"The decision really is that simple for OE&S Conservatives. Vote Conservative, UKIP or just stay at home to cause chaos and give Labour and the Trade Unions a blank cheque for mayhem, or vote Lib Dem to send Parliament an MP that will sit beside Conservatives and vote for Conservative Policies along with Lib Dem policies and Coalition policies.

Ironically, he [Norman Tebbit] leaves a great advertisement for the Lib Dems to the progressive community, stating that a Lib Dem win would shift the coalition further to the left and further from Conservative policy. Not sure whether to vote Green, Lib Dem or Labour? A vote for Lib Dem is a vote to make the Coalition government just that much more progressive."

So Tories should vote Lib Dem because the Lib Dems will vote for Conservative policies, and the "progressive community" should vote Lib Dem because they will shift the government further away from Tory policies, according to, erm, Norman Tebbit.

Only a true master of Lib Dem Doublethink would be able to follow a paragraph about why Tories should vote Lib Dem with a paragraph about how voting Lib Dem will shift the government away from Tory policies. Normally, they at least have the decency to put the pro-Tory bit on one set of leaflets on blue paper and deliver it to Tory-supporting households in one part of the country, and the pro-Labour/Green bit on red or green paper and deliver it to another set of households in a different part of the country. But I suppose it is all a bit more difficult now.

Friday, January 07, 2011

Civil Society and the Big State

Maurice Glasman is one of Labour's rising stars. A founder of London Citizens, he was recently made a Lord and is one of Ed Miliband's closest advisers.

Writing in the Fabian Review, Glasman sets out a critique of how Labour lost its identity, and what needs to be done to reconnect with its core purpose.

For Glasman, the rot started in 1945, as "the triumph of Labour in 1945 was based upon the defeat of the Labour movement. It placed all hope in its continuing control of the state and moved from organisation to mobilisation at elections, from the good to the right, from democracy to justice, from reciprocity to fairness." This led in turn through Crosland to New Labour and a focus on managerialism as a means to achieve equality. Labour needs to learn James Purnell's "crucial insight" that it was "too hands on with the state, and too hands off with the market".

Instead, Glasman argues, Labour "needs to rediscover and then embrace the meaning of the Labour movement as the democratic resistance of organised working people to the commodification of their lives and environment. And it must do so without resorting to the state as the exclusive instrument of regulation but also turn towards a balance of power in corporate governance through the democratic representation of the workforce."

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I think this analysis, while interesting, is deeply flawed. It simply isn't the case that the "ultimate end" of the Labour government of 1997-2010 was equality, nor that there was the level of continuity between the Attlee, Wilson and Blair governments which Glasman's case would suggest. If James Purnell really believed that Labour was being "too hands on with the state", he had a pretty funny way of showing it as a minister. And so on.

But for the key weakness in this argument, let's return to 1945. Why did Attlee and his government choose to nationalise the coal mines and create the National Health Service, and was this really, as Glasman argues "a defeat of the Labour movement"?

In fact, the reforms of the Attlee government were shaped by the experiences of the Labour movement and organised working people. Civil society demanded the nationalisation of the coal mines. And the poor experience of being treated by a range of different charitable health providers in the 1930s and before was precisely the reason why the creation of the NHS was - and remains to this day - so popular.

The Big State, in other words, was created by and in response to the demands of organised working people. And the approach which Glasman calls for, of a strong civil society built on relationships of organised people where equality is an active practice, will lead to calls for more action by the state, not fewer.

Consider the causes which London Citizens has adopted in recent years. They range from requiring councils and businesses to pay a "Living Wage" to an earned amnesty for illegal immigrants, a cap on interest rates to a statutory charter on responsible lending, getting local councils to provide wheelie bins rather than plastic refuse bags to closing down betting shops to improving road safety with a new traffic crossing.

These are all excellent causes, but it is hard to see how responding to the economic crisis by capping interest rates, for example, is an example of being "less hands on with the state".

On the same day that I read Glasman's piece, I also saw some excellent research by Community Links, an anti-poverty charity in East London. Like Glasman, Community Links noted the importance of good relationships between professionals and clients in areas such as helping people find work, do well at school, live healthily and get advice to sort out problems.

They have found that public service professionals (whether they work in the public, voluntary or private sector) need autonomy, time to build relationships with clients, access to training and skills development, and positive attitudes towards clients.

This strikes me as a very serious challenge to New Labour's (and the current government's) approach to public services, and offers a very helpful way to think about how to redesign public services for the future. And it is interesting that, like Glasman, it focuses on the importance of taking time to build up good relationships with people as a means to strengthen society and improve outcomes.

But this approach is not going to work if the aim is to roll back the State, which is the aim of both Glasman and the "Big Society". Instead, it needs to be about helping to make the state more effective in meeting people's needs and aspirations, and in using the state and civil society together to resist the domination of capital.

Friday, December 24, 2010

The year of the liberal moment

Part 2 of Paskini's Alternative History files. Part 1 is here.

Guardian Review of the Year, December 2010:

As an extraordinary political year draws to a close, one thing is beyond dispute. 2010 has been the year of the Liberal Democrats. It is easy to forget, however, how differently things might have turned out.

With hindsight, Chris Huhne's decision to reject a formal coalition with either the Conservatives or Labour looks obvious. But there were those in his party at the time who urged a "Rainbow Coalition", and even a few who argued for a formal Coalition agreement with the Conservatives.

In those first few weeks after the inconclusive election, the turning point was the deal which Vince Cable and George Osborne struck to make public spending reductions in the current financial year calmed the markets. The fears of those, including some in Mr Huhne's own party, who feared that the UK could go the way of Greece if there was no overall government majority, now seem laughable.

The Liberal Democrats cemented their reputation for economic competence with a devastating response to the government's Comprehensive Spending Review. David Miliband's crushing leadership victory over Ed Balls was followed by a decision to appoint Alan Johnson as Shadow Chancellor and set out Labour's plans for public spending cuts in detail, to head off accusations of "deficit denial". But after a weak and uncertain response from Johnson to the Spending Review, it was left to Vince Cable to make a passionate and authoritative case for an economic policy which put economic growth, not an ideological assault on the public sector, at the heart of Britain's economic recovery.

The dramatic showdown over the government budget, in which the Conservatives were forced to modify their proposals and accept policy after policy which the Liberal Democrats proposed, was perhaps the turning point. The list of concessions which the Liberal Democrats fought for and won - raising capital gains tax by 10%, keeping the 50p top rate of tax and forcing the Conservatives to abandon their plans to cut inheritance tax and winning a commitment to introduce a multi billion pound pupil premium to boost educational attainment for poor children and a major new green energy programme - established them firmly in the centre ground of British politics. The attempts of Education Secretary Michael Gove to claim that the pupil premium was in fact a Conservative idea was met with ridicule.

The negotiations over the Budget highlighted the dilemma for the Conservatives. Some argued for a dissolution of parliament rather than agreeing a deal with the Liberal Democrats which forced them to ditch so many of the cherished policies of the Right Wing. But polls at the time showed clearly that the electorate would prefer to see politicians compromising rather than inflicting another election on them. Like Gordon Brown in 2007, David Cameron decided not to take the risk of serving as Prime Minister for just a few months. With his party sinking in the polls, the window of opportunity for holding an election has now definitively passed.

Indeed, some within the Conservative Party suspect that Cameron has been making use of the need to secure confidence and supply from the Liberal Democrats in order to abandon some of his party's policies, and watched with suspicion as he praised the work of Liberal Democrats such as the party's Home Affairs spokesman, Nick Clegg.

But it was the student fee protests which, in Mr Huhne's words, showed that the Liberal Democrats had replaced Labour as the main party of the centre left. With tens of thousands of young people rallying behind the Liberal Democrat demands to scrap fees, the Conservative policy of uncapping student fees was in jeopardy.

The fateful decision of Labour leader David Miliband to agree a deal on student fees which led to them being doubled was praised by some newspapers as "a bid to regain the centre ground", but provoked fury amongst many of Labour's supporters. The vote showed Labour's divisions, with over fifty left wing MPs joining the Liberal Democrats in voting against, the majority following the Leader and abstaining, and a few such as Tom Harris voting with the government.

With all opinion polls in the past month now showing the Liberal Democrats in the lead, buoyed by substantial support from ex-Labour voters as well as centrist voters impressed by the party's role in moderating the Conservatives, the chances of a Liberal Democrat government seem greater than ever before. With both Labour and the Conservatives looking exhausted and divided, it is clear that 2010 was the year when the liberal moment came.

Thursday, December 23, 2010

Displacement activity

Anthony Painter has an article on Left Foot Forward, which argues that Labour has spent the last year engaged in "displacement activity", and needs instead to set out a new vision and to articulate a different future.

The four pieces of "displacement activity" which Labour was apparently involved in was plotting against Gordon Brown, the general election campaign (!), the leadership election and campaigning against the cuts. And what Labour needs to do instead of this permanent campaigning is set out a vision of "an economy that provides good jobs in new creative services and industry; that re-defines public value and values for the post-austerity age; and makes real the promise of the Big Society as a new citizenship that tangibly improves communities and lives."

This might be the defining statement of the Pamphlet Labour tendency - a clever, articulate piece which argues the totally nonsensical proposition that campaigning in elections is displacement activity for the Labour Party and is a distraction from the key task of re-defining public value and values for the post-austerity age.

I would argue the opposite. Labour wins not "when it is the future" (whatever that means), but when Labour activists knock on doors and talk to people. Anything which doesn't contribute to that is displacement activity.

One of the biggest mistakes Labour made over the last few years was to undervalue the importance of grassroots campaigning, and to overvalue the kind of elite politics of student politics to think tank to special adviser to MP to government minister. A kind of vicious circle developed, where Labour drew its ideas from a narrower and narrower group of people, lost the expertise of people who knew how to win elections, and became ever more distant and out of touch in both the content of its policies and the way it communicated them. Correcting that mistake, talking to people and letting their experiences and ideas shape Labour's policies is absolutely necessary.

There is a kind of virtuous circle which the grassroots-led approach taps into. The more people that Labour activists talk to, the more people vote for us. More local campaigning increases the number of members and volunteers, and helps us find excellent new people from all walks of life to become Labour candidates. Better Labour candidates increase the number of people who vote and volunteer for us. And developing policies in response to conversations on the doorstep helps to root them in the real world.

I'm happy to help Anthony develop a vision about making the promise of the Big Society real and talk about ways of creating good new jobs, and I am intrigued to learn about what "public value and values for the post-austerity age" might mean. But let's have those sorts of conversations as a bit of light relief after the important business of a productive canvassing session.

Next year as the cuts hit home, going out and campaigning for Labour will be more important and rewarding than ever. Whether you've never done it before or (like me) you've done some but could do more, why not make a New Year's Resolution to cut out a bit of displacement activity and go knock on some doors?